"And in their days, even of those kings, the God of heaven shall set up A KINGDOM which shall never perish, and A DOMINION that shall not be left to another people. It shall grind to powder and bring to an end all these kingdoms, and itself shall stand for ever."—DANIEL.

JOHN THOMAS, Editor. NEW YORK, SEPTEMBER, 1854—

Volume 4—No. 9

The Austrian empire embraces four principal constituent parts, styled the German, Polish, Italian, and Hungarian provinces. By the term Hungarian provinces, however, the Austrian statistics indicate all countries under the imperial sway, which form part neither of the German, Polish, nor Italian provinces; and thus under this head are comprised the Kingdom of Hungary as well as Transylvania, the Military Frontier, and even Dalmatia, though the latter has no administrative connection with the other provinces just named, while the Military Frontier has a thoroughly military organization, and Transylvania has likewise no administrative connection with the Kingdom of Hungary.

That which is styled the Kingdom of Hungary comprises Hungary Proper, (officially Provincial Hungary.) Croatia, and Sclavonia. The title of Kingdoms, as applied to the last two, has only an historical import. The area of the Kingdom of Hungary is 88,267 square miles; and its population, 11,017,600 souls. More than five millions of these belong to the Sclavonians; * about four millions are Magyars; ** and the remainder consists chiefly of Germans who have settled in the country since the twelfth century. The Latin language is very much in use among all classes of society.

* Nearly all the Europeans belong to the Caucasian race. Only a few tribes in Russia are Mongolians or of the Central Asiatic stock. With respect to their origin, the Europeans form three great divisions: the Germanes, Sclavonians, and Romanians. The Sclavonians, anciently styled Sarmates, are regarded as the descendants of Magog and Madai, (Genesis 10: 2,) or of the Scythians and Medes. In the beginning they lived between the Don and the Volga and the Caucasus Mountains, and in the course of time spread over the present Russia and Poland, and westward to the Elbe river. The Germanes are descended from Gomer, living first near the mouths of the Dnieper and the Dniester, whence they overspread the north and north west, and peopled Scandinavia, Germany, &c. To the Sclavonian family of nations belong the Russians, Poles, Servians, Bosniacs, Bulgarians, Croats, Sclavonians proper, Bohemians, &c. The Greeks are descendants partly from the ancient Greeks, but chiefly of Sclavonian tribes. The Romanians are the Bands of Gomer, as the Italians, French, Spaniards, Portuguese, and part of the Swiss.

** The Ugorian division of the Mongolian type gave origin to the Magyars, or Hungarians; a warlike and energetic people, who lived until the close of the ninth century of the Christian era, in the vicinity of the Ural river. Their long abode in the centre of Europe has developed the more elevated characters, physical and mental, of the European nations.

Nothing is known of the early history of Hungary until the time of the Romans. The latter, who conquered the country, called part of Upper Hungary, including Transylvania, Dacia, and the remainder Pannonia. The native population consisted chiefly of Jazyges and Pannoni. At the end of the third century of the Christian era the Vandals # took possession of Pannonia, while Dacia came soon after under the sway of the Huns. In the next century the Goths, + and after them the Avares, ~ seized upon the country and maintained themselves there for several centuries, till by degrees they melted away among the surrounding Sclavonic tribes. It was chiefly the latter tribes who occupied Pannonia and Dacia, when suddenly, towards the end of the ninth century, in 889, a people till then entirely unknown in Europe, appeared in that quarter. This people were Kossuth’s countrymen, the Magyars, a Tartar tribe, who, by the Petschenegri, another Tartar tribe, had been forced to leave their original home in Jugria, on the eastern side of the Ural river, and in the neighbourhood of the Caspian Lake. Being a nomadic, or wandering people, they were accompanied by their families, horses, and cattle, with whom they strolled along the banks of the Volga and Don rivers, and then along the northern coast of the Black Sea, from one pasturage to another, till they at last directed their course towards the fertile countries of the Danube. They were then ruled by seven chieftains or dukes, and numbered 260,000 armed horsemen, who were bold warriors, though equipped only with bows and arrows. Soon after entering Pannonia they subdued it, and afterwards made plundering incursions into Italy, and especially into Germany, whose Emperor, Henry the Fowler, at length put them to the rout near Merseburg in 933. They were at that time called Huns, because, by their atrocities, they called to remembrance the ancient Huns, who under Attila devastated so many countries in Europe in the fifth century. Since then the names Hungarians and Hungary, applied to the Magyars and their country have come into use.

# The Vandals, a Germanic tribe, had their primitive seat between the Elbe and Vistula, whence they transferred it to Pannonia in the first half of the 4^th century.

+ The old Goths were Germanes; a division which comprehends the Germans proper, most of the Swiss, part of the English, the Dutch, the Flemings in Belgium, the Danes, Icelanders, Norwegians, and Swedes. In the 4^th century after Christ, the Goths occupied the north east of Europe, the Visigoths were settled in Dacian Moldavia and Wallachia, and west of the Dnieper; and the Ostrogoths east of the Dnieper river. The Goths were the first among all the Germanic tribes, who adopted Romanism as a substitute for Paganism.

~ The Avares had their primitive seat between the Black and Caspian seas. They occupied afterwards Lower Hungary and Austria.

In the latter half of the tenth century the Catholic religion began to take root among the Magyars, and at the same time they became acquainted with agriculture, or at least applied themselves to it with more inclination than formerly, and so came gradually to abandon their wandering propensity. Having entered Pannonia, the chief among their dukes was Arpad, whose descendants at a later period became the only rulers of the country. The most renowned of them was duke Stephen, who in the year 1000 assumed the royal title, and may be regarded as the founder of the political and administrative organization and institutions of Hungary. He conquered Transylvania, checked the nobles in their pretensions and encroachments, and reigned with energy and justice. Unfortunately one of his successors, Andrew II., engaged himself in a crusade in 1217, and during his long stay in Palestine the nobility and clergy in Hungary took advantage of his absence to extend their rights and privileges, so that after his return he found himself necessitated to acquiesce in their encroachments. Thus in 1222 an Aristocratic Constitution was framed, investing the nobles, prelates, who are generally also nobles by birth, and representatives of privileged towns, with a legislative power by which the power of the Hungarian Kings was so restricted as to be reduced almost to nothing. In the year 1301 the descendants of Arpad became extinct, and the Kingdom of the Magyars for about 200 years after was ruled, with one exception only, by Kings of foreign princely families. By treaties concluded between the Magyars and Austria in 1463 and 1506, the hereditary right of succession in Hungary was insured to the House of Hapsburg in the male and female lines. Ferdinand I was the first Hungarian king of this house; and subsequently elected Emperor of Germany: he was succeeded by his son Maximilian, and in this way the House of Hapsburg, or Austria, has reigned uninterruptedly in Hungary more than three hundred years.

Most of the plains of Hungary are generally very fertile; while the extensive heaths of Ketskemet and of Debreczin are sterile wastes. A valuable breed of black cattle, and a remarkably fine breed of horses, and a multitude of swine, are raised in this country. Gold, silver, copper, lead, zinc, and iron abound in Hungary; nevertheless in husbandry and industry generally, as well as in the means of education, the country is in a backward state. The jealousy of the privileged classes has hitherto prevented the Austrian government from extending its system of elementary instruction, and from exercising any direct substantial influence on school education. If the Hungarian aristocracy, it is said, had not incessantly counteracted the design of the Austrian government in favour of the lower classes, that were until very recently kept in bondage, and treated with the utmost contempt by them, their country would not have been so far behind the age as it is. Aristocracy of one kind or another is very rank in Hungary. According to authentic statements of the year 1843, there were not less than 275,600 nobles; by whom the kingdom was supplied with three nobles and a half to every square mile. In Transylvania, where the majority of the population consists of Germans, this proportion is less, there being at that time only 28,000 nobles. For more than 600 years they have enjoyed the most substantial privileges, which, however, they have renounced under the revolutionary pressure of 1848-9.

The previous sketch we have gleaned from Ungewitter’s "Europe, Past and Present." At the conclusion of his notice, he says, "Now, we leave it entirely to our readers to judge for themselves by these facts, whether it would appear probable that, in case the last revolution had proved successful, a Hungarian Republic would have been both established and permanently rested on the same principles as the Republic of the United States? We have neither any predilection not antipathy in political matters; but as a historian we are under the obligation to state the facts as they actually are, and not as the one or other political party would like to have them."

Kossuth seems to have been the man who brought about the renunciation of aristocratic privileges, and the recognition of popular rights. For our own part we do not believe that the renunciation was sincere, but the result, as we have stated, of revolutionary pressure. The enemy was too strong, and the populace too indifferent; so that between the two the Magyar aristocracy were in danger of being entirely ruined. They perceived this; and that they might strengthen themselves against Austria by a new-born popular enthusiasm, they renounced their own privileges and decreed the admission of the people to theirs. But Kossuth, in fostering their zeal, led the democracy on too rapidly for aristocratic prejudices. By proclaiming the Republic of Hungary on the principles of this constitution—"that all men are created equal; and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."—he caused some of them to repent of their liberal policy, and in the end to betray the revolution into the hands of the enemy. They did not object to a representative government, independent of the House of Hapsburg-Loraine, in which the aristocratic element should prevail. This they desired, for they did not like the policy of Austria, which they conceived to be at variance with their constitutional rights and interests; and though they at last divested themselves of their exclusiveness, it was only the emergency of the case that brought them to it. If they could prevail against Austria, they would be strong enough to resume their privileges; they therefore ventured to amuse the people, as people had been amused before when their aid was needed against a common enemy, —witness Prussia for instance, —but they by no means intended that the popular amusement should cost them any thing in the end. They would have found it convenient to revoke their decrees, and to restore the ancient order of things as far as it should be found safe. But they had let loose the elements which gathered strength beyond their control. Should they, the nobles, devote their all, "pledge to each other their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honour," to establish the independence of a nation upon American principles, which, in carrying them out, would abolish all titles of nobility, and put them upon a political equality with the meanest of their late bondsmen? They never intended such a denouement to their legislation as this. Of the two evils which menaced them, the Austrians and Russians in the van, and the dreaded and despised democracy in the rear, would it not be better to choose the less, as they conceived it, and to make their peace with the house of Hapsburg? Kossuth was their evil genius—the elect of the democracy, the beloved of the people, because the enemy of the institution which regarded them as the mere cattle of the field. The Judas party had no sympathy with him, for they had no love or respect for his constituents. Hence they determined to thwart his plans, and contravene his policy to the best of their ability. In a fatal hour Kossuth confided the command of an important division of the army to Georgey, an enemy to the Austrians, but no friend to a Hungarian Republic. Austria, rejoicing in the prospect of a speedy suppression of so formidable a rebellion, doubtless promised favour to his confederates. The consequences of Georgey’s appointment, and their understanding with the enemy, are notorious throughout the world. The army was surrendered, the short-lived republic fell, Kossuth and his friends exiles in Turkey, and his adherents in Hungary butchered in cool blood, imprisoned in fortresses, or scattered thence to the ends of the earth. Thus fell the Horn of the Magyars, "plucked up by the roots" by the power of Austria and its ally.

Ungewitter speaks of the "benevolent design of the Austrian government in favour of the lower classes" in Provincial Hungary being incessantly counteracted by the jealousy of its aristocracy, which kept them in bondage, and treated them with the utmost contempt. We cannot admit Austria’s benevolence in the case. It was a piece of genuine Metternichian policy, which was to antagonise the nobility of the empire by the peasantry when the former became too formidable, or inconveniently troublesome to the government. The Hungarian nobles were objects of jealousy to the kingly power, which aimed to strengthen itself against them by forming an alliance with the serfs. This is also Russian policy, which humbles the nobility, and exalts the throne and the people; so that the latter are taught by the benefits they receive from the Autocrat to regard him as their friend and benefactor, and protector against the tyranny of the nobles, whom they regard as natural enemies. Thus the allegiance of the masses is secured to the Czar. The Magyars were aware of the tendency of this policy, and therefore their jealousy of Austrian interference, and hostility to it. They knew that if their serfs were educated, villanage could not long subsist; for no men will long consent to remain vassals to any sovereignty that deprives them of the rights of men, when they have learned to think, and to compare themselves with those who govern them, who often, in their popular estimation at least, gain nothing by the comparison. The education the world is able to give its own, affords them the means and increases their facility of doing evil, which often overbalances the good. We should say, educate every son of Adam, lead out all their faculties, if in doing so you can present such objects for them to act upon as will be appropriate to them, and operate upon them so as to develop actions to the glory of God and the benefit of mankind. To be able to read is good, but to use that ability for wicked purposes is bad. Educate, by all means, if you can induce a just and righteous use of the ability; otherwise the affair is an experiment attended with hazardous results. If it were desirable to imbue the serfs of Hungary with a desire of civil rights in a papal sense, and with principles of absolute submission to the Camarilla of Vienna; and also to reduce their lords to mere hangers-on of the Imperial Court, then it would have been well for the Hungarian nobility to have afforded every facility for the education of the lower classes by Austrian Jesuits: otherwise, the Magyar policy was the true one for the preservation of their power and position in the state.

But, out of all these conflicts of interests, passions, and ambitions, "the Watchers" and "the Holy Ones," who superintend the affairs of men—Daniel 4: 13, 17, 26, 32, bring out results which in their full development contribute to the establishment of the purposes of Almighty Wisdom. The aristocracy and nation of Hungary deserved to be punished for the evil of the past; and Austria must needs be weakened to facilitate the crisis that impends over its dominion. The late revolution has accomplished this. The power of the Magyar nobility is broken; and the nation disaffected towards Austria as the destroyer of its republic, and the persecutor of their beloved chief. The revolution has created in it a desire for popular liberty, and aroused it to a world-wide sympathy with the enemies of the crowned and mitred despotism, wherever established. But Hungary may again make convulsive throes to relieve itself of its oppressions. Its efforts will be fruitless, yet useful in expediting the crisis that awaits the world. A Russian or Austro-Russian province is the extreme depth of humiliation into which Hungary is destined ultimately to fall. Its prostration will be like Poland’s, without hope; for the decree of the Watcher’s is, "it shall be plucked up by the roots"—Daniel 7: 8, 24, and therefore can no more shoot forth its power than a horn radically extirpated can reproduce itself.

The real antagonism between Austria and Hungary, developed by the late Magyar rebellion is, that of Democracy against Imperial Absolutism. For the time being the issue is joined between the former and the House of Hapsburg-Loraine, as the representative of the latter in Hungary. It is a struggle for existence with Austria; for if democracy were to establish its republic, it would deprive the Austrian Empire * of about eleven millions of its population, thus reducing it to about 26,000,000, of which its Italian and Polish provinces constitute some 10,000,000 of the Sclavonian and Romanian tribes, which are a source of weakness to it, having no affection for their German masters. *(See next page)

*The area of the Austrian Empire is 256,262 square miles; and its population 37,850,000. These are distributed as follows:

German Provinces 76,157 square miles and 12,700,000 inhabitants.

Polish Provinces 32,908 square miles and 4,950,000 inhabitants.

(Galicia, incl. Cracow, but excl. Anschwitzch)

Hungarian Provinces 129,696 square miles and 14,900,000 inhabitants

(Hungary Proper, Transylvania, &c. &c.)

Italian Provinces 19,511 square miles and 5,300,000 inhabitants

(Lombardy, Venice, and Istria)

The democracy, successful in Hungary, would arouse its partisans to action throughout the empire, who, being sustained by the warlike Huns, would doubtless triumph as in 1848. Being instructed by the past, royalty and its relatives, priesthood and nobility, would be tolerated no more. They would be abolished, if not severely punished, in their living representatives, for their cruelty and want of faith with the people in the reaction which succeeded in the revolutions of ’48. Thus imperial absolutism would be suppressed, and a democratic Sovereignty substituted in its place, coextensive in dominion with the old jurisdiction. This, however, we confidently affirm will never come to pass; though we doubt not some such result would soon be manifested were a Hungarian Republic established, provided no foreign power interfered to prevent it.

As a mere question of present advantage to the population of the Austrian empire, we doubt not that the people would be benefited if they could be peaceably transferred from the Austrian system of government to one founded upon the principles of the United States, if the heterogeneous population of the countries were universally intelligent, and proof against the perversions and ambitions of demagogues. But this is not the case. About 25,000,000 of the people are Papists, 3,500,000 conformed to Roman ecclesiastical forms, and nearly 3,000,000 non-conformed Greek Catholics, equal to 31,500,000 who do not know their right hand from their left in the principles of the only true liberty and equality extant, that, namely, which shines forth most gloriously from the sacred page. The Austro-Imperial rulers are bad enough in all conscience; but then their peoples are no better. The public mind, whether of the rulers or the ruled, has been schooled by Jesuits and popish priests, who have made the inhabitants of the empire to drink ti inebriety of the wine of the abominations and filthiness of the fornication, mingled in the golden cup of their "Holy Mother Church"—Revelation 14: 8; 17: 2, 4-5. The Hungarians are no exception to this. They are as spiritually intoxicated as the Poles and Italians, and more so than the Germans; for these have been more cultivated by science, literature, and philosophy, which have awakened them considerably, if not to the discernment of the truth, at least to the discovery of the sorceries by which they have been deceived—Revelation 18: 23—through the machinations of the miserable impostors by whom their consciences have been captivated so long. Secular learning, however, has not recovered the German mind from the intoxication of the Imperial Superstition. Ungewitter, a writer of their own, says, "About eighty years ago it became fashionable to babble after the manner of atheistical philosophers of the Voltaire school, and since that time, not only has Rationalism sprung up in the province of theology, but also other theories and hypotheses of the most nonsensical kind were brought forward." Again, he says, "How far the constructors of philosophical systems in Germany have gone, may be inferred from the fact, that Mr. Michelet, professor of philosophy in the university of Berlin, boldly maintains, in his works and lectures, the following proposition: ‘What we call God, is nothing else but human culture in its highest potency!’ Whosoever has troubled himself with reading the debates in the so-called German parliament, which gave up the ghost last summer, will have had ample opportunity to notice the total lack of practical capacity on the part of German book worms and shallow literati." He regards them as having done a great deal of mischief, and that they would have done much more but for the natural good sense of the German nation in general. These, however, are the leaders of the democracy when it begins to organise its movements against the rulers.

A democracy such as that of the Austrian empire, for the most part ignorant, superstitious, infidel, and, where "enlightened," bewildered by rationalistic philosophy—a people in short among whom the Bible has been a proscribed book—is neither fit for liberty nor self-government; and a democratic Sovereignty having such a population for its foundation, though acknowledging in theory the principles of the constitution of these States, would soon prove itself to be as bad, if not worse, because an anarchical despotism, than the Imperial Absolutism which exists. It would be worse, inasmuch as one tyrant can do less evil than a million. The South American and French republics are cases in point.

But in supposing the possibility of the Austrian Imperiality being superseded by a democratic Sovereignty, we have assumed that the Russian Autocrat would forbear to intervene in the controversy. Does any man in his senses suppose that this would be the case? That the Czar would allow a republic, constitutionally inimical to his and all surrounding kingdoms, to establish itself on the very confines of his dominions, and prepared at any moment to antagonise his movements against Turkey and Europe? Would he not rather sustain the House of Hapsburg, whose policy is the shadow of his own, and which, uninfluenced by other Powers, would cooperate with him in promoting his ambitious enterprises? The man who would maintain the contrary is blind and cannot see afar off. His devotion to liberty and fraternity in the abstract, gauging possibilities by the meter of his enthusiasm, and wildly speculating in ignorance of the revealed will of God, has veiled his understanding, and incapacitated him from a right estimate of facts and figures.

What the Czar has done he would do again under like circumstances. He suppressed the Hungarian republic, which Austria could not; and if it should rise from the dead, which would imply the previous defeat of the Austrian, he would pour in his troops like an inundation, "and overflow and pass over"—Daniel 11: 40. The Hungarians are brave, but they are unenlightened and divided, as the past has proved. They are excellent soldiers, and have been, for a long period, the strength of the House of Hapsburg. But a republic requires something more than brave soldiers for its support. It requires that its people should be enlightened, wise, and moral; united within, and just in all their dealings with foreign powers. The Hungarians have proved themselves to be a divided nation; and their divisions have laid them prostrate at the feet of the destroyer. How can they be otherwise? All the wealth, and privileges, and honours of the nation are monopolised by the nobles—the Magyar tyrants of the conquered Avares, &c., occupants of the country before their invasion, whom they reduced to slavery, and continued in hopeless bondage until their own fears brought them to acquiesce in their emancipation, at the instigation of Kossuth. There is no love, and can be none, between the Magyar nobility and the lower classes. The representatives of the latter, remembering old grievances, would aim incessantly to level, and even to depress their former lords to an inferior position in the state. They would agrarianise their lands, strip them of their titles and privileges, and tax their riches; in fact, lay all the burdens of the state on them, and reserve to themselves, as the majority, whatever might be deemed desirable of the new order of things. The question is not whether this would be a just retribution for the oppressions they had endured as serfs in former years. It might be perfectly just. The fact is in question. Would not such a condition of things obtain? Human nature is the same under like circumstances in Hungary as in France. Men of blood were thrown up to the surface of the emancipated million in that country, who destroyed all aristocrats without mercy or remorse. It would probably be the same in Hungary, especially under the provocation they have received from Russia, Austria, and the traitor section of the Magyars. This state of things would be the basis of hostile factions, which would convulse the state and endanger the peace of surrounding kingdoms. It would, however, be no new thing in Hungary and Poland—kingdoms where the power of the kings and people were nominal, but that of their turbulent aristocracies every thing. The testimony of history, the faithful exponent of the capabilities of human nature in the management of its own affairs through all time, establishes the truth that kingdoms and republics, torn by intestine discords and divisions, dissolve themselves or become a prey to more orderly neighbours. Bondsmen, down-trodden, ignorant, and despised serfs, being the base of the social pyramid in both countries, Hungary, though a republic, would be like Poland, a prey to intestine disorder; for if the Polish nobles could not agree among themselves, it is not likely the Magyar aristocracy and their recently emancipated serfs would be more devoted to order and forbearance than they. The same manifestations would doubtless be evinced in Hungary as in Poland, and the same result would follow, though England, France, and the United States should all combat in its behalf—its democracy would be suppressed, and its territory incorporated with the provinces of the Russian empire.

But have "the Watchers and the Holy ones," in Gentile phraseology styled "Providence," had no other end in the Hungarian struggle than an abortive endeavour to establish a republic in the Austrian empire? Has M. Louis Kossuth no mission from them to the populations of the west, both near and afar off? Will he accomplish no abiding results in stirring up the blood of the people to an intense hatred of the tyrants whose heel s trample Hungary, and Poland, and Italy in the dust? Yea, verily: but the finality they propose, is not the end contemplated by Kossuth and the demented populace. The Watchers proposed, through the Parisian revolt, to paralyse the Austrian government by insurrections at home and in Italy, excited by its example, that the Magyars, already disaffected, might be animated by new ambition, and be led on to draw the sword for the establishment and amplification of aristocratic rights and privileges, which they regarded as endangered by the policy and treachery of the House of Hapsburg; that in seizing upon the crisis of its panic to press their demands, an armed insurrection might be commenced which should develop other views; that should weaken Austria on the east, cripple the Magyar nobility, and, by giving existence to a democratic Sovereignty, which would be presently suppressed by the combined forces of Austrian and Russian Imperialism, to create AN ILLUSION, by means of which the enemies of the absolutism might be aroused to a combination against it; not to the end that absolutism might be overthrown as they laudably desire, but that it might be temporarily established, and the last crisis created, in the resolution of which, THE KINGDOM OF GOD might be set up. These things are "by the decree of the Watchers, and the command by the word of the Holy Ones." In the prophet Joel it is declared that the Lord of Hosts will bring down his Mighty Ones to the Valley of Jehoshaphat, at a time which shall commence a New Era in the history of Jerusalem, "when she shall become holiness, and no stranger shall henceforth pass through her any more"—Joel 3: 1-2, 11-12, 17. The same thing is decreed in the prophet Zechariah, who testifies that "all nations shall be gathered against Jerusalem to battle, and that at that time the Lord God will come with all his Holy Ones, and go forth and fight against those nations"—Zechariah 14: 2-3, 5. The apostle Paul reproduces the same prediction in his epistle to the Thessalonians, saying, "The Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven with the angels of his power (met’ aggeloon dynameoos hautou) in flaming fire, taking vengeance on them that know not God, and obey not the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ"—2 Thessalonians 2: 7-8, that is, "the gospel of the kingdom"—Mark 16: 15; Matthew 24: 14; Acts 8: 12. Isaiah also says, "Behold the Lord will come with fire, and with his chariots (the angels of his power, or mighty ones) like a whirlwind, to render his anger with fury and his rebuke with flames of fire; for by fire and by his sword will the Lord plead with all flesh: and the slain of the Lord shall be many"—Isaiah 66: 15-16. Such is "the decree," and such the things "demanded by the Word of the Holy Ones," which transcend all the expectations of the democracy, and will confound all the purposes of despotism against it.

But we quote these authorities to indicate an epoch in the future which is to be preceded by a warlike gathering of nations, whose last campaigns will be fought in the country around Jerusalem. "Assemble yourselves, and come, all ye nations, (kol haggoyim,) and gather yourselves together round about." These and other words of the prophet imply a previously ungathered and sleepy state; for he says again, "wake up the mighty men," "let the nations be awakened." There is to be then an awakening of the nations previous to their gathering together for a hostile invasion of the land of Israel, where they will meet Jesus, the Lord of Hosts, in battle. The reestablishment of despotism since 1848, and preeminently the misfortunes of Hungary, have obtained as a necessary preliminary to the awakening of the nations. They have been asleep; in a drowsy, sleepy condition. While in this state a despotism has grown up in the east of Europe, strong and well organised, whose chief declares that its policy has "a salutary end assigned to it by Divine Providence," which is "the preservation of Europe from the incalculable calamities with which it is threatened" by the turbulence of its faithless populations. So fast asleep have they been that they have not perceived their danger, or to what its movements were tending. By their non-intervention policy, they have allowed revolution after revolution to be suppressed, until the oppressor has thrown off the mask, and proclaimed ABSOLUTISM the "order" of the day. Still the people, and their more liberal governments, move not. In Britain and the United States, although they boast of their love of liberty, and rejoice in the enjoyment of a free press, freedom of speech, and civil and religious rights, they behold their goddess stripped, scourged, imprisoned, and tormented in other lands, but move neither hand nor foot to succour her from death. They faintly remonstrate, but their deeds are a mere apology for inaction; and the tyrants, encouraged by their selfish timidity, wax more cruel than before. But why all this lethargy, this sleeping with the eyes open, this somnambulistic indifference to the triumph of despotism in the world? It is referable to the insensibility of THE MONEY POWER to the sufferings of humanity. It counsels "peace, peace," come what may, so that trade and commerce are not disturbed. It has no bowels, and can only be moved by its pecuniary interests and its fears. It can see nothing but capital and interest; endanger these, and its perception becomes as acute as a sensitive leaf: but let not these be jeopardised, and humanity, truth, and righteousness may be tormented and suppressed, ere it will extend its hand to succour the oppressed. It is itself an oppressor, and therefore all its sympathies are with him.

How then are the nations to be awakened, and the Money Power, that has the world’s wealth at its disposal, to be compelled to contribute of its treasures for the carrying out their awakened policy? By an appeal being made to them, predicated on commercial jealousy, and on the illusion created by the sympathy of liberalism with a democracy longing to be free. M. Louis Kossuth is the prophet of the illusion. He is well-informed, intellectual, eloquent, and honest. He is a man who has had greatness thrust upon him by the circumstances that have created him. Feared and hated by the two emperors, befriended by a third, the elect of his people, successful till betrayed, a prisoner at Kutayah, released by the intercession of two independent and liberal governments, insulted by the ex-prisoner of Ham, adored by the Marseillaise, glorified by the British, the invited guest of America, and the idol of republican gospellers throughout the world. These are the accidents of his history which have made him great, and thrust him forward as the only man in the world that could awaken the people to "liberty’s" call from the rising to the setting sun.

