Divine Liturgy

THE DIVINE LITURGY
According to the Rite of the Ethiopian (Ge'ez) Church

By Archbishop Paulos Tzadua (Cardinal Emeritus)

The Ethiopian rite is one of the oldest rites and is used by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church as well as by that group which is in full communion with the Church of Rome, The Ethiopian Catholic Church. In its essential elements, it stems from the Alexandrian rite and the language used in the services is classical Ethiopian called Ge’ez.

Because local documents are lacking, it is difficult to reconstruct the history of the Ethiopian rite, and to study the various phases through which it attained its actual form. This lack of historical witness is the result of politico-religious upheavals that led to the destruction of the literary and archeological patrimony to do with the liturgy.

Ethiopia, in fact, had been twice the scene of such uprisings: at first in the 10^th century and again in the 16^th century. The first protagonist was the famous woman Judith of the Falashas group that claims to descend from the Jews who immigrated in the distant past. The second was the Muslim Mohammed Gragn. Both of them gave their disruptive movements an anti-Christian background and consequently they destroyed temples and monasteries and all the treasures of the sacred literature preserved there.

The difficulty in making a historical reconstruction of the liturgical rite is further increased by the inaccessibility of Ethiopian monasteries. These monasteries are the very depositories of the few documents that could be saved from the above-mentioned destructions.

The starting-point of the history of the Ethiopian rite must, in any case, coincide with the introduction of Christianity into Ethiopia. The evangelization of Ethiopia, in its true, strict sense, began about the middle of the 4^th century. The first bishop was St. Frumentius who was invested by the great St. Athanasius, Patriarch of Alexandria. Before his investiture as Bishop of Ethiopia, St. Frumentius had, together with his brother Edessius, a long stay in Ethiopia as minister of the court of Axum, historical capital of the Ethiopian Empire. All these are confirmed by the historian Rufinus of Aquileia in his Historia Ecclesastica¹ and by an authentic comment inserted in the Apologia of St. Athanasius, namely in the letter sent by Constance to the king of Axum² and, before all, in the Ethiopian tradition itself.

Concerning the history of the Ethiopian liturgy, some facts can also be deduced from the historical sources mentioned above of the Ethiopian tradition, which relate to the work of St. Frumentius before and after his consecration as Bishop of Ethiopia. During his stay at Axum as minister of the court, he took advantage of any occasion to do apostolic work among the foreigners established there for business. Rufinus expressly says that Frumentius "nequerere sollicitus est soqui inter negotiatores Romanos Christiani essent" (he took pains to find out whether there were Christians among the Roman businessmen.) Then, having discovered them, he gave them a helping hand "ut conventicula per lova singula facerent ad quae Romano ritu orationis causa confluerent" (that they may have their assemblies in the different places where they could come together for prayer according to the Roman Rite.)³

In reference to the inhabitants of the country, Ethiopian tradition relates that Frumentius had found an environment saturated with Judaism and Christian influence.

He inquired of the people how it came about that having circumcision and (Christian) faith, they did not have Baptism and Eucharist. The people told him that circumcision was practiced because it was inherited from their ancient Levite Fathers, that they had the faith from the eunuch of Queen Candace⁴, while as for Baptism and the Eucharist no Apostles were sent to them. Tradition adds that Frumentius, after having gone to Alexandria, remained there for five years and was instructed by St. Athanasius on the New Testament because he had been sufficiently instructed in the Old Testament in the milieu of [an] Axum prone to Judaism. After his Episcopal consecration, Frumentius returned to Ethiopia carrying with him the entire liturgy.⁵

As regards the general history of the liturgy, Ethiopia was included in the Christian world in the middle of the fourth century; the situation may be described as follows: After a period of religious intolerance, the Church began to have more space to breathe. The basilicas were built and the liturgy, basically the same in all the churches, from a simple systematic ceremony, began to be enriched and it developed with characteristics different from one place to another. Although the liturgical language was Greek, everywhere, there arose, especially in the East, various types of liturgy, before all the Antiochene and Alexandrian types.

