The time has come for us to diagnose what actually happened that brought us to today’s history. The acts that have brought to many, the unexpected and probably the most undesired change in the country’s history.

What happened to the country that was known for its peace, for the friendliness of its people compared to the description of the uprising unrest and violence which had surprised the nation and the world. Has the political scenario changed overnight?

We have to ask ourselves, why within less than a month, a truly new phase has happened in the relationship between the people and the government. Is this far reaching, enduring change of rivalry and distrust, the fear of one another’s intention, the system of administration, the judiciary, the police and the attorney general’s office invariably an indication of a common manifest of a joined effort – the conspiracy of the highest order to protect current leadership?

Is this conclusion warranted? Rivalry and distrust amongst the people has reoccurred. This was the theme that led to the 13^th May 1969 bloodshed. The parties have changed, this time between the multiracial rakyat (including government servants) and the Government (the leaders).

But are there any signs that the Government will consider and practise accommodations in its effort to relax the tensions and clashes between the parties? The conflict came to be essentially a struggle between those at the top hierarchy of the government whom wanted to remain in power, to arbitrary rule the nation under a state of despot or despotism, which means ‘absolute ruler’.

The simple fact is that the Democracy State of Malaysia has come to a rest at the expense of the people together with their rights. Will the people seek to protect their position and rights? Perhaps they will, when they have been oppressed and suppressed.

The ‘trend’ started in the aftermath of the first revolution - the racial riot of 1969. It was then that they began the massive reorganisation of the nation and called it the Malaysian New Economic Policy.

Three Prime Ministers and three UMNO presidents have passed since the independence of the country, they brought along with them ‘democracy’ to their graves…..

Now, the country is living through an era of the most extensive and intensive political change by a new regime that is so cunning in dismantling all the democratic systems systematically which were built and left to us by our fore-fathers.

The new generation is currently living through a genuine internal political awakening, resulting from the drama of the worst political assassination of its kind in this decade.

Historical perspective focusing on the macro political process after the bloodshed event of 1969, have influenced the fabric of relations among the multiracial political players set in the motion of a fundamental transformation of Malaysian politics from being a democracy with a Ruler to despotism.

The main players of the past – the Institution of Rulers (the Monarchs) have now been sidelined to play a less important and insignificant role – purely window dressing; acting as the head of religious, cultural and traditional affairs which is a unique role for the country. This unprecedented and destructive event was necessary in order to hasten the transfer of absolute power to the politician to become the new and absolute ruler.

The emerging new "Ruler" Dr. Mahathir rose among the commoners and modelled a system to that of a ‘republic’, in a clever and cunning way without the requirement to change the country to a republic state, diminishing all powers of the monarch through public instigation and force. This radical move had to happen to ensure he alone gets absolute power to rule the country.

For this grand plan, he created special secretariats, handpicked from few of his close cronies and friends. He had agendas of his programmes and plans for the country as well as his own personal interest, his position after his retirement. These plans were to be taken cared of by his political secretary, Aziz Shamsuddin and the super rich man, Tun Daim Zainuddin.

The secretariat symbolically organised the programmes according to the sworn oath of the Freemason teaching. First, the dismantling of the Islamic and other religious beliefs. Second, to create a ‘Satu Bangsa Malaysia’ (One Malaysia nation). Third, to have a Malaysian Code of Ethics where religion is secondary to the so-called ‘ethics’ which is followed by the leaders of this country, under the pretext of "Leadership by Example". Fourth, the benchmark of development is based on capitalistic and materialistic and fifth; his order is law – democracy by control.

The absolute power exchanged and was transferred in a very fine line. Mahathir organised himself systematically in the federal and state levels, making all decisions and managing disputes in order to sustain and enhance his power, collaborating with other selected players from the other main ethnic groups of the country. This joint partnership or the New National Front (since the main component is the New UMNO) continues to focus on promoting ‘Muhibbah" and racial integration between all races at public and at all levels. The integration will benefit all races especially in the sharing of wealth and power.

At the same time, Mahathir promoted ‘Business Front’ among the political leaders and in order to avoid public scrutiny and knowledge, he created proxies and cronies. The companies were built systematically and in tangent with the required government policies and master plans and used to channel funds for the purpose of politics and personal interest.

Mahathir’s regime concentrated abusively on eliminating political rivalry, controlling important and critical organisations and institutions such as the judiciary, the Central Bank and the media, ultimately demolishing the whole democratic system worst then the colonisers.

The trend and the transformation of the Malaysian politics from democracy to despotism accurately has been happening for the past 10 years, characteristically a ‘republic’ country led by one absolute and powerful leader, the supreme Dr. Mahathir.

Through political gigs and lies, he won votes and fresh mandates from the people and transformed the government’s administration and bureaucracies to the most corrupt practised government in the history of the nation.

Mahathir the analytical thinker preoccupied himself with the ‘break and rule’ policy to avoid challenges in internal politics, simultaneously placing the people who lack impartial and stereotype leadership to adopt his political ideology and agenda. He will suppress all those with their own principals and personal reservations amongst his subordinate and colleagues by hook or by crook.

On several occasions, he surprises his supreme council and cabinet ministers to make a quick decision. His plan is to catch them off guard. This tactic usually causes his subordinates and colleagues to make decisions irrationally without thinking of the repercussions.

