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Chapter Four

Revolution: the End Of an Era

Those people who looked to the horizon in the last months of 1916 could see disaster coming from far off. All of the warning signs were there; a frustrated populace, disheartened army. Faction leaders were no longer asking for change but instead were prepared to create it themselves. Two and a half years of war had brought them no closer to a victorious conclusion and millions of lives had been lost. The Tsar and Tsarina missed all of these clues; looking inward rather than at the situation without. For a year and a half Alexandra had worked diligently to weed out all of those 'evil' men whom she felt were plotting against her and her husband's reign. Nicholas, unfortunately, was less active. Sitting at the front, he received his wife's advice and news from Petrograd, but did little to control the destiny of Russia's crumbling military effort. When the revolution did arrive, Nicholas reacted entirely in character. He denied the initial reports and then ordered ineffective repressive measures, finally inpassionately accepting the consequences. His handling of the revolution was ironically, representative of his many actions and decisions which had, over the years, brought it about.
Those people who looked to the horizon in the last months of 1916 could see disaster coming from far off. All of the warning signs were there; a frustrated populace, disheartened army. Faction leaders were no longer asking for change but instead were prepared to create it themselves. Two and a half years of war had brought them no closer to a victorious conclusion and millions of lives had been lost. The Tsar and Tsarina missed all of these clues; looking inward rather than at the situation without. For a year and a half Alexandra had worked diligently to weed out all of those 'evil' men whom she felt were plotting against her and her husband's reign. Nicholas, unfortunately, was less active. Sitting at the front, he received his wife's advice and news from Petrograd, but did little to control the destiny of Russia's crumbling military effort. When the revolution did arrive, Nicholas reacted entirely in character. He denied the initial reports and then ordered ineffective repressive measures, finally inpassionately accepting the consequences. His handling of the revolution was ironically, representative of his many actions and decisions which had, over the years, brought it about.
While many people in Russia were looking forward to the revolution, those who were inside the government, particularly the royal family, made every effort to find another solution. In the months proceeding the February revolution, many members of the Imperial family made visits to see Nicholas and Alexandra to plead them to look past their fears and save the nation. Among these were the Tsar's favorite cousins and uncles, as well as the Dowager Empress and Alexandra's own sister, Elizaveta with whom she had always been close. In his memoirs Nicholas's cousin, Alexander Mikhailovich (Sandro), recorded his talk with Alexandra. Nicholas stood by listening but said nothing during the conversation. To Alexandra, Sandro said: Remember Alix, I remained silent for thirty months!' I shouted at her in a wild rage. "For thirty months I never said as much as a word to you about the disgraceful goings on in our government, better to say your government! I realize that you are willing to perish and that your husband feels the same way, but what about us? Must we all suffer for your blind stubbornness? No, Alix, you have no right to drag your relatives with you down a precipice! You are incredibly selfish!
Alexandra sat still during this speech, responding at the end, only to say: "I refuse to continue this dispute. You are exaggerating the danger. Some day, when you are less excited, you will admit that I knew better." Grand Duchess Elizaveta made a similar attempt to speak to the Empress, specifically on the subject of Rasputin's involvement in the government. She too was blindly turned away, and the two sisters never saw each other again. These attempts were made with the hope that there remained in the Imperial couple some kernel of reasonable thought. In the case of the Empress, particulary, this was not the case. Her delusions were complete, she became convinced that even her family had become involved in a plot to remove Rasputin and her husband. While the Imperial family's loyalty to Nicholas remained intact, they did in fact ardently desire an end to Rasputin's rule. In mid December, 1916 Prince Felix Yusopov, Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich and another friend decided that in order to save Russia, Rasputin needed to be removed. They drew Rasputin to Yusupov's house and after several attempts at poisoning and shooting him, they succeeded in the assasination. This action and its support from the entire Imperial extended family reveal the attitude of those who were most loyal to the autocracy. Seeing disaster as imminent they were willing to do anything to stop it. "His (Dmitri Pavlovich) participation in the murder of Rasputin throws light on the whole attitude of the Extreme Right in the last few months." wrote Maurice Paleologue, "It means that the champions of autocracy, feeling themselves threatened by the Empress' madness, are determined to defend themselves in spite of the Emperor," Their hope was that, free of Rasputin's control and influence, the Imperial couple would realize the state of the country and their deteriorating position and change their course of action. It was of not use. Alexandra saw Rasputin's murder as proof of the evil intentions of those around her. Nicholas for his part, was entirely unable to use this event to his advantage because he relied on Alexandra for the interpretation of his surroundings.
With little hope of relief from above, Russia sat and waited for what had become inevitable. The war which created a resurgence of patriotism and had helped hide the government's weakness, now began to add to the tension of the situation. No one wanted to rebel during time of war, preferring to wait until the crisis from abroad had been dealt with before dealing with internal problems. "Everyone knew or felt, at least confusedly, that Russia was only waiting for the end of danger from without to gain by force of arms if need be, that emancipation which until then a blind monarch had refused. That is why there grew in governing circles a new feeling. That feeling was the fear of victory." Meanwhile, anger and frustration grew towards the government who seemed unable to provide for its countrymen or to rid them from the blight of invasion. "Patriotic alarm in Russia was combined with resentment against a government that appeared unable to organize the defense of the country." Nicholas' primary mistake was that while he knew first hand the strain of constant warfare, he did not take care to ensure that his people were otherwise content. Two main problems prevailed; first, the oppressive environment in which people lived which did not allow for basic liberties, and second the lack of supplies, most importantly food, which made living conditions for those in the city so poor. In his memoirs, Sergei Witte wrote about the failure of the government to follow through with the progression towards civil liberty outlined in 1905. "In fact, we enjoy now a lesser measure of civic liberty than that which existed prior to the publication of the constitutional Manifesto, and in the course of the past fifty years the arbitrary power of the administration has never been as unrestrained as it is now." Nicholas had promised after the first revolution in 1905 to provide basic liberty to his people. He was unable to fulfill his promise because he saw it as an infringement on his powers. As a result, ten years later, the Russian people felt suffocated and angry. The supply problems which plagued Russia's troops and cities were primarily the result of poor organization. The food was available, but railroad congestion and the lack of a good administration meant that most of the grain never reached the hungry people. The general harvest in Russia exceeded the demands of the army and the population, but the system of prohibitions against exports, the requisitions, (abused by some people) and the dislocation of exports created local famine, high prices for goods and general discontentment... The cities starved and trade, constantly in fear of requisitions, was stifled.
