Independence, 1932-39
Since conflict among Iraq's political leaders centred essentially on how to end the mandate rather than on the right of independence, King Faysal sought the cooperation of opposition leaders after independence. Shortly after Iraq's admission to the League, General Nuri, who had been prime minister since 1930, resigned. After an interim administration, King Faysal invited Rashid 'Ali al-Gaylani, one of the opposition leaders, to form a new government. For a short while it seemed that all the country's leaders would close ranks and devote all their efforts to internal reforms.
But internal dissension soon developed. The first incident was the Assyrian uprising of 1933. The Assyrians, a small Christian community living in Mosul province, were given assurances of security by both Britain and Iraq. When the mandate was ended, the Assyrians began to feel insecure and demanded new assurances. Matters came to a head in the summer of 1933 when King Faysal was in Europe. The opposition, now in power, wanted to impress the public through a high-handed policy toward a minority group. In clashes with the Iraqi troops, several hundred Assyrians were brutally killed. The incident was brought to the attention of the League of Nations less than a year after Iraq had given assurances that it would protect minority rights. Had King Faysal been in the country, he would have counseled moderation. Upon his hasty return to Baghdad, he found deep-seated divisions and a situation beyond his control. Suffering from heart trouble, he returned to Switzerland, where he died in September 1933. The Assyrian incident brought about the fall of Rashid 'Ali and his replacement by a moderate government.
Faysal was succeeded by his son, King Ghazi (1912-39), who was young and inexperienced--a situation that gave political leaders an opportunity to compete for power. Without political parties to channel their activities through constitutional processes, politicians resorted to extraconstitutional, or violent, methods. One method was to embarrass those in power by press attacks, palace intrigues, or incidents that would cause Cabinet dissension and force the prime minister to resign. The first five governmental changes after independence, from 1932 to 1934, were produced by these methods.
Another tactic was to incite tribal uprisings in areas where there were tribal chiefs unfriendly to the group in power. Tribes, though habitually opposed to authority, had been brought under control and remained relatively quiet after 1932. When opposition leaders began to incite them against the government in 1934, however, they rebelled and caused the fall of three governments from 1934 to 1935.
A third method was military intervention. The opposition tried to obtain the loyalty of army officers, plan a coup d'état, and force those in power to resign. This method, often resorted to by the opposition, proved to be the most dangerous, because once the army intervened in politics it became increasingly difficult to reestablish civilian rule. From 1936 until 1941, when it was defeated in a war with Britain, the army dominated domestic politics. The army again intervened in 1958, and it continues to dominate the political scene.
Two different sets of opposition leaders produced the first military coup d'état in 1936. The first group, led by Hikmat Sulayman, was a faction of old politicians who sought power by violent methods. The other was the Ahali group, composed mainly of young men who advocated socialism and democracy and sought to carry out reform programs. It was Hikmat Sulayman, however, who urged General Bakr Sidqi, commander of an army division, to stage a surprise attack on Baghdad in cooperation with another military commander and forced the Cabinet to resign. Apparently King Ghazi was also disenchanted with the group in power and so allowed the government to resign. Hikmat Sulayman became prime minister in October 1936, and Bakr Sidqi was appointed chief of the general staff. Neither the Ahali group nor Hikmat Sulayman could improve social conditions, however, because the army gradually dominated the political scene. Supported by opposition leaders, a dissident military faction assassinated Bakr Sidqi, but civilian rule was not reestablished. This first military coup introduced a new factor in politics. Lack of leadership after the assassination of Bakr Sidqi left the army divided, while jealousy among leading army officers induced each faction to support a different set of civilian leaders. The army became virtually the deciding factor in Cabinet changes from 1936 to 1941.
Despite political instability, material progress continued during King Ghazi's short reign. The Kut al-'Amarah irrigation project, begun in 1934, was completed, and other projects, to be financed by oil royalties, were planned. The pipelines from the Kirkuk oil fields to the Mediterranean were opened in 1935. The railroads, still under British control, were purchased in 1935, and the Ba'iji-Tal Küçük section, the only missing railway link between the Persian Gulf and Europe, was completed in 1938. There was also a noticeable increase in construction, foreign trade, and educational facilities. Several disputes with neighbouring countries were settled, including the dispute with Iran over the Shatt al-'Arab and the dispute over the boundary with Syria, which was settled in Iraq's favour; Iraq thereafter possessed the Jabal Sinjar. A nonaggression pact, called the Sa'dabad Pact, between Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, and Iraq was signed in 1937. In 1939, shortly before the outbreak of World War II, King Ghazi was killed in a mysterious car accident, and his son Faysal II ascended the throne. As Faysal was only four years old, his uncle, Emir 'Abd al-Ilah, was appointed regent and served in this capacity for the next 14 years.
