In the past, researchers have hypothesized about the existence of different types of loneliness. In a study which investigates expressive communication, Gerson and Perlman (1979), demonstrate empirically the importance of the distinction between chronic and temporary loneliness. In both types, loneliness is experienced as a subjective state of emotional discomefort (Solano, Batten & Parish,1982; Gerson & Perlman, 1979) in which individuals report a perceived deficiency in social and emotional support networks. Research into loneliness reveals that individuals who suffer from chronic loneliness tend to display a number of traits in common. For example, they are more likely to exhibit a pessimistic attributional style (Anderson, Horowitz & French, 1983; Atkinson et al, 1993), deficiencies in social skills (Jones, 1982), and inadequate attachment in childhood (Peplau, Miceli & Morasch, 1982). Conversely, temporary or situational loneliness is more often the result of life changes which disrupt an individual's social relationships and is usually experienced for a shorter period of time. These differences illustrate that chronic and situational loneliness, although perceived similarly, may be influenced by discrete factors which affect an individual's ability to cope and recover from loneliness differently.
Bowlby proposes that loneliness is a "proximity-promoting mechanism" (Peplau & Perlman, 1982, 5) with evolutionary origin and survival value for the human species. From this perspective, loneliness may be experienced as a drive, like hunger or thirst, which motivates individuals to actions which will satisfy a basic need for human contact. Weiss elaborates on this position in a description of the six essential provisions which are filled by our "inherent need for intimacy" (Peplau & Perlman, 1982, 3). The Social Provisions Scale (Cutrona, 1982), based on Weiss' work, rates the degree to which a provision is being met and the relative importance of the provision to the subject. These provisions are:
The distinction between overcoming loneliness and remaining chronically lonely may be partly explained by a person's expectations or attributions about their situation and themselves. One study which focuses on this issue demonstrates that many lonely individuals possess a pessimistic attributional style, which is commonly found among depressed individuals (Anderson, Horowitz & French, 1983). Lonely subjects are more likely to "ascribe failure to characterological defects in themselves" (Anderson, Horowitz & French, 1983, 127) and tend to "make more internal and stable attributions for failure and more external and unstabe attributions for success" (Anderson, Horowitz & French, 1983, 128). The significance of this finding is that attributional style is associated with expectancies, performance and motivation at a task (Anderson, Horowitz & French, 1983). Accordingly, being more inclined to adopt a pessimistic attributional style, lonely people can be adversely affected in their performance during social situations or they may decide that their situation is irreversible and be less inclined to establish affiliations with others.
Loneliness is also correlated with various social skill deficits and inadequacies (Jones, 1982), such as, lower social risk taking, less affiliative tendency and sociability, less expressed inclusion of and affection for others and less intimate self-disclosure (Jones, 1982). These deficiencies in social skills can influence an individual's ability to develop and maintain social relationships.
The effect of attributional style on social skills is demonstrated in a study researching expressive communication (Gerson & Perlman, 1979). Individuals who are situationally lonely are more likely to be successful "communication senders" (Gerson & Perlman, 1979, 258) than chronically lonely individuals. The researchers propose that the motivational arousal, which is often associated with "enhanced expressiveness" (Gerson & Perlman, 1979, 258), increases the expectations of situationally lonely individuals, and therefore, they are more efficient in their communications to others. Conversely, because of a more self-focused interaction pattern, chronically lonely individuals and depressed individuals are less skillful communicators and tend to receive poor results for "receiver accuracy" (Gerson & Perlman, 1979, 260).
Another study researching the social skills of lonely people investigates patterns of self-disclosure (Solano, Batten & Parish, 1982). The data shows that, in opposite sex dyads, lonely people tend to disclose more information than nonlonely subjects, and that, in same sex dyads, they will disclose less than nonlonely subjects (Solano, Batten & Parish, 1982). This effect is intensified because these individuals also appear to be insensitive to these lowered intimacy levels in conversation with others, and are therefore, unable to adjust their level of self-disclosure to increase their likelihood of developing satisfying relationships (Solano, Batten & Parish, 1982). Another study by Goswick and Jones (Jones, 1982), has also found that subjects who are lonely are "less empathetic or less responsive to the needs, concerns and feelings of others" (Jones, 1982, 241). This apparent lack of sensitivity is compatible with the concept that lonely people are more self-focused in their interactions with others.