The insertion of Ethiopia in the Christian world occurred during this period of liturgical development, and this happened precisely under the influence of the Church of Alexandria. The type of liturgy introduced in Ethiopia by St. Frumentius could not be any other therefore, than that of the Alexandrian type. The liturgical language used in the beginning was, there is no doubt, Greek. In fact, with the Macedonian conquest at first and later with the influence of the Ptolemies, the Greek language spread not only in that part of Africa around the Mediterranean basin, but also to the court of Axum, in Ethiopia. This is proved by the inscriptions on the steles, which trace their origin to the 4^th century A.D. and also from the inscriptions on coins of the same period.

In this century, the liturgical language of all the local churches was still Greek. St. Frumentius, during his first stay in Ethiopia as a minister of the court of Axum, worked primarily among the foreigners who were certainly Greek speaking. Returning to this country as bishop of Ethiopia in Axum, he facilitated the construction of oratories. This construction-work was probably the starting-point of his formal apostolate to the Ethiopians and they were redolent of Hellenism. This, nevertheless, only emphasizes that the need for a translation of the liturgy into the Ethiopian language was not yet urgent. The common people had not yet succumbed fully to the Hellenic culture either linguistically or in other aspects of life, therefore it is certain, that the need for translating the liturgy into their mother tongue was understood.

This eventually happened as religion entered among the common classes of people. It is not possible, however, to pinpoint the date of the translation of the liturgy. Yet it is certain that, at the end of the 5^th century, it was already a fact. It is probable that the work of translation might have had its beginning at the time of St. Frumentius, because it is inconceivable that the saint limited his apostolate to Greek-speaking foreigners.

It has been stated that the liturgy introduced by St. Frumentius into Ethiopia was without doubt the Alexandrian one. This is the one into which he would have been initiated by St. Athanasius. The Ethiopian Rite, therefore, derives its origin from Alexandria.

A comparison between the Ethiopian liturgy and the ancient Alexandrian one confirms the dependence of the Ethiopian Rite on that of Alexandria. There is a similarity between the Ethiopian and the Egyptian Coptic Rites, which stems from their common origin. This can be seen not only in their structure but also, in some instances, texturally. The Ethiopian Rite is undoubtedly Alexandrian in origin, but it has undergone such an evolution that the actual form of the liturgy, so very distant from the original, seems on the point of assuming the dignity of an independent rite. Language, customs and songs contributed largely to this evolution, giving the Ethiopian rite its own characteristic features.

Just as every rite presupposes a set of canonical norms that govern it, so also the Ethiopian rite has its own canonical rules, as far as liturgy is concerned, which were taken from the deposit of ancient legislation.

The canonical discipline, which governs the Ethiopian liturgy, is contained mainly in the books called in Ethiopia Sinodes, Metsehafa Kidan Ze’egzi’ne Yesus Krestos, Didesqelya, and Fetha-Negast.

The Sinodos is a vast collection of ancient canons extinct in the Ethiopian Church because it is a version of the Egyptian Church Order. In it, besides canons attributed to the Apostles, the canons of Clement, the canons of Hippolytus of Rome, the canons of the Synods of Ancrya, Neocaesarea, Gangra, Antioch, Laodicaea, and the canons of the Ecumenical Council of Nicaea are also included. The Metsehafe Kidan Ze’egzi’na Yesus Krestos is the Ethiopian version of the Testamentum Domini nostri Jesu Christi, Testament of our Lord Jesus Christ, a document of Syrian origin (5^th century), and the Didesqelya is the Ethiopian version of the Didascalia Apostolorum, patterned on books I-VII of the Apostolic Constitutions.^6-7

The Fetha Negast (The Law of the Kings) is a translation of the Namocanon which, it is believed, was written by the Egyptian As-Safi ibin al-‘Assal around the middle of the 13^th century. It deals with matters related to the canon and civil laws and, in small part, also to the criminal law. Originally compiled for the Christians living in Egypt, it was introduced into Ethiopia where it became the fundamental book for the teaching of law in the Ethiopian schools up to modern times.