Kossuth’s mission, then, is to agitate the public mind preparatory to the commencement of that gathering together to war which shall be fearfully illustrated by the battle of Armageddon—the Waterloo of Despotism for a thousand years. "Proclaim ye this among the nations (haggoyim); prepare war, wake up the mighty men: . . . .let the weak say, I am strong." War in alliance with Hungary, for the overthrow of absolutism, is the burden thereof, which Kossuth doth see. He predicts that if Hungary be not redeemed from its down-trodden condition, "the Cossacks from the shores of the Don will water their steeds in the Rhine." The British know well that if such an event were to come to pass, their commerce with the European Continent, and, by what would be sure to follow, their power in the east, would be in imminent peril. The Money Power in England is therefore in harmony for once with those who would war against Russia in defence of liberty. This is the secret of British unanimity and sympathy with Kossuth. His proclamation in Britain has awakened all classes to an interest in his agitation; so that from present appearances, the government will be compelled to abandon its non-intervention policy and to assume a decided attitude against absolutism, should Hungary or some other people once more draw the sword for liberty and independence. His proclamation of republican-gospelism, and its propagation and defence by the sword, will doubtless be responded to in this country with the same enthusiasm as in Britain. Here, hatred of authority and envy of superiority, rather than liberty based upon truth and righteousness, is a passion of democracy. It is fierce and furious against rulers when excited, if they bear the names of emperors and kings who have offended it; while it will flatter and fawn upon popes, priests, and sultans, by nature despots of equal malignity, if it happen to serve its turn. In 1847, Pio Nono, never a democrat, but always the pitiful tool of despotism, was be-praised as a just and liberal reformer, while in 1852 he is execrated by democracy as a mean and treacherous hypocrite. As to the Sultan Abdul Medjid, he is "the honourable Turk," although, for fear of his imperial neighbours, he violated the rights of hospitality, and imprisoned the Governor of Hungary and his friends in Kutayah for a year. It is therefore passion, not principle, with the democracy, whose throat is ever ready for a shout on both sides of the same question, according to caprice. Such is the democracy of the world, not of one country alone, but of all countries of the earth. It is fierce, passionate, and unreasoning; dangerous when aroused to action, but useful when controlled of God.

But if the world’s democracy be fierce, passionate, and cruel, the world’s rulers are equally so when enraged. If the former be swinish and brutal, the latter are heartlessly satanic and devilish. They will march their hordes to the field as food for powder, and mow them down by thousands without pity or remorse. The groans of the dying and the shrieks of the wounded, on whom they have plunged incessant fire, are but as the moaning of the wind in their accustomed ears. They call it glory, the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of men, the desolation of countries, and the murder of women and children, for the solution of the question whether one man or his rival shall dispose of the lives and fortunes of a people according to his pleasure. Such have been the rulers of the nations since the days of Nimrod, lovers of war and destroyers of the people; and such they will continue to be until the God of heaven shall interpose and wrest the sovereignty of the world from the blood-stained hands of those who wield it, and transfer it to a regal hierarchy of his own appointment. God speed the day!

His own observation will have convinced the reader of the truth of these things, and that the "civilised" world in all its regions is divided into two great antagonistic parties—democracy and absolutism. We say not, and despotism; for democracy is as despotic or tyrannical in its way, if it takes it into head to play Judge Lynch, as the Russian autocrat himself. God has for wise purposes ordered it thus. Were there no democracy, the end he has decreed could not be worked out upon the principles he has laid down. It is only by antagonism that the end—the glorious end—shall come. A pure, merciful, righteous, and contented democracy, without a rival, may suit the fancy of short-sighted politicians and "philanthropists;" but would reduce to nothingness the divine goodness in reversion for mankind. So with Absolutism without an antagonist. Were this to prevail, "the Devil and Satan" would have possession of the earth, with none to dispute the inheritance. But God has ordered all things well, with reference to the consummation he has predetermined. Hence there is as much "liberty" and "education" among men, such as they are, as is compatible with the elaboration of his purposes. Divinely-regulated liberty, based on knowledge of celestial birth, is the enlightened freedom, destined to a coextensive existence with the peopled earth in a time to come. Its prevalence now is impossible. The apostles of such a liberty are nowhere extant; and even were they so, mankind are too much the slaves of their own lusts and prejudices and blind propensities, to accept instruction at their hands.