The seventeen years of Mahathir’s ruling had been one that had brought development too rapid and too fast. The expected growth of the country was to be at a constant 8% per year. This development was to continue until the year 2005 – a definite overly estimation. Meanwhile, internal and external loans were packaged for the companies that were awarded the super mega projects that were mainly linked to him and his cronies. The loans were pledged with overpriced listed shares syndicated through all the local banks.

His vision for a modern Malaysia was to see it fully developed before the year 2020. He never anticipated and expected the economic turmoil that had hit the region and the nation so sudden.

He had been in control. The system he built had made him as the Prime Minister to have absolute power. He was also the King and the President, the Chief of Police, the Attorney General, and the Chief Justice as well as the caretakers of Public funds living behind the Parliament only to rubber stamp his command. He was about to take over as the Field Marshal of the Armed Forces…..

The appointments of important posts were determined by the secretariat; who will be promoted and who demoted and eliminated will all be discussed in the secretariat. (These included the removal of the then Chief of Justice, the late Tun Salleh Abas through a frame-up and mutiny by his then-deputy, Tun Hamid Omar in the most humiliating manner. Tun Hamid was then promoted and ‘paid off’ for a job well done (before he retired) by Tun Daim Zainuddin. Eusoffe Chin succeeded Hamid as the new Chief of Justice).

(Another example of his democracy by control and the power of the secretariats can be seen recently when Mahatir’s henchman, Megat Junid was just promoted for the successful ground - work he had done in fabricating the ‘moral’ issues that Anwar was alleged to have committed. The collaboration included the personality of the Chief of Police Rahim Noor, the Attorney General Mokhtar Abdullah and Chief Justice Eusoffe Chin).

The think-tank group of Mahathir begins here. It did not matter whom the Chief of Police or Chief Justice is. Their posts were by appointments. The fact remains, Mahathir was at the helm. The selection of the people had to be based on one special criterion; they must not have strong religious beliefs or principals.

It is very obvious now why Anwar had to be eliminated. Anwar did not want to follow the orders. The orders were very crucial especially in the bad times. Anwar was at the posts of Finance Minister, the post that can order the outcomes of the finances. The unexpected economic turmoil had brought to this unexpected plan. Anwar was not supposed to disobey. Anwar should not have pressured Mahathir to surrender his helm when the accumulated wealth of Dr. Mahathir and his cronies had eroded and was eroding further by the day.

The sacking of Anwar after the threat of sexual misconduct was not part of the plan. He was supposed to leave and let the players do their act accordingly. Anwar was not immediately captured after he was sacked. They had given him enough time to leave the country. No Not Anwar. He wanted to fight. He stayed on and collected supporters. This was not part of the plan…. Anwar was to be slowly out of the minds of the people. They were supposed to believe all allegations as they had when other ministers faced it. What happened? Why the sudden flaws in the plan?

The microscopic approach that brought down Anwar sacrificed Mahathir’s credibility, his old age defied his ability to organise properly. It means, at times he cannot dwell and strategize his move particularly in this event due to his inability to handle stress due to the prolong financial crisis. The flaws in his decision lately was due to his over-confidence in his administration all these while, caught up with his underestimation of Anwar’s grass-root support, international connection and friendship.

Mahathir’s long term planning did not include unforeseeable circumstances i.e. the nation economic turmoil. This did not prepare him for his action. Under the oath, he is required to continuously protect the interest of the individuals in the secretariat and companies that are linked directly to him and his cronies. It all did not warrant him to act or think promptly.

Anwar was a threat. The wealth that was accumulated through the years had now eroded significantly. At one time, the total net worth value of the accumulated assets in the ‘companies’ of his proxies and cronies was about Ringgit 250 billion. With this richness, he could have controlled the Malaysian politics even when Anwar succeeds him.

The financial crisis had caused these ‘companies’ to be technically bankrupt. He had no other way out except to salvage. The universal norm and practise of companies rendered that these companies are closed. It was the same guideline that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) subscribed to. Mahathir couldn’t let this happened and made used of two steps simultaneously to cover his track from the scrutiny of foreign and international observers in salvaging the situation:

On top of the above abuse of power, Mahathir’s earlier usage of this power, saw him promoting his other obedient servant, Daim Zainuddin to full minister post. This move rounds up a very strong, brave and capable team to out-smart the existing system in order to rip off the nation’s wealth and public funds for their interest and benefits. The normal gig and lie usually uttered by Mahathir were that this bail out is to ensure continuity of employment in the effected companies, without revealing the actual truth.

The problem in the background was still very clear. Anwar was a self-made man. One can clearly distinguish him from the other politicians and leaders. The behaviour pattern of Anwar was beyond the control of others. This was clearly the problem. Nobody can risk Anwar to be at the helm, to work within the ‘system’ and feared Anwar’s leadership will later undergo another profound transformation, which will not benefit Mahathir, his family and cronies as well as the secretariat.

Who are in the secretariat? Who will succeed Mahathir? Ultimately, the one who will continue with this dangerous ritual – Despotism?

Conclusion: the above facts are not intended to expose the members of the secretariat. The main concern is on the understanding of despotism in Malaysia, the transformation of the political trend, how it has and will effect our nation and on whether today’s ‘reformation’ is justifiable and/ or necessary for our tomorrow.

A CLOSE AID.

October 1998.