In Petrograd and Moscow people starved and the government continually promised new shipments of grain which never arrived. Women waited for hours to bring home barely enough food for their family to survive on. Despite the cold, bread lines began to form not long after 2:00 a.m. Several days before, the authorities had decided to impose rationing, and it was rumored that each person would be allowed only one pound of bread each day. Such was obviously insufficient to sustain a worker who could buy little else as a consequence of shortages and rampant inflation.
While dealing with these hardships, the Russian people never heard a single word of explanation or regret from their leader. Nicholas' people suffered impossible hardships and received no reassurance that someone was trying to improve their situation. The Tsar was no where to be found leaving only the corrupt government as an explanation for their troubles. The hardship of the people motivated them and their leaders into action. What became so significant at this point was that all but a few extreme conservatives realized that severe measures were needed. Members of the Duma joined together with more radical groups to discuss what might be done. This unity which had been so dangerous during the 1905 Revolution, again created an environment in which successful revolution was possible. Once the struggle takes on a conspiratorial form, which does not take the law into consideration, then this fact alone restores the united front which existed before the October Manifesto. Until that time the leftists had tried to separate themselves from the bloc. Now we were forced by common tasks and a common enemy. The only difference lay in the fact that the dimensions of the struggle were not the same as they were in 1905."
On the eve of the revolution a particular environment had been created. The act of rebellion against a well established government is not a trivial matter and thus it was only through the creation of a set of specific events and tremendous privations that revolution could be induced. Thomas Jefferson once wrote on the eve of America's revolution, that: "Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed." In the winter of 1917, conditions had become unbearable for the great majority of the Russian population.
The Russian Revolution which ended in such turmoil and radical change, began quietly with a peaceful gathering in support of International Working Women's Day. Early in the morning on February 23, 1917 thousands of women were on the streets to celebrate their work and ability to support their families. Immediately however, the tone began to change as calls of 'Bread!' began to be heard from the crowds. Their numbers began to increase as workers from all over the city left their jobs to protest. Well over seven thousand of them left their looms in Petrograd's Vyborg District that morning and poured into the streets. To the New Lessner Works, the Nobel Plant, the Russian Renault Factory and finally the Erikson Mills, they marched. 'Bread!' they called out, 'Bread!'. By ten o'clock, twenty thousand had joined them. Before noon, their ranks swelled to more than fifty thousand.
Although thousands more followed, the crowds never turned violent and when evening came they dispersed and returned to their homes. The police and military assigned to quell the rebellion were primarily unconcerned by the day's event; they distributed more flour to some of the bakeries and posted guards throughout the city, but no one expected the next day's activity. In the early morning of the 24th General Khablov, head of the Petrograd military, had predicted that the marches would subside and that the streets would remain quiet. For awhile his predictions seemed to have come true when only a few workers emerged to protest. However, later in the morning crowds began to grow. "Crowds did begin to gather later that morning, and they were much louder and larger than those of the day before. According to the best estimates, there were some 214,000 in the crowds, largely made up of workers from more than 2000 factories and enterprises of various sorts." Even more dangerous than their numbers, these workers were moving with a purpose. They shouted revolutionary statements denouncing the war and in some cases even the autocracy. The workers began to converge on the center of Petrograd, finally coming to a halt at the Neva River. The bridges were blocked by Cossacks and soldiers. The people however, walked across the ice and in some cases slipped around the Cossack guards who were showing less and less resistance. The third day of the revolution proved a momentous day. The workers were now organized primarily by party leaders who believed that it might be possible to win over the army to their cause. They approached the Cossacks to ask them to join the revolution. "For the moment, the Cossacks stood aside. Then several workers approached them, heads bare, caps in hand. 'Brothers - Cossacks,' they began 'You see how the Pharaohs treat us, hungry workers. Help us!' Suddenly the Cossacks charged, their sabers seeking out the police not the workers." In the next couple of hours, part of Petrograd's garrison defected to the side of the revolutionaries. This transference of loyalty from the Tsar to the revolution was of enormous consequence. Workers now felt that they might have a chance of succeeding. Thousands more flocked to join their cause. On the night of February 25th, Nicholas made a fatal mistake. He sent a letter to General Khablov to put an end to the revolts in the capital. Nicholas had heard on the 24th and 25th from several sources, including his wife, about the seriousness of events. On the 24th Alexandra wrote, "Strikes in Petrograd - 80,000 workers have struck,', the next day she wrote: 'My precious, beloved treasure, The city's strikes and riots are more than provoking," Only on the night of the 25th did Nicholas react to the riots and then with the worst possible response. Hundreds of miles away, with only a limited understanding of the situation, the Tsar wrote Khablov ordering him to take care of the situation immediately. "I order that he disorders in the capital, intolerable during these difficult times of war with Germany and Austria, be ended tomorrow. Nicholas." To understand the gravity of Nicholas' telegram, it is important to separate the facts. The Tsar was hundreds of miles from Petrograd when the revolts broke out, thus he had no general feeling for the people's attitudes. He only knew that they wanted bread (at least originally), which was not available to give. Nicholas had also been told about the number of workers involved. He must have known that, over two hundred thousand workers would not be dispersed easily, especially without the flour they were asking for. Thus he condemned Khablov to the one solution left - to fire upon his own people. When concessions might have still been a possibility, Nicholas chose the repressive approach. On the morning of February, 26th all was quiet but then around midmorning throngs of workers, dressed in their best clothing began to appear in Znamenskaia Square where soldiers had set up artillery and barricades. As the soldiers began to move the officers ordered the soldiers to open fire. Remarkably, the soldiers fired above the people's heads, hoping to scare them rather than take their brothers' lives. "The first volleys were harmless,' he (a soldier) remembered: 'the soldiers, by tacit agreement, had fired into the air,' An enraged officer walked into the soldiers ranks and ordered that every man must 'fire in turn so that I can see him shoot. Aim for the heart!" The soldiers opened fire killing dozens of workers who ran for cover and were effectively dispersed. However, they took their anger with them promising to return better armed. The position of the soldiers now hung in the balance; it was clear that many were hesitant about firing on the hungry workers, but for the most part, the officers remained loyal. In the Volynskii Regiment, Sergeant Kirpichnikov made a speech to his fellow soldiers: "Fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers and even brides are begging for bread. Will we strike them down? Have you seen the blood which runs int he streets? I propose that we not march tomorrow. I personally don't want to." His speech was successful and the entire regiment vowed not to attack the people. Following their lead, that day more than sixty-six thousand soldiers joined the side of the revolution. Nicholas' ministers in Petrograd were panicked, faced with hundreds of thousands of angry workers, and no army to protect them. Rodzianko wrote Nicholas, pleading with him to do something before it was too late. The telegram read: There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed, transportation, food and fuel have reached a pathetic state. Military units are firing on each other. There is random shooting on the streets. You must immediately name someone who has the country's trust to form a new government... Any delay would be akin to death.