The Fetha Negast is divided into two distinct parts. The first deals with religious matters depending on the ancient church canons and the writings of a number of the Fathers of the Church, while the second deals with secular matters depending mainly on Roman Byzantine laws. Containing canon and civil laws, its sphere of influence is vaster than that of the other three books. Consequently, this book is more circulated and easier to find, particularly because printed editions are available.⁸

It seems certain that the Fetha Negast was introduced into Ethiopia and translated from Arabic towards the 15/16th century. As for the other three books, scholars believe that they were introduced towards the 14/15th century and that they were translated from Arabic.⁹

There are, however, scholars who believe that the Sinodos and the Testament of Our Lord has been translated from Greek.¹⁰ It is worthwhile to note that in Ethiopia the period of translation from Greek was from the 4^th-7^th centuries.¹¹ It is also to be noted that the Ethiopian Church adds the Sinodos and the Testament of Our Lord² to the number of the Canonical books of the New Testament. This confirms that it knew them from early times.

This is why these books, besides the rules of Christian life the ecclesiastical regulations were based on, and, in particular, detailed canons regarding the liturgy were found [to be of utmost importance]. Formalities, prayers, formularies for all the liturgical services from the celebration of the Holy Sacrifice to the administration of the Sacraments are based on these books. Two formularies for the Divine or Eucharistic Liturgy are based respectively on the Sinodos and the Testament of our Lord and as will be seen below, one of these, i.e. the extract from Sinodos, is the principal model for the other formularies of later origin.

The importance that the Sinodos, the Testament of Our Lord and the Didescalia had and continue to have up to our days with regard to the canonical discipline of the liturgy, can be estimated from the disposition contained in the Metsahafa Qeddasie, the Ethiopian 'Missal', which says :"Whoever he might be, Metropolitan or Bishop, Presbyter or deacon, who does not have sufficient instruction or who does not know the contents of the books of the Testament of Our Lord, of the Sinodos and of the Didesqelya and all the rubrics, do not enter into the sanctuary for the ministry; and if he rashly dares to enter, let him be taken away from the church and degraded."

In spite of all this, it is not to be believed that the liturgical discipline remained static with regard to the rules of the canons contained in the books already mentioned. The canonical rules pertaining to the cult developed indeed with the progressive changing of the liturgy. This is seen from numerous works that continued to follow in the various centuries. The epoch that knew a considerable expansion and evolution of liturgical discipline in general was the 15^th century. Due to the impetus of the Emperor Zer'a Ya'qob (1434-14680, there was a great movement for the reform of the worship in his empire.³

During this epoch, the Ser'at we'Tezaz, the 'Rules of Precepts', comments, collections of canons and rubrics from the Liturgy and the administration of the Sacrament were compiled. There appeared also at the same time the Metsehafa Bahrey or 'Book of Essence' and the Teaqebo Mistir or 'Care of the Sacrament'. The first contains the rules that have to be observed in administering the Anointing of the Sick, while the latter prescribes which care is to be observed in regard to the Eucharist that there be no profanation in administering or in receiving it⁴. The reorganization of the liturgical feasts as well as the introduction of new feasts in honor of Our Lady, the Angels and the Saints are also attributed to Zer'a Ya'qob.

The new feasts gave occasion for composition or translation of the new proper parts and new holies related to these feasts.

No sector of the cult was neglected in the reforms and the reorganizations of Zer'a Ya'qob. In the 16^th Century, a ritual was written which was called Metsehafa Qeder or 'Book of Impurity ', i.e. a penitential book. The drawing up of this ritual was brought about by the fact that, during the Muslim invasion under the leadership of Mohammed Gragn, many Christians apostatized embracing the Muslim religion. When the power of the Muslims had been overthrown, this ritual provided for the reconciliation with and the reinstatement into the Church of those had had apostatized⁵.