The great hand-to-hand combat between Absolutism and Democracy is at the very doors. (Since this was written it has begun under the Imperial Democratic Frog Power.) The events of the past four years have been preparing the "situation," of which France and Hungary are the charged extremities of the circle. Coming events in Paris will awake the continent and conspire with exterior things to divide the world into two hostile and threatening encampments. The Watchers and the Holy Ones have to advance the Autocrat’s dominion into the heart of Europe, for their word demands the overthrow of many countries—Daniel 11: 41. The case of Hungary, which involves Turkey, countries contiguous to his own, whose tranquillity and subjection to Absolutism, his Austrian tendencies and his own security pledge him to maintain, exhibits a vulnerable point at which both he and Austria may be assailed and held in check. It is not so with other countries, as France, Spain, Belgium, &c. Insurrection in these would not necessarily bring him into the field, being separated from them by intervening territories. Contemporary insurrections in Hungary and Italy, directed by a propagandist policy, and backed by France, Britain, and Turkey, would develop a war upon Absolutism with terrible effect. The Austrian Empire and the Papacy would be imperilled, and the triumph of Autocracy delayed. But it would only be the putting off for a little while the subjection to which Europe is assigned. The tide of battle will turn, and victory perch upon the standards of the north. The constitutional forces will be defeated everywhere; and Absolutism will establish itself over Hungary, Germany, France, Belgium, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece, Turkey, Persia, Khushistan, Libya, Egypt, and THE LAND OF ISRAEL. Here it will plant its Imperial tents between the Mediterranean and Dead Seas unto the mountain of the beauty of holiness—lehor tzevi kodesh—Daniel 11: 45. Where then will be the Universal Republic of the gospellers—the great democratic Sovereignty of "the children of Arpad," in the interests of which the distinguished and eloquent Magyar is stirring up thunder, lightning, and war against "Gog of the land of Magog, the Prince of Rosh, Mosc, and Tobl?" The European Democracy will have been subdued and taught obedience to "the powers that be," which are put under the control of the Watchers and the Holy Ones—Romans 13: 1. Their vain talking and platform babblings about liberty, fraternity, equality—their pseudo-prophetic vapourings about the world’s destiny, and their self-complacent adulations of their own wisdom and intelligence, will have been all put to silence by a practical and terrible demonstration of their absurdity. If this soul of ours be then in life, we may stretch forth our hand toward the sun’s rising and bid the prophets of the people, who now preach smooth things in their untutored ears, look towards Israel’s land, and behold the encampment of the assembled armies of the nations, composed of their democracies, and marshalled under the imperial ensigns of THE KING * whose countenance is fierce, whose power is mighty—Daniel 8: 9, 23-25, and whose will is absolute. We may then point to his star-like multitude as the "all nations gathered together against Jerusalem to battle in the Valley of Jehoshaphat"—a mighty crusade to seize upon the Holy City, to make it the City of the Grecian Faith. The seeds of this development are sown by the democracy since February 23, 1848. This is its mission—the past, the present, and the future of its turbulence, provoking a terrible and invincible reaction, by which the Czar "shall magnify himself in his heart, and by prospering (uve shalvah) shall destroy many." His self-magnification as the Autocrat of Europe, the saviour of the continent for a third time from incalculable calamities, will have so elated him, that the horizon of his ambition will be boundless. Having finished his work with the democracy, "things will come into his mind," and he will "think an evil thought, saying, I will go up to the land of unwalled villages; I will go to them that are at rest, that dwell safely, all of them dwelling without walls, and having neither bars nor gates, to take a spoil and to take a prey; to turn my hand upon the desolate places newly inhabited, and upon the people gathered out of the nations, which have gotten cattle and goods, that dwell in the midst of the land"—Ezekiel 38: 10-12. This determination of the Czar to invade the newly-colonised land of Israel, then under British protection, will have come into his mind on account of the part taken by England in giving aid and encouragement to Turco-Hungarian and other movements against him, to which she will have been in no small degree induced by the instrumentality of Kossuthism operating upon her popular minds. Success then to the Magyar prophet of the democracy; and may he be able so to work upon the hopes, fears, and sympathies of constitutional governments and their peoples, as to cause them to ally themselves into an ANTI-RUSSIAN LEAGUE, by which Absolutism shall be enticed to assume that position which is assigned it by Providence in the full manifestation of its wickedness; so that the destined crisis may be formed in Israel’s land, where the Czar, too strong for the mightiest nations of the earth, like another Napoleon at Moscow or Waterloo, though with a more terrible overthrow, shall be "broken to pieces" by the Prince of princes—Daniel 12: 1, with "none to help him" in the emergency of defeat—Daniel 8: 25; 11: 45; 2: 35.

EDITOR.

Richmond, Va., February, 1852

* The Russian word Czar signifies king in our tongue "the Czar" is therefore synonymous with the scripture term "the king." His is the last of the dynasties which shall rule over the territory on which exists the power symbolised by the Little Horn of the Goat. These dynasties have been in their order the Roman, the Grecian, the Ottoman, and hereafter the Russian, which is Scytho-Assyrian. See ELPIS ISRAEL for particulars. Also Isaiah 30: 31-33; 31: 8; Daniel 11: 36.

The above was written while Kossuth was enrapturing the people of New York with his eloquence, on his arrival in this city from Turkey, about a year and a half before the formation of the present Eastern Question. How far events have answered to my anticipations it is for the reader to determine from the facts which are now patent to all the world. The power that unfurls the revolutionary flag will, for the time, direct the fury of the storm.

EDITOR.

Mott Haven, Westchester Co., N. Y., July 28, 1852.

* * *