As always Nicholas' response was far from adequate. He installed martial law in the city under General Ivanov and sent a single battalion of soldiers to deal with the uprising. This battalion faced thousands of angry workers as well as an estimated 100,000 soldiers who had gone over to the side of the revolution. As had been the case during the 1905 Revolution, and the period before the beginning of WWI, Nicholas, who disliked conflict, underestimated the severity of the situation despite frantic messages from his advisors in Petrograd. Finally on the night of the 28th, Nicholas decided to return to the capital to restore order through the influence of his presence. Petrograd had been in revolt for five days; while his presence in the capital at the beginning of the revolution, might have been of some good, by the time his train pulled out from Mogilev, towards Petrograd, it was already too late.
By March 1, the tone of the revolution had changed. This change is evident in the telegrams which Nicholas received from his advisors and family. On February 24th the Tsar had received a telegram from the Chairman of the Duma, Rodzianko. At this point, Rodzianko, a liberal, was only asking for Nicholas to share his power by the installment of "a person whom the whole country trusts and charge him with forming a government, in which the whole population can have confidence." Only two days later, the telegrams which Nicholas received carried an entirely different message. On March 2, Nicholas Nikolaevich wrote his nephew begging him to abdicate in favor of the Tsarevich Alexey. "As a loyal subject, I feel it my necessary duty of allegiance, and in the spirit of my oath, to beg you Imperial Majesty on my knees to save Russia and your heir, being aware of your sacred feeling of love for Russia and for him. Make the sign of the cross and had over to him your heritage. There is no other way." Adjutant-General Brusilov also wrote Nicholas asking for his abdication. "Only measure can save the situation and make it possible to go on fighting the external enemy, without which Russia will perish - that is to abdicate from the throne in favor of His Majesty the heir Tsarevich under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. There is no other alternative." Two days had passed since Rodzianko's telegram, and yet the situation had so rapidly grown out of control that abdication had quickly become the only solution. During the trip from Mogilev to Petrograd, Nicholas' train was stopped by representatives of the revolution and the Tsar was told that he would not be allowed to return to the capital. Gand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich wrote on March 1: Nicky left last night for St. Petersburg but the railway officials, obeying the orders of the Duma, have stopped his train at the station Dno and turned it in the direction of Pskov. He is practically alone aboard his train. A delegation of the members of the Duma are to see him in Pskov, submitting their ultimatum.
The Duma, which had once been an advisory board for the Tsar, had now become the head of the revolution. Representatives from several revolutionary parties, including the conservative Social Democrats and the radical Bolsheviks were members. They now used this political body to run the government during the weeks immediately following the revolution. One of their first questions was how to deal with the former Tsar in a political environment which was still extremely volatile. It was decided that after his abdication, the Tsar and his family would be put under house arrest. The delegates who arrived in Pskov, held the tremendous responsibility of enacting these decisions which were so vital to the new government.
This event proved to be a turning point for Nicholas. Notably, this was the first time in his entire life that Nicholas was unable to do what he wished. The revolutionaries had so effectively taken control of the country that they were now able to supercede the Tsar's wishes and restrict his movement. This fact is one explanation for the transformation which Nicholas seems to have undergone at this time. It was only at this point that Nicholas seemed to have really understood the severity of the situation in Russia. "Perhaps for the first time, Nicholas was beginning to perceive the full seriousness of the situation he faced, although he did not know that Petrograd was then completely in the hands of the revolutionaries." Although his diary entry reveals only annoyance at his inability to get home, soon after his arriving in Pskov Nicholas sent a telegram to Rodzianko stating his willingness to abdicate. After a week of ignoring the reports he received and the numerous telegrams begging for action, Nicholas was more affected by having his authority rescinded. On the evening of March 2, officials arrived from Petrograd to receive Nicholas' abdication. In his diary entry, the tsar explains his decision. Ruzsky came in the morning and read me his long telephone conversation with Rodzianko. In his words, the situation in Petrograd is such, that at present a ministry from the Duma is powerless to do anything, because they are opposed by the social democrat party in the guise of the worker's committee. My abdication is necessary. Ruzsky communicated his conversation to Headquarters and Alexeev to all the commanders-in-chief. By about 2.30 answers had arrived from all. The crux of the matter is that it is necessary to take this step, for the sake of Russia's salvation and of maintaining calm in the army at the front. I agreed... In the evening Gutchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, and after talking to them, I handed over the signed and recopied manifesto.
The decision to abdicate was one of the few rational and appropriate measures of Nicholas' entire reign, and significantly it was one of the only ones he made without the influence of his wife! At the last moment, Nicholas made a change in the abdication manifesto. Originally it had stated that he would abdicate in favor of Alexey Nikolaevich, his son, however after some consideration, Nicholas changed his mind and abdicated to his brother, Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich. Nicholas' behavior during the revolution and abdication reveal a great deal about his character and attitude toward the events which were going on. His diary entries and telegrams to Alexandra reveal his reactions. On the 24th, after revolts had broken out two days in a row, Nicholas wrote his wife, "Many thanks for both telegrams. Please do not overtire yourself running from one invalid to another. The train is late owing to a storm. My cough is better. Tenderest kisses for all. Nicky." Not a single word in reference to the events in Petrograd, nor any questions to Alexandra about recent news or her impressions. This entry was not an exception. Between the break out of the revolution and the time of Nicholas' arrival at Tsarskoe Selo, he sent 15 telegrams to his wife. In none of these did he mention the catastrophic events which were going on around them. His commentary was limited to the children's health, (all five had measles), and his hopes of seeing the family again soon. It is astounding that Nicholas could communicate so frequently with his wife when their whole world was being turned upside down, and never even mention that it was happening. In fact, Nicholas' reaction seems to have been exactly the opposite of concerned. As late as the 25th he wrote his wife saying that he had found the time at Stavka restful. "My brain is resting here - no Ministers no troublesome questions demanding thought. I consider that this is good for me, but only for my brain." Instead of hurrying to the capital or finding a way to end the disturbances in the cities, Nicholas was resting and enjoying the absence of responsibility. His ability to ignore his position and the tasks that were demanded of him, was truly disastrous for his reign and for Russia. Nicholas who believed so strongly in maintaining the autocracy had allowed his beliefs, as well as his weaknesses and fears, destroy the very institution which he was trying to protect. Nicholas' reign was characterized by his inability to correctly decipher the events which surrounded him; the revolution in 1917, that ended his reign, was no exception.
Nicholas' behavior and actions during the time of his abdication and the year following it, are particularly important for coming to a complete understanding of the workings of his personality. Although his actions were often predictable and recurrent, they stemmed from a complex set of motivations. Nicholas believed strongly in the need for autocracy in Russia. Along with his wife, Nicholas spent the greater part of his reign 'protecting' the autocracy so that it could be handed down to their son. In spite of these values, which obsessed their lives, when Nicholas was forced to abdicate in March, 1917, he did so with calmness and passivity. "As he signed his abdication, Nicholas' composure utterly astounded those who stood around him. 'He was such a fatalist that I could not believe it,' recalled General Dmitrii Dubetskii. 'He renounced the Russia throne just as simply as one turns over a cavalry squadron to its commanding officer.'" Shulgin, one of the delegates sent by the Duma to obtain the Tsar's abdication wrote his impressions of Nicholas' behavior. "The Emperor greeted us, shaking hands. This gesture was rather friendly... The Emperor looked straight in front of him, calmly; he was completely impenetrable. The only thing that it seemed to me could be guessed from his face was: 'This long speech is superfluous.'" This fatalism can only be understood in reference to two other facets of his personality. The first is Nicholas' unyielding belief in absolute autocracy. From his childhood through his marriage to Alexandra, he had been instilled with the idea that Russia needed a single, supreme leader. When the time came to decide between sharing his power with a representative body, or abandoning his reign, he chose to abdicate. The tragedy of this man was that he had regarded it as his duty to transmit a power 'intact' to his son, and that he now realized no such transmission would take place. So he abandoned this power that had overwhelmed, burdened and vexed him, without having changed his view of it, and completely unconscious of the crimes he had committed in the name of autocracy.
Nicholas' behavior at his abdication was also affected by a kind of inherent fatalism which had accompanied him most of his life. Partially inspired by the constant presence of a domineering father and wife, Nicholas had adopted a passivity and reliance on fate and God to decide the course of events. He accepted the will of God not only unquestionably but unquestioningly... To the depths of his soul he was a fatalist and his indeterminate character demanded that he should believe that whatever might happen in the future was as certain and unchangeable as what had already happened in the past.
These beliefs allowed Nicholas to comply so peacefully with the demands for his abdication. His weakness and narrowness of thought did not allow him to see that he had a strong role to play in shaping Russia's future, and that a small degree of flexibility might have saved Russia from violent upheaval. After his abdication, Nicholas' life changed dramatically. This was not only limited to the obvious reality of his having lost his position and having become a prisoner. For the first time, Nicholas lived an ordinary existence. Following the abdication, Nicholas was eventually allowed to return home to his family at Tsarskoe Selo. After remaining there, under guard for some time, the family was moved by some of the more calm-minded revolutionaries that feared both the escape of the Tsar as well as the possibility that he entire family might be murdered by the angry populace. They were moved to a rural and conservative town called Tobolsk and then later to the city of Ekaterinburg. During the year in which they were held, the Imperial family lived in constant fear of its fate, nevertheless, in some ways this was a time of contentment, especially for the former Tsar. Nicholas was, after all, the man who had feared the tremendous burden associated with his position. He had said in panic many years before: "I am not prepared to be a Tsar, I never wanted to become one." Now, the role which had been so stressful and confusing to Nicholas was gone and he was primarily alone with his family. "Kerensky would remember with amazement how the fallen Emperor 'threw off authority as formerly he might have thrown off a dress uniform and put on a simpler one... It seemed as if a heavy burden and fallen from his shoulders and that he was greatly relieved." In all of his actions, Nicholas had always placed his family as a priority, their captivity left them with the time to spend together in the simpler pursuits which Nicholas had always preferred. On June 26th, Nicholas wrote,: "The day was magnificent. Gave Alexei a geography lesson. We cut down a huge pine tree not far from the orangerie fence. The sentries even wanted to help us. In the evening I finished reading The Count of Monte Cristo." The ministers with their concerns and demands were gone and Nicholas could return to the carefree life he had enjoyed during the first years of his marriage. "For the most part, however, they continued to live like a respectable Victorian middle-class couple, concerned with their children's upbringing and education and anxious to keep themselves occupied with useful tasks." Nicholas' reaction to his loss of power and subsequent imprisonment contains interesting information. While it is true that he was no longer having a direct impact on the path of Russian history, the resignation with which he accepted his fate reveals a great deal about the man who had been Tsar. Nicholas' actions and decisions during his reign were at best confusing. Why and how he was able to continually sit back when his country so desperately needed a flexible, interested and involved leader was closely related to his behavior during and after his abdication. Nicholas was essentially uninterested in governing Russia. He saw the duties which came with his position as burdensome because they took him away from what he really valued, trivial activities and his family. In addition, his minimal intelligence and inflexibility, made it impossible for him to deal effectively with events. It is ironic that only a revolution left this tragic leader with the freedom to live as he chose.
If one could ignore the millions of Russians who suffered and died unnecessarily because of Nicholas' negligence, during his reign, it would be sufficient to say that his presence in Russia at the turn of the twentieth century was unfortunate; an incongruence between the personality of a man with tremendous power and a people who were yearning for freedom and a chance to prosper. However, the consequences of Nicholas II's reign were enormous, they reverberated in Russian society for decades. Nicholas' numerous weaknesses allowed him to neglect his country, and to place control over major decisions in the hands of people who were entirely unprepared or uninterested in handling them appropriately. The Tsarina's influence on him and his government brought corrupt and unintelligent people into the government at a time when Russia so desperately needed guidance and wisdom. Russia was finally ready to move forward into the modern era, but in order to achieve this, it needed leadership not repression and obstinance. Nicholas, whose inherent personality, characterized by passivity, disinterest and narrowness of thought, was not able to be such a leader for his people, and so they were forced to remove him and install a government which could. Nicholas' reign is a testament to the power of a single individual's personality in directing the course of events, as well as the possibility for calamity when that individual rules a nation.
While many people in Russia were looking forward to the revolution, those who were inside the government, particularly the royal family, made every effort to find another solution. In the months proceeding the February revolution, many members of the Imperial family made visits to see Nicholas and Alexandra to plead them to look past their fears and save the nation. Among these were the Tsar's favorite cousins and uncles, as well as the Dowager Empress and Alexandra's own sister, Elizaveta with whom she had always been close. In his memoirs Nicholas's cousin, Alexander Mikhailovich (Sandro), recorded his talk with Alexandra. Nicholas stood by listening but said nothing during the conversation. To Alexandra, Sandro said: Remember Alix, I remained silent for thirty months!' I shouted at her in a wild rage. "For thirty months I never said as much as a word to you about the disgraceful goings on in our government, better to say your government! I realize that you are willing to perish and that your husband feels the same way, but what about us? Must we all suffer for your blind stubbornness? No, Alix, you have no right to drag your relatives with you down a precipice! You are incredibly selfish!
Alexandra sat still during this speech, responding at the end, only to say: "I refuse to continue this dispute. You are exaggerating the danger. Some day, when you are less excited, you will admit that I knew better." Grand Duchess Elizaveta made a similar attempt to speak to the Empress, specifically on the subject of Rasputin's involvement in the government. She too was blindly turned away, and the two sisters never saw each other again. These attempts were made with the hope that there remained in the Imperial couple some kernel of reasonable thought. In the case of the Empress, particulary, this was not the case. Her delusions were complete, she became convinced that even her family had become involved in a plot to remove Rasputin and her husband. While the Imperial family's loyalty to Nicholas remained intact, they did in fact ardently desire an end to Rasputin's rule. In mid December, 1916 Prince Felix Yusopov, Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich and another friend decided that in order to save Russia, Rasputin needed to be removed. They drew Rasputin to Yusupov's house and after several attempts at poisoning and shooting him, they succeeded in the assasination. This action and its support from the entire Imperial extended family reveal the attitude of those who were most loyal to the autocracy. Seeing disaster as imminent they were willing to do anything to stop it. "His (Dmitri Pavlovich) participation in the murder of Rasputin throws light on the whole attitude of the Extreme Right in the last few months." wrote Maurice Paleologue, "It means that the champions of autocracy, feeling themselves threatened by the Empress' madness, are determined to defend themselves in spite of the Emperor," Their hope was that, free of Rasputin's control and influence, the Imperial couple would realize the state of the country and their deteriorating position and change their course of action. It was of not use. Alexandra saw Rasputin's murder as proof of the evil intentions of those around her. Nicholas for his part, was entirely unable to use this event to his advantage because he relied on Alexandra for the interpretation of his surroundings.
With little hope of relief from above, Russia sat and waited for what had become inevitable. The war which created a resurgence of patriotism and had helped hide the government's weakness, now began to add to the tension of the situation. No one wanted to rebel during time of war, preferring to wait until the crisis from abroad had been dealt with before dealing with internal problems. "Everyone knew or felt, at least confusedly, that Russia was only waiting for the end of danger from without to gain by force of arms if need be, that emancipation which until then a blind monarch had refused. That is why there grew in governing circles a new feeling. That feeling was the fear of victory." Meanwhile, anger and frustration grew towards the government who seemed unable to provide for its countrymen or to rid them from the blight of invasion. "Patriotic alarm in Russia was combined with resentment against a government that appeared unable to organize the defense of the country." Nicholas' primary mistake was that while he knew first hand the strain of constant warfare, he did not take care to ensure that his people were otherwise content. Two main problems prevailed; first, the oppressive environment in which people lived which did not allow for basic liberties, and second the lack of supplies, most importantly food, which made living conditions for those in the city so poor. In his memoirs, Sergei Witte wrote about the failure of the government to follow through with the progression towards civil liberty outlined in 1905. "In fact, we enjoy now a lesser measure of civic liberty than that which existed prior to the publication of the constitutional Manifesto, and in the course of the past fifty years the arbitrary power of the administration has never been as unrestrained as it is now." Nicholas had promised after the first revolution in 1905 to provide basic liberty to his people. He was unable to fulfill his promise because he saw it as an infringement on his powers. As a result, ten years later, the Russian people felt suffocated and angry. The supply problems which plagued Russia's troops and cities were primarily the result of poor organization. The food was available, but railroad congestion and the lack of a good administration meant that most of the grain never reached the hungry people. The general harvest in Russia exceeded the demands of the army and the population, but the system of prohibitions against exports, the requisitions, (abused by some people) and the dislocation of exports created local famine, high prices for goods and general discontentment... The cities starved and trade, constantly in fear of requisitions, was stifled.
In Petrograd and Moscow people starved and the government continually promised new shipments of grain which never arrived. Women waited for hours to bring home barely enough food for their family to survive on. Despite the cold, bread lines began to form not long after 2:00 a.m. Several days before, the authorities had decided to impose rationing, and it was rumored that each person would be allowed only one pound of bread each day. Such was obviously insufficient to sustain a worker who could buy little else as a consequence of shortages and rampant inflation.