The role of attachment during development may help to explain why some individuals are more likely to lack social skills and are more inclined to develop depression and a pessimistic attributional style. The relationship between inadequate attachment in childhood and the experience of loneliness in adulthood is explored in various studies, and there is evidence that childhood experience may predispose individuals to being lonely later in life (Paloutzian & Ellison, 1982). Specifically, children who are "deprived of secure attachment" (Peplau, Miceli & Morasch, 1982, 148) with adult figures are more likely to maintain "models of the self and the social world that are harmful to their self-esteem and to their later social adjustment" (Peplau, Miceli & Morasch, 1982, 148). The influence of modelling would suggest that one's early experiences with family and peers, including the degree of warmth, love and closeness, can influence how one learns to relate to others (Paloutzian & Ellison, 1982); and therefore, positive experiences early in life, increasing feelings of intimacy and belonging, have long-term effects, by facilitating the same qualities in later adult relationships (Paloutzian & Ellison, 1982). Attachment and modelling of appropriate social behaviour are conceivably interrelated with other correlates of loneliness, such as, a poor self-concept, social anxiety, shyness and a distrust and dislike of others (Solano, Batten & Parish, 1982). For example, an important motive for inadequate self-disclosure is the lack of trust which lonely people feel toward other individuals (Solano, Batten & Parish, 1982).
It is argued that poor social social skills predispose individuals to depression because ineffective social interactions do not generate positive reinforcement from the environment (Gerson & Perlman, 1979). As a result, lonely people will not value themselves and will act to avoid anticipated rejection (Jones, 1982). Conversely, it is possible that with a more self-focused interaction pattern, these individuals may not perceive or appreciate acts of genuine social acceptance and social reinforcement (Jones, 1982). In either case, attempts at interaction tend to decrease and become less effective (Jones, 1982), and a cycle of increased social isolation, loss of self-esteem and increased pessimism about social relations is sustained (Peplau, Miceli & Morasch, 1982).
In conclusion, the distinction between chronic and temporary loneliness is important for developing a better understanding of this psychological phenomenon. Any individual who suffers from either form of loneliness may need help when adjusting to changes in their social situations; but treatments for chronic loneliness will require a more comprehensive approach through which the maladaptive cognitive, behavioural and emotional dimensions are confronted and modified.
References
Anderson, C., Horowitz, L. & French, R. (1983). Attributional style of lonely and depressed people. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 45(1), 127-136.
Atkinson, et al. (1993). Introduction to Psychology, 11th ed. Fort Wrth, Texas: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
Cutrona, C. (1982). Transition to college: Loneliness and the process of social adjustment. In Peplau, L. & Perlman, D. (eds.). Loneliness: A Sourcebook of Current Theory, Research and Therapy. (pp.291-309). NY: John Wiley and Sons.
Gerson, A. & Perlman, D. (1979). Loneliness and expressive communication. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 88(3), 258-261).
Jones, W. (1982). Loneliness and social behaviour. In Peplau, A. & Perlman, D. (eds.). Loneliness: A Sourcebook of Current Theory, Research and Therapy. (pp.238-254). NY: John Wiley and Sons.
Paloutzian, R. & Ellison, C. (1982). Loneliness, spiritual well-being and the quality of life. In Peplau, L. & Perlman, D. (eds.). Loneliness: A Sourcebook of Current Theory, Research and Therapy. (pp.224-237). NY: John Wiley and Sons.
Peplau, L., Miceli, M. & Morasch, B. (1982). Loneliness and self-evaluation. In Peplau, L. & Perlman, D. (eds.). Loneliness: A Sourcebook of Current Theory, Research and Therapy. (pp.135-151). NY: John Wiley and Sons.
Peplau, L. & Perlman, D. (1982). Perspectives on loneliness. In Peplau, L. & Perlman, D. (eds.). Loneliness: A Sourcebook of Current Theory, Research and Therapy. (pp.1-20). NY: John Wiley and Sons.
Solano, C., Batten, P. & Parish, E. (1982). Loneliness and patterns of self-disclosure. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 43(3), 524-531.
Weiss, R. (1982). Issues in the study of loneliness. In Peplau, L. & Perlman, D. (eds.). Loneliness: A Sourcebook of Current Theory Research and Therapy. (pp.71-80). NY: John Wiley and Sons.
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