Radical Economics
Opposition to the capitalist-market economy centers on three problems:
(a) inequality of the distributions of income and wealth; (b)
insecurity of the standard of living against downward shocks,
both cyclical and long term; and (c) incompatibility with
physical and mental health. The major problem is psychological
alienation. Alienation takes many forms and explains many forms
of social pathology, ranging from boredom to violent crime.
Marxism is an integrated, unified system of social philosophy, including
both economic statics and economic dynamics, and culminating in
certain "laws of motion of capitalism."
While admitting the accomplishments of the Industrial Revolution, Marxian
economics uses a strict labor theory of value to develop certain
"contradictions of capitalism. " In its Marxian form
this theory develops ideas about the exploitation of the worker
and the receipt of surplus value by the capitalist class.
In the economic dynamics of Marx's theories, the contradictions of
capitalism lead to "increasing misery " and to the
eventual downfall of capitalism, either because a falling rate
of profit leads to a liquidity crisis or because a tendency
toward overproduction leads to a realization crisis.
Marxian analysis leaves no important role for monetary and fiscal policy.
Also, the labor theory of value does not deal with demand and
utility as determinants of value.
Radicalism may be radical either because of what it proposes to
accomplish, as in "a radical restructuring of society,
" or because of the tactics that it considers legitimate to
accomplish these ends, which sometimes include illegality,
violence, dictatorship, and the disregard of public opinion by a
tightly organized political party.
The American New Left arose in the early 1960s as a search for unity on
the political Left. Disunity of the Old Left was blamed for the
rise of fascism in the period between World War I and World War
11 and McCarthyism in the 1950s. It is not an exclusively
radical movement, but its leadership is for the most part
radical. It has lost importance since 1970, but keeps trying for
revival using new issues in domestic and foreign policy.
The radical groups within the New Left are all collectivist. They favor
collective ownership of the means of production. Subdivisions
are anarchist, socialist, and syndicalist.
The anarchist wing of the New Left can be subdivided into the
"counterculture, " which withdraws from the mainstream
of society into communes, and the revolutionary wing, which pro
poses tearing down institutions and then possibly starting over.
Terrorism is a set of violent tactics, which can be used by partisans of
a great variety of political, religious, racial, economic, or
social positions, but it is not itself a category of economic
thought. tt is a great mistake to associate terrorism
exclusively with any economic philosophy-radical or
conservative, old or new, Right or Left.
Socialists favor state ownership of the means of production. The
socialist wing of the New Left can be subdivided into
neo-Stalinist imperative planners and "Marxist humanists,
" who emphasize equality, mass participation in decision
making, and moral (rather than material) incentives.
Syndicalists favor ownership by trade unions of the workers. They believe
that unions can bring down capitalism by winning strikes. Unions
would be immune from lawsuits and could break all contracts.
The economic New Right concentrates on achieving laisser-faire; the
ethical-religious New Right, on re-establishing the old-time
religion and morality, and the political New Right on thwarting
alleged communist conspiracies to dominate the world. These
three groups overlap to some extent, and only the first is
relevant to our study of economics. It includes both
libertarians and objectivists.
Libertarians are, ideologically speaking, the most radical branch of the
economic New Right- They favor complete reliance on the free
capitalist market and hope for the demise of the political
state. They are distinguished from collectivist anarchists by
their beliefs in private enterprise and private property.
Objectivists believe that our most nearly objective knowledge of the
"good" and the "just" is our knowledge of
what is good for ourselves. We should follow this knowledge
rather than the urgings of ethical altruism, which is often a
cover for dishonesty.
Objectivists are impressed with the contribution to society of the few
superior individuals. They fear that human evolution toward some
ideal will be sidetracked if such people are restricted or if
inferiors are helped to survive and reproduce. To this extent
objectivists are Social Darwinists, applying the principle of
"survival of the fittest" to social as well as
biological relations.