While dealing with these hardships, the Russian people never heard a single word of explanation or regret from their leader. Nicholas' people suffered impossible hardships and received no reassurance that someone was trying to improve their situation. The Tsar was no where to be found leaving only the corrupt government as an explanation for their troubles. The hardship of the people motivated them and their leaders into action. What became so significant at this point was that all but a few extreme conservatives realized that severe measures were needed. Members of the Duma joined together with more radical groups to discuss what might be done. This unity which had been so dangerous during the 1905 Revolution, again created an environment in which successful revolution was possible. Once the struggle takes on a conspiratorial form, which does not take the law into consideration, then this fact alone restores the united front which existed before the October Manifesto. Until that time the leftists had tried to separate themselves from the bloc. Now we were forced by common tasks and a common enemy. The only difference lay in the fact that the dimensions of the struggle were not the same as they were in 1905."
On the eve of the revolution a particular environment had been created. The act of rebellion against a well established government is not a trivial matter and thus it was only through the creation of a set of specific events and tremendous privations that revolution could be induced. Thomas Jefferson once wrote on the eve of America's revolution, that: "Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed." In the winter of 1917, conditions had become unbearable for the great majority of the Russian population.
The Russian Revolution which ended in such turmoil and radical change, began quietly with a peaceful gathering in support of International Working Women's Day. Early in the morning on February 23, 1917 thousands of women were on the streets to celebrate their work and ability to support their families. Immediately however, the tone began to change as calls of 'Bread!' began to be heard from the crowds. Their numbers began to increase as workers from all over the city left their jobs to protest. Well over seven thousand of them left their looms in Petrograd's Vyborg District that morning and poured into the streets. To the New Lessner Works, the Nobel Plant, the Russian Renault Factory and finally the Erikson Mills, they marched. 'Bread!' they called out, 'Bread!'. By ten o'clock, twenty thousand had joined them. Before noon, their ranks swelled to more than fifty thousand.
Although thousands more followed, the crowds never turned violent and when evening came they dispersed and returned to their homes. The police and military assigned to quell the rebellion were primarily unconcerned by the day's event; they distributed more flour to some of the bakeries and posted guards throughout the city, but no one expected the next day's activity. In the early morning of the 24th General Khablov, head of the Petrograd military, had predicted that the marches would subside and that the streets would remain quiet. For awhile his predictions seemed to have come true when only a few workers emerged to protest. However, later in the morning crowds began to grow. "Crowds did begin to gather later that morning, and they were much louder and larger than those of the day before. According to the best estimates, there were some 214,000 in the crowds, largely made up of workers from more than 2000 factories and enterprises of various sorts." Even more dangerous than their numbers, these workers were moving with a purpose. They shouted revolutionary statements denouncing the war and in some cases even the autocracy. The workers began to converge on the center of Petrograd, finally coming to a halt at the Neva River. The bridges were blocked by Cossacks and soldiers. The people however, walked across the ice and in some cases slipped around the Cossack guards who were showing less and less resistance. The third day of the revolution proved a momentous day. The workers were now organized primarily by party leaders who believed that it might be possible to win over the army to their cause. They approached the Cossacks to ask them to join the revolution. "For the moment, the Cossacks stood aside. Then several workers approached them, heads bare, caps in hand. 'Brothers - Cossacks,' they began 'You see how the Pharaohs treat us, hungry workers. Help us!' Suddenly the Cossacks charged, their sabers seeking out the police not the workers." In the next couple of hours, part of Petrograd's garrison defected to the side of the revolutionaries. This transference of loyalty from the Tsar to the revolution was of enormous consequence. Workers now felt that they might have a chance of succeeding. Thousands more flocked to join their cause. On the night of February 25th, Nicholas made a fatal mistake. He sent a letter to General Khablov to put an end to the revolts in the capital. Nicholas had heard on the 24th and 25th from several sources, including his wife, about the seriousness of events. On the 24th Alexandra wrote, "Strikes in Petrograd - 80,000 workers have struck,', the next day she wrote: 'My precious, beloved treasure, The city's strikes and riots are more than provoking," Only on the night of the 25th did Nicholas react to the riots and then with the worst possible response. Hundreds of miles away, with only a limited understanding of the situation, the Tsar wrote Khablov ordering him to take care of the situation immediately. "I order that he disorders in the capital, intolerable during these difficult times of war with Germany and Austria, be ended tomorrow. Nicholas." To understand the gravity of Nicholas' telegram, it is important to separate the facts. The Tsar was hundreds of miles from Petrograd when the revolts broke out, thus he had no general feeling for the people's attitudes. He only knew that they wanted bread (at least originally), which was not available to give. Nicholas had also been told about the number of workers involved. He must have known that, over two hundred thousand workers would not be dispersed easily, especially without the flour they were asking for. Thus he condemned Khablov to the one solution left - to fire upon his own people. When concessions might have still been a possibility, Nicholas chose the repressive approach. On the morning of February, 26th all was quiet but then around midmorning throngs of workers, dressed in their best clothing began to appear in Znamenskaia Square where soldiers had set up artillery and barricades. As the soldiers began to move the officers ordered the soldiers to open fire. Remarkably, the soldiers fired above the people's heads, hoping to scare them rather than take their brothers' lives. "The first volleys were harmless,' he (a soldier) remembered: 'the soldiers, by tacit agreement, had fired into the air,' An enraged officer walked into the soldiers ranks and ordered that every man must 'fire in turn so that I can see him shoot. Aim for the heart!" The soldiers opened fire killing dozens of workers who ran for cover and were effectively dispersed. However, they took their anger with them promising to return better armed. The position of the soldiers now hung in the balance; it was clear that many were hesitant about firing on the hungry workers, but for the most part, the officers remained loyal. In the Volynskii Regiment, Sergeant Kirpichnikov made a speech to his fellow soldiers: "Fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers and even brides are begging for bread. Will we strike them down? Have you seen the blood which runs int he streets? I propose that we not march tomorrow. I personally don't want to." His speech was successful and the entire regiment vowed not to attack the people. Following their lead, that day more than sixty-six thousand soldiers joined the side of the revolution. Nicholas' ministers in Petrograd were panicked, faced with hundreds of thousands of angry workers, and no army to protect them. Rodzianko wrote Nicholas, pleading with him to do something before it was too late. The telegram read: There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed, transportation, food and fuel have reached a pathetic state. Military units are firing on each other. There is random shooting on the streets. You must immediately name someone who has the country's trust to form a new government... Any delay would be akin to death.
As always Nicholas' response was far from adequate. He installed martial law in the city under General Ivanov and sent a single battalion of soldiers to deal with the uprising. This battalion faced thousands of angry workers as well as an estimated 100,000 soldiers who had gone over to the side of the revolution. As had been the case during the 1905 Revolution, and the period before the beginning of WWI, Nicholas, who disliked conflict, underestimated the severity of the situation despite frantic messages from his advisors in Petrograd. Finally on the night of the 28th, Nicholas decided to return to the capital to restore order through the influence of his presence. Petrograd had been in revolt for five days; while his presence in the capital at the beginning of the revolution, might have been of some good, by the time his train pulled out from Mogilev, towards Petrograd, it was already too late.
By March 1, the tone of the revolution had changed. This change is evident in the telegrams which Nicholas received from his advisors and family. On February 24th the Tsar had received a telegram from the Chairman of the Duma, Rodzianko. At this point, Rodzianko, a liberal, was only asking for Nicholas to share his power by the installment of "a person whom the whole country trusts and charge him with forming a government, in which the whole population can have confidence." Only two days later, the telegrams which Nicholas received carried an entirely different message. On March 2, Nicholas Nikolaevich wrote his nephew begging him to abdicate in favor of the Tsarevich Alexey. "As a loyal subject, I feel it my necessary duty of allegiance, and in the spirit of my oath, to beg you Imperial Majesty on my knees to save Russia and your heir, being aware of your sacred feeling of love for Russia and for him. Make the sign of the cross and had over to him your heritage. There is no other way." Adjutant-General Brusilov also wrote Nicholas asking for his abdication. "Only measure can save the situation and make it possible to go on fighting the external enemy, without which Russia will perish - that is to abdicate from the throne in favor of His Majesty the heir Tsarevich under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. There is no other alternative." Two days had passed since Rodzianko's telegram, and yet the situation had so rapidly grown out of control that abdication had quickly become the only solution. During the trip from Mogilev to Petrograd, Nicholas' train was stopped by representatives of the revolution and the Tsar was told that he would not be allowed to return to the capital. Gand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich wrote on March 1: Nicky left last night for St. Petersburg but the railway officials, obeying the orders of the Duma, have stopped his train at the station Dno and turned it in the direction of Pskov. He is practically alone aboard his train. A delegation of the members of the Duma are to see him in Pskov, submitting their ultimatum.
The Duma, which had once been an advisory board for the Tsar, had now become the head of the revolution. Representatives from several revolutionary parties, including the conservative Social Democrats and the radical Bolsheviks were members. They now used this political body to run the government during the weeks immediately following the revolution. One of their first questions was how to deal with the former Tsar in a political environment which was still extremely volatile. It was decided that after his abdication, the Tsar and his family would be put under house arrest. The delegates who arrived in Pskov, held the tremendous responsibility of enacting these decisions which were so vital to the new government.
This event proved to be a turning point for Nicholas. Notably, this was the first time in his entire life that Nicholas was unable to do what he wished. The revolutionaries had so effectively taken control of the country that they were now able to supercede the Tsar's wishes and restrict his movement. This fact is one explanation for the transformation which Nicholas seems to have undergone at this time. It was only at this point that Nicholas seemed to have really understood the severity of the situation in Russia. "Perhaps for the first time, Nicholas was beginning to perceive the full seriousness of the situation he faced, although he did not know that Petrograd was then completely in the hands of the revolutionaries." Although his diary entry reveals only annoyance at his inability to get home, soon after his arriving in Pskov Nicholas sent a telegram to Rodzianko stating his willingness to abdicate. After a week of ignoring the reports he received and the numerous telegrams begging for action, Nicholas was more affected by having his authority rescinded. On the evening of March 2, officials arrived from Petrograd to receive Nicholas' abdication. In his diary entry, the tsar explains his decision. Ruzsky came in the morning and read me his long telephone conversation with Rodzianko. In his words, the situation in Petrograd is such, that at present a ministry from the Duma is powerless to do anything, because they are opposed by the social democrat party in the guise of the worker's committee. My abdication is necessary. Ruzsky communicated his conversation to Headquarters and Alexeev to all the commanders-in-chief. By about 2.30 answers had arrived from all. The crux of the matter is that it is necessary to take this step, for the sake of Russia's salvation and of maintaining calm in the army at the front. I agreed... In the evening Gutchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, and after talking to them, I handed over the signed and recopied manifesto.
The decision to abdicate was one of the few rational and appropriate measures of Nicholas' entire reign, and significantly it was one of the only ones he made without the influence of his wife! At the last moment, Nicholas made a change in the abdication manifesto. Originally it had stated that he would abdicate in favor of Alexey Nikolaevich, his son, however after some consideration, Nicholas changed his mind and abdicated to his brother, Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich. Nicholas' behavior during the revolution and abdication reveal a great deal about his character and attitude toward the events which were going on. His diary entries and telegrams to Alexandra reveal his reactions. On the 24th, after revolts had broken out two days in a row, Nicholas wrote his wife, "Many thanks for both telegrams. Please do not overtire yourself running from one invalid to another. The train is late owing to a storm. My cough is better. Tenderest kisses for all. Nicky." Not a single word in reference to the events in Petrograd, nor any questions to Alexandra about recent news or her impressions. This entry was not an exception. Between the break out of the revolution and the time of Nicholas' arrival at Tsarskoe Selo, he sent 15 telegrams to his wife. In none of these did he mention the catastrophic events which were going on around them. His commentary was limited to the children's health, (all five had measles), and his hopes of seeing the family again soon. It is astounding that Nicholas could communicate so frequently with his wife when their whole world was being turned upside down, and never even mention that it was happening. In fact, Nicholas' reaction seems to have been exactly the opposite of concerned. As late as the 25th he wrote his wife saying that he had found the time at Stavka restful. "My brain is resting here - no Ministers no troublesome questions demanding thought. I consider that this is good for me, but only for my brain." Instead of hurrying to the capital or finding a way to end the disturbances in the cities, Nicholas was resting and enjoying the absence of responsibility. His ability to ignore his position and the tasks that were demanded of him, was truly disastrous for his reign and for Russia. Nicholas who believed so strongly in maintaining the autocracy had allowed his beliefs, as well as his weaknesses and fears, destroy the very institution which he was trying to protect. Nicholas' reign was characterized by his inability to correctly decipher the events which surrounded him; the revolution in 1917, that ended his reign, was no exception.
Nicholas' behavior and actions during the time of his abdication and the year following it, are particularly important for coming to a complete understanding of the workings of his personality. Although his actions were often predictable and recurrent, they stemmed from a complex set of motivations. Nicholas believed strongly in the need for autocracy in Russia. Along with his wife, Nicholas spent the greater part of his reign 'protecting' the autocracy so that it could be handed down to their son. In spite of these values, which obsessed their lives, when Nicholas was forced to abdicate in March, 1917, he did so with calmness and passivity. "As he signed his abdication, Nicholas' composure utterly astounded those who stood around him. 'He was such a fatalist that I could not believe it,' recalled General Dmitrii Dubetskii. 'He renounced the Russia throne just as simply as one turns over a cavalry squadron to its commanding officer.'" Shulgin, one of the delegates sent by the Duma to obtain the Tsar's abdication wrote his impressions of Nicholas' behavior. "The Emperor greeted us, shaking hands. This gesture was rather friendly... The Emperor looked straight in front of him, calmly; he was completely impenetrable. The only thing that it seemed to me could be guessed from his face was: 'This long speech is superfluous.'" This fatalism can only be understood in reference to two other facets of his personality. The first is Nicholas' unyielding belief in absolute autocracy. From his childhood through his marriage to Alexandra, he had been instilled with the idea that Russia needed a single, supreme leader. When the time came to decide between sharing his power with a representative body, or abandoning his reign, he chose to abdicate. The tragedy of this man was that he had regarded it as his duty to transmit a power 'intact' to his son, and that he now realized no such transmission would take place. So he abandoned this power that had overwhelmed, burdened and vexed him, without having changed his view of it, and completely unconscious of the crimes he had committed in the name of autocracy.
Nicholas' behavior at his abdication was also affected by a kind of inherent fatalism which had accompanied him most of his life. Partially inspired by the constant presence of a domineering father and wife, Nicholas had adopted a passivity and reliance on fate and God to decide the course of events. He accepted the will of God not only unquestionably but unquestioningly... To the depths of his soul he was a fatalist and his indeterminate character demanded that he should believe that whatever might happen in the future was as certain and unchangeable as what had already happened in the past.
These beliefs allowed Nicholas to comply so peacefully with the demands for his abdication. His weakness and narrowness of thought did not allow him to see that he had a strong role to play in shaping Russia's future, and that a small degree of flexibility might have saved Russia from violent upheaval. After his abdication, Nicholas' life changed dramatically. This was not only limited to the obvious reality of his having lost his position and having become a prisoner. For the first time, Nicholas lived an ordinary existence. Following the abdication, Nicholas was eventually allowed to return home to his family at Tsarskoe Selo. After remaining there, under guard for some time, the family was moved by some of the more calm-minded revolutionaries that feared both the escape of the Tsar as well as the possibility that he entire family might be murdered by the angry populace. They were moved to a rural and conservative town called Tobolsk and then later to the city of Ekaterinburg. During the year in which they were held, the Imperial family lived in constant fear of its fate, nevertheless, in some ways this was a time of contentment, especially for the former Tsar. Nicholas was, after all, the man who had feared the tremendous burden associated with his position. He had said in panic many years before: "I am not prepared to be a Tsar, I never wanted to become one." Now, the role which had been so stressful and confusing to Nicholas was gone and he was primarily alone with his family. "Kerensky would remember with amazement how the fallen Emperor 'threw off authority as formerly he might have thrown off a dress uniform and put on a simpler one... It seemed as if a heavy burden and fallen from his shoulders and that he was greatly relieved." In all of his actions, Nicholas had always placed his family as a priority, their captivity left them with the time to spend together in the simpler pursuits which Nicholas had always preferred. On June 26th, Nicholas wrote,: "The day was magnificent. Gave Alexei a geography lesson. We cut down a huge pine tree not far from the orangerie fence. The sentries even wanted to help us. In the evening I finished reading The Count of Monte Cristo." The ministers with their concerns and demands were gone and Nicholas could return to the carefree life he had enjoyed during the first years of his marriage. "For the most part, however, they continued to live like a respectable Victorian middle-class couple, concerned with their children's upbringing and education and anxious to keep themselves occupied with useful tasks." Nicholas' reaction to his loss of power and subsequent imprisonment contains interesting information. While it is true that he was no longer having a direct impact on the path of Russian history, the resignation with which he accepted his fate reveals a great deal about the man who had been Tsar. Nicholas' actions and decisions during his reign were at best confusing. Why and how he was able to continually sit back when his country so desperately needed a flexible, interested and involved leader was closely related to his behavior during and after his abdication. Nicholas was essentially uninterested in governing Russia. He saw the duties which came with his position as burdensome because they took him away from what he really valued, trivial activities and his family. In addition, his minimal intelligence and inflexibility, made it impossible for him to deal effectively with events. It is ironic that only a revolution left this tragic leader with the freedom to live as he chose.
If one could ignore the millions of Russians who suffered and died unnecessarily because of Nicholas' negligence, during his reign, it would be sufficient to say that his presence in Russia at the turn of the twentieth century was unfortunate; an incongruence between the personality of a man with tremendous power and a people who were yearning for freedom and a chance to prosper. However, the consequences of Nicholas II's reign were enormous, they reverberated in Russian society for decades. Nicholas' numerous weaknesses allowed him to neglect his country, and to place control over major decisions in the hands of people who were entirely unprepared or uninterested in handling them appropriately. The Tsarina's influence on him and his government brought corrupt and unintelligent people into the government at a time when Russia so desperately needed guidance and wisdom. Russia was finally ready to move forward into the modern era, but in order to achieve this, it needed leadership not repression and obstinance. Nicholas, whose inherent personality, characterized by passivity, disinterest and narrowness of thought, was not able to be such a leader for his people, and so they were forced to remove him and install a government which could. Nicholas' reign is a testament to the power of a single individual's personality in directing the course of events, as well as the possibility for calamity when that individual rules a nation.


Last Page: Chapter III