In the 17^th century, there appeared also the penitential book entitled Fewse Menfesawi or 'Spiritual Medicine', which was translated from Arabic⁶ and contained rules for some liturgical acts. On the whole it can be affirmed that, on the basis of the canonical rules of the ancient book, the Ethiopian rite did not cease to develop both in its discipline as well as in its essence over the course of the centuries. Concerning this evolution, however, there was a lack of centralized direction for coordinating and regulating the necessary stages in the evolution. The hierarchy sent by the Coptic Patriarchate of Alexandria was a stranger to both the language and the liturgy of the country. The only task reserved to the then respected hierarch (Abuna) was to administer Holy Orders, to bless the holy Oils and the tabot (the sacred tables or stones for the altars). The elaboration and the transcription of the liturgical texts, the teaching of the liturgy were entrusted to the professors, mainly laymen (the so-called Debtera) who had a theoretical knowledge of liturgical question. By entrusting such persons with the monopoly of the liturgy, without central control, it was quite natural that postpositions, additions, omissions and doublings occurred rather arbitrarily as can be noted in the liturgical texts of the different epochs.

When treating the historical evolution of the Eucharistic Liturgy in its essence, it must be stated, first of all, that the Divine Liturgy according to the Ethiopian rite, as in all other rites, is divided into two parts, i.e. the introductory part called the Ordo Communis and the Eucharistic part called Anaphora.

The Ordo Communis is invariable except for the readings from the New Testament, for the Gospel and the three verses taken from one of the Psalms and sung by the deacon alternating with the people before the gospel. The Ethiopian sources say that St. Basil of Antioch arranged this.⁷ Anyway, structurally, it comes from the corresponding part of the Ancient Alexandrian liturgy, which in the 4^th century followed this order:

 

1. The greeting of the priest to the faithful and their response

    

    

2. Readings and hymns

    

    

3. Gospel and Homily

    

    

4. Dismissal of the Catechumens

    

    

5. The Kiss of Peace

    

    

6. The Offertory8

    

Keeping this structural basis in its essential lines, the Ethiopians Ordo Communis developed in such a way that it is somewhat similar to the other Oriental Liturgies yet having its own characteristic features. Parallel to other Oriental Liturgies, the Rite of Preparation was introduced placing the Offertory at the beginning of the Divine Liturgy; later the Ceremony of Incensing, the Song of the Trisagion and the Creed were introduced.

Its Evolution, with its own characteristics, can be seen from the various manuscripts and the printed texts of the different periods. The changes and developments, to which this part was subject, are arranged into three stages by the Ethiopian doctors.

The first stage of development includes the parts added to the primitive text of the Divine Liturgy and is documented in the manuscripts dating back to the beginning of the 16^th century and also in the MISSAL printed in Rome in 1549 by the Ethiopian monk Abba Tesfa-Sion.

The second stage, documented in manuscripts of the 17^th and 18^th centuries, includes additions and the changes the established order was subject to in the manuscripts of the 16^th century. This meant that the rubrics, the brief and expressive prayers their order of succession, set down in the first documents, were subject to the developments and changes in the texts of the 17^th and 18^th centuries.

The third stage covers further developments of the second stage that are verified by modern texts. Under the guidance of the texts of the period, it appears that the parts that underwent the greatest developments and changes are the preparatory parts--the Offertory and the Ceremony of Incensing. These parts which in the first documents, had a number of proportioned and limited prayers and formulas together with a systematic arrangement of ceremonies, became, in the course of time, lengthened in prayers and formularies and more refined and pompous in ceremony.

Because of the nature itself of the liturgical act, which is an expression of religious vitality corresponding to the psychology of the people and of the surroundings where it is carried out, it may be said that the Ordo Communis as a whole did not remain rigid in the original formulas. With the passing of time, it was therefore subject to innovations: New prayers and new ceremonies were introduced, already existing ones were suppressed or simply transposed.

variety of eucharistic prayers (anaphoras)

Speaking now of the Eucharistic part of the Anaphora, we must state, first of all that it is changeable according to the feast days of the liturgical year. Because of this variability, the Ethiopian rite has a rather large number of Anaphoras. It is further affirmed that, among the Oriental Churches, the Ethiopian Church has the second greatest number of Anaphoras, being preceded only by the Syro-Antiochene Church. Up to now, 20 anaphoras are known: