Matthew Caldwell

CALDWELL, MATHEW (1798-1842). Mathew Caldwell, a signer of the Texas Declaration of Independence and soldier in the Texas army, was born in Kentucky on March 8, 1798. He moved to Missouri with his family in 1818 and settled in Texas in the DeWitt colonyqv in 1831. He has been called "the Paul Revere of the Texas Revolution" because he rode from Gonzales to Bastrop to call men to arms before the battle of Gonzalesqv in October 1835; he was also called "Old Paint" because his whiskers were spotted. Caldwell served as one of the two delegates from Gonzales Municipality at the Convention of 1836qv at Washington-on-the-Brazos. On March 2, 1836, after the signing of the Declaration of Independence, the convention dispatched couriers with the news and sent Caldwell with one of the couriers to the Texas army in order to ascertain the condition of the force and the movements of the enemy on the frontier.

On January 15, 1839, President Mirabeau B. Lamarqv named Caldwell captain of a company of rangers to be raised for the defense of Goliad. On March 23, 1839, Caldwell became captain of a company in the First Regiment of Infantry. He was wounded at the Council House Fightqv in March 1840 but headed a company at the battle of Plum Creekqv on August 12. As captain of Company D of the scouting force on the Texan Santa Fe expeditionqv in 1841, he was captured with the expedition and imprisoned in Mexico. Upon release he hastened to the relief of San Antonio and on September 18, 1842, commanded a force of 200 men who met and defeated Adrián Wollqv in the battle of Salado Creek.

Caldwell was noted as married in the list of DeWitt colony settlers in 1831, but his first wife's name is not known; he married Mrs. Hannah Morrison in Washington County on May 17, 1837, and had at least three children. He died at his home in Gonzales on December 28, 1842, and was buried with military honors. Caldwell County, established in 1848, was named in his honor. In 1930 the state of Texas erected a monument at his grave in the cemetery at Gonzales.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Louis Wiltz Kemp, The Signers of the Texas Declaration of Independence (Salado, Texas: Anson Jones, 1944; rpt. 1959). George R. Nielsen, "Mathew Caldwell," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 64 (April 1961). Texas House of Representatives, Biographical Directory of the Texan Conventions and Congresses, 1832-1845 (Austin: Book Exchange, 1941).

L. W. Kemp

CALDWELL COUNTY. Caldwell County (L-17), 120 miles inland from the Gulf of Mexico in south central Texas, is bordered by Bastrop, Fayette, Gonzales, Guadalupe, Hays, and Travis counties. Lockhart, the county seat, is at the intersection of U.S. Highway 183 and Farm Road 20, thirty miles south of Austin and seventy miles northeast of San Antonio. The county's center lies four miles southeast of Lockhart at approximately 29°50' north latitude and 97°37' west longitude. The county comprises roughly 546 square miles of flat to rolling terrain with elevations ranging from 375 to 500 feet above sea level. It is bisected from southwest to northeast by the Luling-Darst Creek fault zone. The northwest part of the county is in the blackland prairie region, where the terrain is low-rolling to flat and tall grasses and mesquite flourish in the black, waxy soils. The southeastern half of the county is more hilly, and the sandy soils support a wider variety of vegetation, including hardwoods such as oak and elm as well as mesquiteqv and grasses. The county is almost entirely within the Guadalupe River basin; it is drained primarily by Plum Creek and its tributaries, and by the San Marcos River, which forms the boundary with Guadalupe County. Wildlife in the area includes deer, javelinas, coyotes, bobcats, beavers, otters, foxes, raccoons, skunks, turkeys, squirrels, and a variety of small birds, fish, and reptiles. Among the county's mineral resources are clay, industrial sand, gravel, oil, and gas. The climate is subtropical and humid, with an average minimum temperature of 38° F in January and an average high temperature of 96° F in July. The growing season averages 274 days annually, and the rainfall averages thirty-five inches.

Although Caldwell County is on the border between Central Texas and the Coastal Plains, its archeological record is more closely related to that of Central Texas. The region has supported human habitation for several thousand years. Archeological evidence suggests that hunting and gathering peoples established themselves in the area as early as 10,000 years ago. Some of these may have been ancestors of the Tonkawa Indians, who appear to have been native to the region. Other Indian groups included the Karankawas, who sometimes ranged as far inland as Gonzales and Caldwell counties, and the Comanches, who migrated from north and west Texas in the early nineteenth century.

Caldwell County was part of Green DeWitt's colony, which was approved by the Mexican government in April 1825. Early settlement in the colony centered around the Gonzales area. The surveying of the Caldwell County area began in the late 1820s. Most of the early grants, made between 1831 and 1835, were located along the San Marcos River and Plum Creek, and most of the early communities, such as Prairie Lea, Plum Creek, and Atlanta, developed along these watercourses in the southwestern and central parts of the county. One exception was the McMahan area on Tinney Creek in eastern Caldwell County, which was settled in the late 1830s. Settlement was disrupted during the Runaway Scrape in 1836 but resumed soon after the war ended. The Congress of the Republic of Texas made the Caldwell County area part of Gonzales County in 1836. In the early years of the republic residents were threatened by Indian raids, but after the defeat of the Indians in the battle of Plum Creek in 1840 only minor skirmishes occurred.

By 1847 the population in the northern part of Gonzales County had increased so much that residents petitioned the Texas legislature to establish a new county, Plum Creek County, with Lockhart Springs as county seat. In March 1848 the legislature approved the formation of the county from Bastrop and Gonzales counties but named it Caldwell instead of Plum Creek; the county seat was called Lockhart. Although the legislature did not say why the name Caldwell was chosen, it was probably in honor of Mathew Caldwell, a signer of the Texas Declaration of Independence. The county seat was located on a tract of land that had been part of Byrd Lockhart's Plum Creek grant.

Caldwell County grew fairly quickly between 1850 and 1860. According to the 1850 census it had 1,055 free residents and 274 slaves; by 1860 the number of free residents had more than doubled to 2,871, and the number of slaves had increased more than 5½ times to 1,610. Among the new communities were Fentress, Martindale, and Lytton Springs. The county's early economy was primarily based on livestock rather than on crops; the number of cattle in the county increased from 3,800 in 1850 to more than 33,000 in 1860, and the number of hogs rose from 3,400 to 11,480 during the same time period. The increase in livestock would probably have been even greater if the region had not been had a severe drought from 1857 to 1859.

The earliest schools in Caldwell County were private institutions that met in someone's home or in space donated by Masonic lodges. Although the legislature established a system of public school districts in 1854, the outbreak of the Civil Warqv in 1861 delayed improvements in buildings and textbooks. Redistricting in 1875 and in 1884 made districts smaller and more numerous; most districts centered around established communities, allowing children to attend school near their home. It was not until the 1930s and 1940s that improved transportation made large-scale consolidation of schools into independent school districts possible. Until the mid-twentieth century, extensive schooling was for many children in Caldwell County a luxury that took second place to their duties on the family farm, and dropout rates were high. As late as 1940 only 8 percent of the population over twenty-five had completed high school. The percentage of adult residents who had finished school began to rise, however, as the job market expanded; it was nearly 15 percent in 1960 and 58 percent in 1980.

The first church in Caldwell County, the Clear Fork Baptist Church, was organized in 1848. Among the early churches were a Primitive Baptist congregation organized at Prairie Lea in 1851, Christian and Episcopal churches organized at Lockhart in 1852, and a Primitive Baptist church organized at Tinney Creek in 1852. By 1870 the county had eleven churches: five Baptist, two Methodist, two Presbyterian, one Episcopal, and one Christian. Few communities had their own preachers; itinerant ministers went from place to place, sometimes staying two or three months in a town and teaching school to help earn their keep. Camp meetings also played an important role in the county's religious development, especially after 1870, and people came as far as thirty miles to attend them. The first Catholic church in the county was St. Mary's of the Visitation, which was built in Lockhart in the mid-1880s. In 1900 the Southwest Texas Sacred Harp Singing Convention was established in McMahan (see SACRED HARP MUSIC). In the early 1980s the county's forty-seven churches had an estimated combined membership of 10,559; Southern Baptist, Catholic, and United Methodist were the largest denominations.

Spencer Ford of Lockhart represented Caldwell County at the Secession Convention in January 1861 and voted in favor of secession; Caldwell County voters accepted the ordinance later that year by a margin of 434 to 188. Several hundred men from Caldwell County served in the Confederate Army, in at least six companies that served in the New Mexico and Red River campaigns, in Galveston and Brownsville, and on the frontier. Because most men of military age had enlisted, women, children, old men, and slaves were left to maintain family farms. Many acres lay idle for lack of enough people to work them. The crops and livestock that families did manage to raise were in danger of being confiscated by troops foraging for supplies.

During Reconstruction, several incidents of racial violence prompted the stationing of federal troops at Lockhart and Prairie Lea, and clashes between federal soldiers and local residents led to considerable ill-feeling, as elsewhere in the South. Because of the loyalty oath required, the first elections after the Civil War attracted few former Confederates as voters, although some residents did turn out to harass blacks who came to the polls. By the election of 1869, however, enough Democrats had regained their eligibility to choose Andrew J. Hamilton for governor over Edmund J. Davis by a vote of 413 to 352. In presidential politics Caldwell County was staunchly Democratic from the end of Reconstruction until 1972, when the vote went to Richard Nixon. Ronald Reagan won the county in 1984.

Like most areas in the south, Caldwell County suffered a severe economic decline immediately after the Civil War and throughout the Reconstruction period. Between 1864 and 1866 property-tax receipts declined 70 percent. A little more than half of the loss was in slaves; the rest came from declines in total farm acreage, farm value, and livestock value, each of which fell 33 to 60 percent by the time of the 1870 census. Recovery was slow because transportation was poor and because the economy was so dependent on agriculture.

After the war many former slaves remained in the area. By 1870 the black population in the county had increased to 2,531, 38 percent of the total. With the exception of St. John Colony, which was established by former slaves in the early 1870s, there were no independent black communities in the county. Instead, separate church and school facilities were built in existing communities. The number of black residents increased steadily until 1900, although the number of whites who moved in was such that blacks as a percentage of the total population fell from 34 percent in 1880 to 26 percent in 1900. The black population fell slowly to 4,664 in 1930 and 2,582 in 1960, but remained at a stable 15 percent of the total number of residents. In 1980 the county's 3,867 black residents represented slightly more than 16 percent of the total.

The Caldwell County economy began to show signs of recovery by 1880, thanks in large part to the growth of the cattle industry, improved transportation, and an influx of people from other states and other countries. The Galveston, Harrisburg and San Antonio Railway connected the new community of Luling with Columbus in 1874, thus providing southern Caldwell County with easier access to markets. With the railroads came new towns-Maxwell, Dale, and Reedville; other towns, like Brownsboro, McNeil, Taylorsville, and Elm Grove were bypassed by the railroads and faded as their residents moved away. The county population rose from 6,572 in 1870 to 11,757 in 1880, and the census reported 1,421 farms in 1880, up from 357 ten years earlier. The amount of land in farms rose from 124,690 acres in 1870 to 205,335 acres in 1880, but the average farm size fell from 349 acres to 144 acres. Many of the county's large farms and ranches were divided into smaller units and leased to tenants in the years immediately following the Civil War; other farms were broken up and sold for taxes. New residents were able to take advantage of the availability of land and start new farms of their own.



PLUM CREEK (Hays County). Plum Creek rises in eastern Hays County (at 30°02' N, 97°54' W) two miles north of Kyle and runs southeast for fifty-two miles to its mouth (at 29°38' N, 97°36' W) on the San Marcos River, at the Gonzales-Caldwell county line about three miles southeast of Luling. The Clear Fork of Plum Creek rises in southeastern Hays County two miles southeast of Kyle and runs southeast for twenty-six miles, to join Plum Creek in Caldwell County about four miles northeast of Luling. The only other major tributary of Plum Creek, the West Fork, rises in western Caldwell County about four miles southwest of Lockhart and runs southeast for 21½ miles, joining Plum Creek about 1½ miles east of Luling. Plum Creek is intermittent in its upper reaches. The local terrain is characterized by clay and chalk soils that support post oak trees. In August 1840 the battle of Plum Creek was fought on the stream's banks near the site of present-day Lockhart.

SONS OF DEWITT COLONY TEXAS
© 1997-2002, Wallace L. McKeehan, All Rights Reserved
DeWitt Colony Captains-Index

MATHEW CALDWELL

Fight for your Homes and Families and give the Hell---there was something very solom with great courage as well as Chivalry mixed with a little of the comic in the appearance of the Col---above the common height of men a little slim dark hair now mixed with white patches mor particularly in the Beard by which he got the Sobriquet of Old Paint....James Ramsay at the Battle of Salado.

Mathew (Old Paint) Caldwell was born in Kentucky about 1798 and is said to have acquired the nickname because of white spots in his hair, beard and on his breast like a paint horse. According to Kemp in The Signers of the Texas Declaration of Independence, Caldwell is thought, like the Burkett, Zumwalts, Kents and DeWitts, to have come from Missouri. Baker in Texas Scrapbook says he came from Tennessee. Other records indicate that Caldwell and his family were part of the party who came to the colony as part of the Tennessee-Texas Land Company. Land records indicate that Caldwell arrived in the DeWitt Colony with a family of 5 on 20 Feb 1831. He received title to a sitio of land on 22 Jun 1831 southwest of current Hallettsville in Lavaca County near the Zumwalt Settlement.

In Gonzales Caldwell acquired the original James Hinds residence on Water St. across from the Guadalupe River south of the Dickinson and Kimble Hat Factory. Dixon in The Men Who Made Texas states that Caldwell was born 8 Mar 1798, moved with his parents to Missouri in 1818, became a skilled Indian fighter in Missouri and was involved in trading with local Indians in the territory. Dixon further states he came to Texas from Missouri via Natchitoches by horseback in 1833 and first settled in current Sabine County where he was elected along with Stephen Blount and Martin Parmer to represent the area at the Independence Convention of 1836. Election returns in Gonzales County show Caldwell and John Fisher were elected delegates from that municipality for the convention. On 2 Mar, Caldwell along with William C. Crawford and William D. Lacy were appointed by the President to procure couriers to send expresses to the army "Believing it of vital importance that this convention know correctly the true situation of our enemy on the frontier, and also the condition of our army, they would recommend the convention to accept the services of Major Caldwell, who purposes to start this day to the frontier."

In Nov 1835, he was appointed a subcontractor by William Pettus, main contractor appointed by the Provisional Government of Texas, to supply a Volunteer Army. On 1 Feb 1836, he and John Fisher were elected delegates from the Gonzales Municipality to the Texas Independence Convention of 1836 at Washington-on-the Brazos and both were signers of the Texas Declaration of Independence. Caldwell was one on the committee of three appointed to assess the situation of the enemy on the frontier and the condition of the Texian army. Capt. Caldwell's reports and letters give insight into his activities:
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Report to Provisional Governor Henry Smith
Gonzales 19th Dec. 1835 His Excellency Gov Smith San Felipe De Austin Sir I have now the honor to give you a report of my proceedings in the discharge of my public duty as Sub-Contractor to the Volunteer Army of Texas which I hope will receive your approbation. I am on the point of sending out a company in pursuit of the Indians, who committed last night depredations on this neighborhood, and they have also been seen between this and Cibolo Four wagons will leave this day for the Army at Bexar with supplies, consisting of Coffee, Sugar, Soap, Salt, Corn Meal and blankets, forty beeves will also leave at the same time, with about 5 Cwt of iron, and I intend contracting with Capt Bateman for 10,000 lbs Pork, all which I trust will be of seasonable relief Considering that two pieces of Artillery are requisite for the protection of this frontier, I shall request the Commander at Bexar to furnish me with them, say one 6 and one 4 pounder. The funds placed at my disposal, are nearly exhausted, as per account annexed and I have respectfully to suggest a further supply in order to meet immediate and pressing wants. Five Kegs powder and some lead remain on hand to be forwarded when required, Permit me to recommend to your Excellency my Assistant Mr Edward Gritton, whose services have been useful, and who lately performed an important one, in conveying supplies of powder and lead to the army before Bexar I have the honor to remain with great respect Yr Ob Svt. Mathew Caldwell Sub Contractor Since my last of the Ist Instant I have given the following order on the Provisional Government of Texas, viz: Decr 18th 1835. To Horace Eggleston for $212,50, No. 512---To Jno Lowell for $15---To Horace Eggleston for $46,50. Mathew Caldwell Sub Contractor

Attack by Joseph P. Lawler
Gonzales Dec 22 1835 To The provisional Council
Honored Gentlemen On Saturday evening last I was rudely assailed by an assassin in this place and unfortunately received several wounds one of which has caused much apprehensions and fear for my safety. This is to request that public advertisement may be made and that a reward of one hundred dollars be offered (which I hereby authorize) for his apprehension. Cats. Clemons & Barrett are particularly requested to attend to the above as a peculiar favor and act of friendship, which will be gratefully acknowledged. The perpetrator of the act was Jos P Laller Doct Jos E Field happened to be passing through this place on his way to San Philip but was, by me, and my friends prevailed upon to remain with me but I hope this delay will not prevent his obtaining the appointment of surgeon in the regular army which I am told he wishes to obtain Mathew Caldwell

9 Jan 1836 Appeal for funds
To the President and Permanent deputation of Texas in Convention Convened I now must inform you something of the present situation of this country. I have endeavored to Give assistance to the army every way in iny power that is now in Bexar, Yesterday I have in Order to comply with the comdt of that place sent fifty Bushels of corn meal, and some beef cattle are now collecting for that place, therefore I must now inform you, that articles necessary to furnish that army are Scarce here as the Volunteers ever since the war has been Furnished with verry much from this place and there is now no more than is immediately needed for the families in this Munity and there is no funds here in my hands which has not been applied to public use, therefore I must say it is Out of my power to comply in contracting for the army any longer without funds being placed in my hands, to disbirs as the people here cannot longer render their services individually nor their property or teams without pay, as they are for the preservation of their families bound to use their Money to their own individual purpose. I have seen your Resolves regulating and providing for Rangers on tlie frontier, I only say to You, that in regard to the appointing thec officers to command the rangers in this division the people will not organize under that regulation but if your Honourable body will See fit to permit us to Elect our own officers to command the company, up to a Captain in that Event I think a company may be made, which we much need, I am at this time much recovering from my wounds & afflictions, that I informed you of in my last communication, having nothing more of importance to inform you of at present, but remain Your Humble Sevt. &c Gonzales Jany the 9th 1835 [1836] Mathew Caldwell

On January 14, the council voted that it could not take action on this request stating "Mr. Caldwell is not known to this house as a contractor, and if he has been appointed subcontractor, it is his duty to settle with the individual who appointed him." On 4 Feb 1836, a letter signed by D.C. Barrett, J.D. Clements, Alexander Thompson and G.A. Patillo agreed with Capt. Caldwell's latter suggestion concluding the organization of the Ranger Corp was not working and proposed solutions to acting governor Robinson. Caldwell, Byrd Lockhart and William A. Mathews were appointed commissioners on the issue for Gonzales.

Authorization of funds. In a letter of 20 Jan 1836, acting provisional governor James W. Robinson in San Felipe authorized Caldwell to draw money from alcalde Andrew Ponton for supplies purchased by the government. A letter from Robinson to Ponton of 21 Jan stating that Gen. Burleson has been given $300 from government funds to deliver to Ponton.

Receipt for supplies
The Provisional Government of Texas To Mathew Caldwell.
1835 October 1st For 75 measured bushels of Corn, furnished to the Army when at Gonzales at 75.00
Decr. 1st For 5 do. do. furnished to Capt. Read's company from the Neches 5.00
Deer. 16. For 3 hogs and I beef steer, killed to supply soldiers coming from the Army with meat at $8 each 32.00
$112.00
Gonzales 23d January 1836 Mathew Caldwell

Receipt to Simon Bateman
Provisional Government of Texas To Simeon Bateman
Jany 10 To 175 bushels Corn at 1$ 175.00
Hawling and sucking 5 loads to Gonzales at 10 cents 50.00
Jany 15 To Hawling 50 bushels Corn to San Antonio 2500 lbs at 2$ 50.00
Jany 19 To Hawling 2 Cannon from San Antonio to Gonzales 1000 lbs at 1.75 17.50
Jany 19 To Hire of Negroes Herding Cattle 2 mo. 2lds, at 20$ per mo. 53.35 $345.85
Gonzales Feb 7, 1836 At Sight please pay Mr. Simeon Bateman or order Three Hundred and forty five 85/100 dollars for value received. Mathew Caldwell Sub Contractor

On 2 Mar 1836, Capt. Caldwell signed the Texas Declaration of Independence at the General Independence Convention at Washington-on-the-Brazos. On 17 Mar, he signed the Constitution of the Republic of Texas at the same convention.

Robinson to Mirabeau Lamar 1839
Gonzales Feb 24. 1839 To His Excellency Mirabeau B. Lamar, President of the Republic of Texas

Dr Sir Capt. Mathew Caldwell of this place accepts the appointment you were pleased to extend to as Captain for the term of 3 months to range on the frontiers of Gonzales county, & will proceed to raise the company as soon as possible. He also wishes me to inform you that he accepts the appointment of Capt. in the Regular Regt. commanded by Col. Burlison, as you were pleased to request me to inform him, and the assignment of the post on the San Marks River- But he is informed through Col. Wells that all the officers of Burleson's Regt has been appointed, and no place left for him, nor has he been appointed. If so your Excellency must have forgotten the promise made to me for Capt. C. & also to Col. Burleson & to Switzer, & I hope he can yet be provided for, as I do think him the best Capt. of Spies in Texas, even superior in many respects to the old veteran Deaf Smith. He caught a mustang stallion the other day, & held him until his fellow hunter shot an other, & skinned a larriette to tie him, & they have him here now, an exploit not surpassed by Gen. Putman's wolf story. Your friend truly James W. Robinson [Addressed] [Endorsed] To His Excellency J. W. Robinson Mirabeau B. Lamar Gonzales-City of Houston Feb. 24, 1839. Texas

In 1839, he was appointed by President Mirabeau B. Lamar to raise a company of rangers to defend Goliad in response to increased attempts of the Mexican Army to take back Texas. On 23 March 23 1839, he became Captain of a company in the 1st Regiment of Infantry of the army of the Texas Republic. Capt. Caldwell was known as an exceptional and skillful Indian fighter. He was wounded at the Council House Fight in March 1840 and a key commander in the defeat of the Comanche force at Plum Creek on 12 Aug under Gen. Huston and Burleson. Caldwell was captured and spent time in prison in Mexico leading Company D of the scouting force in the Santa Fe Expedition in 1841 under Gen. McLeod. Soon after his release he participated in the Battle of the Salado in San Antonio 18 Sep 1842 when Gen. Adrian Woll’s forces. Caldwells personality and style was also described by the author's uncle Nathan Boone Burkett in his memoirs Early Days in Texas, who served under him at Salado:

"In getting ready for the battle on the Salado, Captain Caldwell prepared us by saying that the test had come. He rolled up his sleeves and stopped in front of the men with a red handkerchief tied around his head, and made us a speech something like this: Boys, I have longed to see the day when I would have a chance to fight these rascals, ever since I spent some time in a Mexican prison, Now boys, the time has come, and I do not want you to shoot until you can see the whites of their eyes. If every one of you will pick your men and make a sure shot, we will whip h--- out of them before they know it.'"

His spirit and personality is further exhibited in his official report of the engagement:

"September 17, 1842, 7 PM, at the Salado, two miles above the old crossing. We commenced fighting at eleven o'clock to-day. A hot fire was kept up until about one hour by the sun, when the enemy retreated, bearing off their dead on the ground, and very many dead and wounded were taken from the field by their friends. We have a glorious band of Texas patriots, among whom only ten were wounded, and not one killed. The enemy are around me on every side, but I fear them not. I will hold my position until I hear from reinforcements. Come and help me--it is the most favorable opportunity I have ever seen. There are eleven hundred of the enemy. I can whip them on any ground, without any help, but can not take any prisoners. Why don't you come? Huzza! huzza for Texas! MATTHEW CALDWELL, Colonel Commanding."

Robert Hall in his memoirs related his view of Capt. Caldwell:

"President Lamar concluded that he wanted to open up some sort of communication and trade with Santa Fe, and he sent Capt. Paint Caldwell with about one hundred men to that far away city. This was very a very strange piece of diplomacy. Caldwell was one of the most remarkable men that ever lived. He had a heart of gold, and the word fear conveyed no meaning to his soul. In open violation of every principle of international comity and courtesy, the whole force was made to surrender as prisoners of war in the city of Santa Fe. They were never treated as prisoners of war. Most of the men were loaded with chains and thrown into dungeons. After some time they were started on the long march to the City of Mexico on foot. In a few days the burning sun and the scorching sand began to crush the poor worn out prisoners. One who understood the Spanish language heard an officer say to the guards, "If the Americano diablos drop in the road, cut their throats as you would a dog, and bring me their ears that I may account for my prisoners." This act of butchery and inhumanity was performed several times. One day Capt. Caldwell himself fell in the road on the hot sand. A Mexican officer more humane than the others had become attached to the brave old veteran, and he bent over the prostrate and as he thought dying soldier and whispered: "If you desire I will cut your ears off and report you dead. Possibly you may hobble to some ranch and survive." The old captain could not bear the idea of losing his cars, and he struggled to his feet and rejoined his miserable comrades. I think he was gone about eighteen months. The Mexican government released these prisoners, but mad ethem swear that they would never again bear arms against Mexico. Capt. Caldwell got home just in time to participate in the battle of Salado. He regarded the oath that he had taken under duress as nothing, but always said that he never intended to surrender again to any Mexican soldiers."

George W. Kendall related the following story illustrating Capt. Caldwell's storytelling and character while they were on the forced march just out of San Miguel in New Mexico to Mexico after capture on the Sante Fé Expedition:

I cannot leave our encampment among the cottonwoods near the Casa Colorada without relating an amusing story told that evening by "Old Paint" Caldwell. The time appeared ill-assorted with merriment and laughter, yet laugh we did, and heartily too, at the recital of the old captain's anecdote. Among the passengers in the cart with poor McAllister were the narrator and a man who went by the soubriquet of "Stump"; there may have been others, but if there were I have now forgotten their names. In the morning, before starting, Stump had declared that he could not walk a mile-to save his life, even-and so positive was he upon this point, that a place was provided for him in the cart. When this vehicle met with the accident, of course Stump was thrown upon his feet with the rest. While the few words were passing between McAllister and Salezar, and previous to the inhuman murder of the former [McAllister, who was unable to stay on his feet, was shot on the spot by Salezar after an invitation by McAllister to go ahead and kill him--WLM], Stump was hobbling about, apparently unable to walk at all: his feet were sore, his knees were stiff, and not a bone was there in his body that did not pain him at every movement-he was curled up, the picture of despair; but no sooner did he see his comrade fall, and feel the certainty that he, too, would meet with a similar fate unless he put his powers of locomotion in immediate action, than, to use the old captain's own words, Stump straightened up and started at a pace that would have staggered Captain Barclay, Ellworth, or the greatest pedestrian mentioned in the annals of "tall walking." Stump went by, first one, then another of his companions, and never abated his stride until he was in the lead of the whole party of prisoners: a position he pertinaciously kept through the remainder of the day, and, in fact, during the march. In the morning he could not walk a mile; he afterward did walk something like eighteen hundred, and without flagging. This story of the old captain's through, we cast our weary limbs upon the earth, and as the grove of trees in which we were encamped materially deadened the force of the wind, we were enabled to pass a more comfortable night than any since we left San Miguel.

According to Miles S. Bennet relating Caldwell's expertise as an Indian fighter:

"His perceptions were so acute that while hunting with him his companions often declared they believed that "Old Paint" could smell Indians when in their vicinity; yet withal he was courteous and genial in his demeanor, and especially considerate to the young."

Capt. Caldwell died at his home in Gonzales on 28 Dec 1842 at the age of 43, just three months after his victory as commander at Salado. The controversy and criticism surrounding the decision of the Texian force not to attack, pursue and capture the retreating Mexican force under Gen. Woll at the Hondo River is thought by most historians to have weighed heavily on the Captain in addition to the collective toll of illnesses suffered during and after his imprisonment as a consequence of the Santa Fe Expedition. Although Caldwell accepted responsibility for breaking off the pursuit, it is clear that he was not in full command of the force which suffered from bickering among multiple officers for leadership. Collective factors including the lack of cohesive leadership, poor supplies, fatigue and the distance from home near Mexican territory are thought to influenced Capt. Caldwell's to consent to break off the action and eventually return north to home.

In his official report in which he apparently assumed fault for not pursuing and attacking Woll's army, Capt. Caldwell pointed out that he at no time was able to determine the Mexican troops front and ....owing to the boggy situation of the ground and tired horses, I failed to support him [Capt. John C. Hays in capture of a cannon, an action for which Caldwell had approved]. I then found General Woll with his command formed in the prairie, ready for action, and owing to the situation he had taken, I considered that I was not able to attack him, without suffering severe loss---nor was I able at any time, to force him to fight, only on his own ground, and owing to the situation of tired horses, tired men, and scarcity of ammunition, I deemed it prudent to fall back to San Antonio. I also had the best reasons to believe that General Woll had re-enforcements near at hand to cover his retreat.

John Holland Jenkins wrote in his reminiscences of Texas history: ".....There seemed to be a strange want of discipline or system or harmony among the officers....who could not agree as to the proper line of policy, and stood discussing and debating questions, while the soldiers were all the time growing more perplexed and impatient." Others related that although Col. John H. Moore had consented earlier to Caldwell's leadership, he insisted the right to command at the moment. Col. James S. Mayfield's men indicated they would fight behind no one but him. Col. Caldwell indicated that he would follow Moore or any other leader into the battle.

Jenkins described Caldwell's response to an apparent unilateral action on the part of Capt. Billingsley's company:

Captain Billingsley understanding the situation, and knowing the value of prompt action, called out to the soldiers--"Boys do you want to fight?" A loud "Yes" was the instant reply. Then "Follow Me!" he called, and marched on, leading a considerable force. We were already approaching very near the Mexican infantry drawn up in line of battle, and in two minutes the charge would have been made and the fight commenced. But at this juncture superior authority interfered. Col. Caldwell galloping up, called out to Billingsley, asking, "Where are you going?" "To Fight!" was the answer. "Counter march those men back to ranks," Caldwell commanded, and we were forced to take our places back in the standing army, all worried and disgusted with what seemed to us then a cowardly hesitation and still seems a disgraceful confused proceeding without motive or design.

A Dawson prisoner in the Woll camp agreed that ".....four hundred men [Texians] would have fallen a sacrifice to rashness.....I then as now thought that the Texans acted very prudently. Sacrifices made were already sufficient; and I must here bear testimony to the officer-like conduct of the brave Caldwell and his men. We were near them on the Salado, but they were not strong enough to venture out to our aid. They have my thanks for their good conduct." Although the latter statement refers to Dawson's troop at the Salado, the former comment is thought to refer to Caldwell's actions on the Hondo.

Eyewitness reports of participants on the scene vary in their assessment of Capt. Caldwell's actual position in whether to continue the attack on Woll's forces or break off and return home. Uncle Nate Burkett says:

Mayfield and Captain Caldwell made speeches that morning, but Caldwell told us he was not in favor of following this Mexican army any further. He stated his desire had been accomplished at the Salado, he said he knew we could whip them, but we could not do it without losing a good many of our men, and added: "I would not give ten of my men for the entire Mexican army." Mayfield attempted to make a speech in opposition to Caldwell, then they both stepped out in front and called for volunteers to decide the question. Captain Caldwell got at least two-thirds or three-fourths of the men, so we decided to return to our home.

Capt. "Black" Adam Zumwalt, the Comanche Attack on Linnville and the Battle of Plum Creek

( [The following is synthesized largely from Brown's History of Texas, Sowell's Rangers and Pioneer's of Texas and Brice's The Great Comanche Raid: Boldest Indian Attack of the Texas Republic and some other family history records. For more accounts, see The Battle of Plum Creek].

The largest, longest sustained and possibly the only attack by Comanches with a semblance of organization in the DeWitt Colony occurred during the first two weeks of August 1840. According to John Henry Brown, a resident of the colony, in his book The Indian Wars and Pioneers of Texas:

"....the country between the Guadalupe and San Marcos, on the west, and the Colorado on the east, above a line drawn from Gonzales to La Grange, was a wilderness, while below that line it was thinly settled. Between Gonzales and Austin, on Plum Creek, were two recent settlers, Isom J. Goode and John A. Neill. From Gonzales to within a few miles of La Grange there was not a settler. There was not one between Gonzales and Bastrop, nor one between Austin and San Antonio. A road from Gonzales to Austin, then in the first year of its existence, had been opened in July 1839."

The route was one the Comanches used unimpeded on their hunting parties and raids to the Texas coast and into Mexico from their base in the mountains and plains of northwest Texas. The raid on Victoria and Linnville came after a failure of attempts for peace between Texas settlers and the Comanche tribes culminating with the Council House Fight in San Antonio on 19 Mar 1840. In the fight, over 35 Comanches were killed including several chiefs and 29 were taken prisoner. Eight Texans were also killed in the foray including two judges, Hood of San Antonio and Thompson of Houston, and 8 including Judge James W. Robinson and Capt. Mathew Caldwell were wounded. With promises of land and protection in a Texas reunited with Mexico, Mexican authorities used this event to intensify their encouragement and aid to the Indians to attack and destabilize the new Texas Republic. A force of Comanches of over one thousand moved from the north and west through the colony with bands of 20 to 30 spinning off the main contingent and making continuous raids on anything in their path to Victoria and Linnville on the coast.

The Foley and Ponton Incident. On 5 August, Tucker Foley and Dr. Joel Ponton, who were Lavaca County residents, were on their way to Gonzales on the Columbus Road west of Ponton’s Creek when attacked by a band of 27 mounted Comanches. They fled on horseback until Foley's horse began to falter. Foley told Ponton not to worry about him, but to save himself. Spurring his horse onward past Foley, several warriors passed Foley in hot pursuit of Ponton. Knocked off his horse with an arrow in his hat and two in his back, Ponton abandoned his also wounded horse and escaped into a dense thicket where the Indians left a guard. The main band returned to Foley who was pursued into a creek bottom where his horse became mired in a "hog wallow". He ran for cover in the timber, but was overtaken and surrounded. The warriors promised him no harm and he surrendered. As soon as he gave up his weapons, he was tied hand and feet; the bottoms of his feet were peeled of skin with knives and he was made to walk over stones and freshly burned stubble where Ponton was hiding and forced to call in attempt to get Ponton to emerge. Shortly after, the Indians killed Foley with their spears and scalped and mutilated his body. Although Ponton’s horse was killed and he was severely wounded with two arrows in his backside, he survived by crawling through the bottom land thickets and eventually managed to return to his home the following night after which minuteman leader Capt. Adam Zumwalt was alerted to the incident.

Ellen McKinney Arnold, daughter of John McKinney, related the incident told to her by her father in 1905:

"Tucker Foley was killed in about two miles of where Moulton now stands, and was buried under a big live oak tree. Father dug his grave with a butcher knife and wrapped him in a saddle blanket made out of cotton. When father found him, he was naked, had been scalped, and was hanging to a tree, tied up by his hamstrings. Nearly all the people in Lavaca County pursued the Indians, over took them and had a big fight. There were about thirty-seven men from Gonzales; my father was among the number who were joined by other volunteers. Mason Foley brought back his brother's horse and rifle; he said he killed the Indian that had them, and that he believed he was the one that killed his brother. I saw the horse and rifle several years afterward; the horse was a bay, and the rifle was a flint-rock rifle. Mase told me after the fight was over he killed all the squaws and tried to find his brother's scalp, but it was lost."

Captain Adam Zumwalt with 36 Lavaca River area settlers came together in response. Among them were Mason and Stewart Foley who were brothers of Tucker Foley. As described above, on the following day they found the scene and buried Foley’s body. Known members of the troop of 36 were W.H. Baldridge, Henry Bridger, Anthony Brown, Wilson Clark, Patrick Dougherty, Mason B. Foley, Stewart Foley, Richard Heath, John W. Hinch, David Ives, David Kent, Mark H. Moore, Cicero Rufus Perry (from HaysCo on a visit to Sherrill), Jesse Robinson, John McKinney, Montreville Rountree, Arthur Sherrill, John Smothers, William Smothers, Richard Veal and Thomas K. Zumwalt (son of Capt. Zumwalt). Captain Zumwalt’s force pursued the trail of the Indian raiders south.

Word of increased Indian activity from Plum Creek toward the coast and the Smothers/Foley incident spread through the settlements. An assembly of 24 volunteer minutemen from Gonzales under Captain Ben McCulloch moved quickly into the area known as the Big Hill region of current Lavaca County about 16 miles east of Gonzales.

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The Big Hill region is described by author John Henry Brown as "an extended ridge bearing northeast and southwest, separating the waters of the Peach creeks of the Guadalupe from the heads of Rocky, Ponton’s and other tributaries of the Lavaca and the latter stream itself. Indian raiders almost invariably crossed the Columbus and Gonzales road at the most conspicuous elevation of this ridge—the Big Hill." According to Doug Kubicek, chairman of the Lavaca County Historical Commission (1997) the highest point in Lavaca County is just east of the Gonzales/Lavaca County line right off of the old San Felipe (Columbus)/Gonzales Road. The hill is 550 feet above sea level and is located southwest of old Moulton and northwest of Henkhaus. Both Burkett's Mound and nearby Fredrick's Mound have been referred to as Big Hill. In LavacaCo, the area including all three hills is referred to as the Big Hill area. Sites on the extended ridge that splits the two watersheds in Gonzales County are also referred to as Big Hill or the Big Hill Area. According to Sherriff Glen Sachtleben of Gonzales Co (2000), the highest point on the ridge in the county was probably referred to as Dilworth Mound at 584 ft. It is just south of the Stonewall Cemetery, northeast of the Sam Houston Oak. Historic accounts of Big Hill and also McClure Hill.are probably referring to this hill and surrounding area.

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From Big Hill to Victoria. On 5 Aug south of the Big Hill area, Capt. McCulloch’s company from Gonzales joined Captain Adam Zumwalt’s company from the Lavaca River and the joint force followed the trail of the Comanches south toward Victoria. Within several miles they met a group of 65 from settlements on the Guadalupe near Cuero and Victoria under command of Capt. John J. Tumlinson. The three groups were united under command of Capt. Tumlinson by mutual agreement. At the same time the bulk of the Comanche force was approaching Victoria killing and pillaging everything in its path. At Spring Creek north of Victoria, the Indians killed four blacks that belonged to a Mr. Poage (Page). East of Victoria on the road to Texana, they killed Colonel Pinkney Caldwell (quartermaster for Col. Hockley's Regular Infantry Command at San Jacinto). Several of the surrounding residents escaped the savagery by fleeing into Victoria, an unidentified German settler, a Mexican and three other blacks were run down and killed. Captain J.O. Wheeler barely reached Victoria hotly pursued by a band of warriors. He attributed his escape to his fleet horse "Robin" and a diversion by a Mr. John Van Bibber. Thirteen Victoria residents including a Dr. Gray, Varlan Richardson, William McNuner and a Mr. Daniels were killed when they confronted the Indians just outside Victoria. At nightfall 5 Aug, the Indian force camped on Spring Creek and consolidated control over the greater than 1500 horses and mules they had gathered in the area. A significant number was the herd of Scotch Sutherland who had just arrived with them from east Texas. On 7 Aug, scouting-raiding parties reappeared in Victoria, but were confronted by citizens under cover of buildings and held in check. Gathering hundreds more horses from local ranges, the main Indian force moved to Nine Mile Point where they captured a Mrs. Crosby (granddaughter of Daniel Boone) and children. They then moved east toward Linnville and camped for the night on Placido Creek where they killed a teamster named Stephens. A nearby French immigrant settler escaped their notice by hiding high in the Spanish moss of a live oak just over the Indians heads.

Attack and Looting of Linnville. At dawn 8 Aug, the main force approached Linnville where they killed a man named O’Neal and two black slaves working in the hay fields belonging to Major H.O. Watts. The unwary residents of Linnville believed the force to be a large herd belonging to horse traders from Mexico. At the last moment, residents of Linnville escaped to the bay by boat. Major Watts, customs collector at Linnville, was killed while trying to reach the boats anchored about 100 yards offshore and his wife and Negro slave (and her son) were captured. Pillaging the extensive warehouse goods bound for San Antonio and Mexico in Linnville and packing them on horses and mules took the Indians most of the day after which they burned the pillaged buildings while the residents watched safely offshore from their boats. Having done their maximum damage and looting of life and property, the main Indian force full of wild celebration over their perceived victory moved west north along the west side of Garcitas Creek, 15 miles east of Victoria.

On the same day, 8 Aug, the group under Capt. Tumlinson reached Victoria near sunset where they rested and received supplies and reinforcements. Within hours they moved on east on the Texana Road and spent the night on Casa Blanca Creek. At Texana was Captain Clark L. Owen with a group of forty which met George Kerr at Kitchen’s Ranch on the east side of Arenosa Creek. Capt. Tumlinson had sent Kerr from Victoria to Texana in search of reinforcements. By then the bulk of the Comanche force was between the Owen and Tumlinson companies. Capt. Owen sent out scouts Dr. Bell, a Mr. Nail or Neill and John S. Menefee. Bell was caught and killed. Neill outran a flanking band all the way to the Lavaca River and Menefee survived by hiding in the brush after being pierced by at least 7 arrows. On the other side in the morning of 9 Aug, the main DeWitt Colony force under Capt. Tumlinson dismounted in an attempt to confront the main Indian force, but were encircled by probing bands of warriors as the main force tended their loot in moving north to the mountains. The combined force engaged the Comanches on 9 August 16 miles east of Victoria. The settlers combined forces decided not to mount an all out attack because of lack of arms and supplies. While waiting for supplies and reinforcements, the Indian force retreated north across the unoccupied southeast part of current DeWitt County through the west part of Lavaca County passing through their usual Big Hill trail, then across northeast Gonzales County into northern Caldwell County where they were engaged at the famous Battle of Plum Creek.

McCulloch was for all out attack on the main force at Victoria, but Tumlinson, in agreement with the majority of his men, was in charge and decided against it. The main Comanche force moved with their bounty northwards. The forces under Capt. Tumlinson and Capt. Owen joined in pursuit and engaged the rear of the Comanche force without large effect except that one Indian was killed as well as a Mr. Mordecai from Victoria. [John J. Linn, resident of Linnville, in his account credits Capt. Adam Zumwalt as the leader of this encounter and suggests that it had impact in terms of Indian casualties.]

The Battle of Plum Creek. On 7 Aug after hearing of the action in Victoria, 22 minutemen assembled at the home of Major James Kerr on the lower Lavaca River. Under command of Captain Lafayette Ward, they moved to the Big Hill area of current Lavaca County which they expected the Comanche force to move through. Finding no Indians it was speculated that the Comanche force was moving north on the west side of the Guadalupe River. They joined 37 men under Capt. Mathew Caldwell in Gonzales. They reached Seguin on 10 Aug by traveling all night on the speculation by Capt. Caldwell that the Indians would cross the Guadalupe River at New Braunfels. Couriers including a Mr. "Big" Hall (probably Robert Hall) of Gonzales from Victoria and Linnville announced the retreating path of the Indians. Caldwell decided to confront the Comanche force at Plum Creek (27 miles south of Austin) while camping the night of the 10th at the San Antonio Road crossing on the San Marcos River. The next morning Caldwell’s forces met those of General Felix Huston, General of the Texas Militia, at Goode’s cabin.

Near Plum Creek, 32 men from Gonzales under Captain James Bird joined Capt. Caldwell's forces. They were joined by Ben McCulloch, Alsey S. Miller, Archibald Gipson (Gibson) and Barney Randall who had split from the Tumlinson force near Victoria on 9 Aug, passed the Comanche force on the west and after coming through Gonzales reached the group at Plum Creek. It is unclear whether Capt. "Black" Adam Zumwalt’s company of Lavaca River area men joined Capt. Caldwell's forces and participated in the Battle of Plum Creek. Major author's compilations of accounts of the battle do not specifically mention the company after the encounters at Linnville on the coast. It is the opinion of this author that Capt. Zumwalt's company may have joined Caldwell's forces and participated in the battle since it is clear they left the Linnville area, probably on the 7th, well before other companies, which would have given them time to arrive back in area of the upper Lavaca River and then move to the Plum Creek area. Victor Rose in History of Victoria County states that "Captain Zumwalt made a timid pursuit of them to the "Bill Hill", sixteen miles east of Gonzales, when he left for home." In his own sworn affidavit, Capt. Zumwalt says "....and was with his company in the fight with the Indians at Lenville, and followed up said Indians until they were drove out of the settlements...."

John J. Linn of Linnville and Victoria in his 1883 memoirs states:

"....on the morning of the 7th these fell in with a company of 120 men, commanded by Captain Zumaldt, of Lavaca County, and the whole encountered the Indians 12 miles east of Victoria, on a creek called the Mercado, where some skirmishing was indulged in, the whites losing one man, Mordeci....Some of Captain Zumaldt's men were anxious to charge them; and, when the disparity of arms is considered, the result must have been the rout of the Indians and their subsequent capture and annihilation....Zumaldt's men also went into camp, not far distant from the Indians, and dispatched runners to Victoria for ammunition and provisions. The wily Indians silently folded their tents in the night and stole away. Zumaldt saw no more of them until he ran into their rear as, they were crossing Plum Creek, and taking position in the post oak point beyond, on what was destined to be a fatal battle ground for them.

Gen. Huston gives special praise to the men of the "Colorado, Guadalupe and Lavaca," in his official report of the battle although this may refer solely to Capt. Ward's men from the lower Lavaca in current Jackson o rather than Capt. Zumwalt's men from the upper part of the river.

Capt. Caldwell turned over his command to ranking General Huston, although according to author John Henry Brown, who was a nineteen year old present with the DeWitt Colony force, a majority would have voted for Capt. Caldwell had he not deferred. Couriers Owen Hardeman and a man named Reed from Bastrop announced that 87 mounted volunteers under Colonel Edward Burleson were approaching within five miles. Col. Burleson had been alerted to the Comanche action to the south by the Reverend Z.N. Morrell, who had traveled by oxcart to LaGrange and then to Col. Burleson’s home from near the original site where the Comanches attacked Ponton and Foley on the Gonzales-Columbus Road on 5 Aug. Morrell and Burleson went to Bastrop and Austin to muster volunteers. His brother, Jonathan Burleson, was sent to recruit Tonkawa Chief Placido who accompanied Burleson for thirty miles on foot with 13 Tonkawas. According to John Jenkins in Recollections of Early Texas, Chief Placido placed his hand on Burleson’s horse’s rump and trotted with his band of 13 the entire thirty miles without rest. According to author Brown, the combined Texan force observed the full Comanche force which consisted of mounted warriors as well as those on foot including squaws with about 2000 horses and mules loaded with bounty about a mile away celebrating their triumphs oblivious to their presence and covering about a mile in length. He estimates the Comanche force at about 1000 and the combined Texan forces at 200. The Texan force moved slowly into a gallop toward the Comanches before they were noticed. Brown noted that Capt. Andrew Neill, Ben McCulloch, Archibald Gipson, Reed, Capt. Alonzo B. Sweitzer, Christopher C. DeWitt and Henry E. McCulloch made first contact with the quickly mobilized Comanche skirmishers on the front line. The Texan force was split into three parts, one held back in the trees with muskets and long rifles, a large part halted and dismounted about 200 yards from the main Comanche force on an open plain, and the mounted skirmishers described above that had already engaged the forward edge of the mounted warriors.

Even after multiple charges by the Texan forces in which the mounted warriors sustained heavy causalities, the main force of the Comanches remained concerned with moving their stolen and pack loaded herds northwest toward the mountains. All eyewitness accounts of the battle expressed fascination, even puzzlement, with the dress, wild and erratic behavior of the Comanche force as well as their failure to mount a cohesive defense or take the offense against the Texan forces. According to some eyewitness accounts, there appeared to be confusion of lack of agreement among smaller bands within the Indian ranks about where to concentrate their action. Horses and riders were arrayed with all the trappings looted from the Linnville warehouses. Ribbons of calico and silk streamed from the tails and manes of horses as well as their riders. One warrior, believed to be a chief of some sort, was noted in practically all accounts of the battle. He wore a stovepipe (beegum) silk hat, delicate leather gloves, a pigeon-tailed broadcloth black coat buttoned in the back and calf skin hightop boots. He carried an open ladies parasol over his head and was singing loudly, all the while skillfully eluding attack by mounted Texan horsemen. The most outlandishly dressed warriors, including the one above, approached the Texan lines with exceptional courage as if to dare them to harm them, their chest shields repelling multiple bullets. One Indian whose horse was shot from under him returned in the middle of intense fire to retrieve the bridle from the dead horse, an action which resulted in his immediate death.

Burleson, Caldwell and McCulloch were for an immediate charge into the main force, but General Huston failed to give the order. About an hour into the skirmish, a particularly notable mounted chief wearing a headdress made of a buffalo head with horns rode daringly forward toward the Texan lines repelling numerous bullets as if invincible. Accounts of warriors with headdress made of various buffalo skins and horns prompted some observers to suggest that the entire Comanche force was under command of the notorious Chief Buffalo Hump [some accounts say that Chief Buffalo Hump was one of the chiefs killed at the Council House Fight. According to James Nichols, he spoke with the wife of a Chief Tuckalote whose similar headdress was noticeable at Plum Creek where he was killed].

According to Wilberger in Indian Depredations in Texas:

"An old Texan living on the Lavaca asked me to hold his horse, and getting as near the place where they wheeled as was safe, waited patiently till they came; and as the Indian checked his horse and the shield flew up, he fired and brought him to the ground."

The resident may have been John or William Smothers, both part of Capt. Zumwalt’s company from the Lavaca River, related in the incident below [On the other hand, the account below may relate to the one Indian killed in the skirmish at Linnville described above. There are multiple accounts at Plum Creek of this type of incident, it is difficult to distinguish whether they all refer to the same event or separate events. James Nichols in his diary says "old John McCoy" was the shooter--WLM].

Judge Paul Boethel in A History of Lavaca County relates Lucy Turk’s account of the skirmish as told by her grandfather:

"So when they had the battle, all the Indians were then all bunched up and the old chief kept daring all of them. He kept circling all around. He was decorated all over in ribbons made of calico, feathers in his hair. He was riding a big paint horse, and he kept daring them all, and Granpa Smothers shot him off of his horse."

After he was brought down and carried off into the timber by warriors, a howl of anguish was noted among the Indians which caused Capt. Caldwell to yell to General Huston "Now, General, is your time to charge them! They are whipped." After Ben McCulloch remarked "that was not the way to fight Indians," General Huston ordered the charge and immediately the Indians were broken into small retreating bands fighting all the while. At that time the Texan force was no longer under a command, but bands of individuals acting autonomously similar to their Indian adversaries. Small bands of Indians were killed by small bands of Texans over a 12-mile radius. According to Ben Highsmith as told to author A.J. Sowell, the pursuit ended near the present town of Kyle between San Marcos and Austin and extended to 3 miles east of Lockhart in Caldwell County. Several hostages were recovered from the Indians although the Indians attempted to kill them all. Mrs. Watts and her black slave, who were kidnapped in Linnville, were severely wounded, while the Negro woman's son was unharmed. Mrs. Watts was found by Rev. Z.N. Morrell with an arrow in her chest furiously trying to remove it herself. According to eyewitnesses, after removal of the arrow by force with the help of company physicians, Mrs. Watts became elated by her survival and escape. She later married a Mr. Stanton and then a Dr. Fretwell of Port Lavaca where she died in 1878 while managing the San Antonio House. Mrs. Crosby, who was captured with her children between Victoria and Linnville, was killed with a lance through the heart as she tried to escape into the trees during the Indian retreat.

A large number of the stolen horses and mules were rounded up and by mid-afternoon the Texan forces were re-assembled at their original point of attack. About 150 men including the troop of Colonel John H. Moore of Fayette County and Capt. Tumlinson's force from the south that had been at Victoria arrived by having followed the Comanches trail independently. Author Brown estimated that nearly 150 Comanches was killed in the battle. The Battle at Plum Creek, in addition to Col. Moore’s offensive pursuit of Comanches into their strongholds on the upper Colorado in October of 1840, practically ended attacks of significance by Comanches on DeWitt Colonists.

In May 1841, Captain Adam Zumwalt was officially elected Captain and Arthur Sherrill Lieutenant of a Minute Company organized at the home of John Clark. Essentially all able-bodied settlers in the area were members. Records indicate the company was called into action because of reports of Indian or outlaw activity only twice after its organization and both resulted in no engagements with Indians or outlaws. According to Capt. Zumwalt’s application for pension, he served as head of the Lavaca River minutemen for 8 years.

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Chief Placido and the Tonkawas. Multiple accounts of the Battle of Plum Creek give great praise to Placido and his Tonkawas who arrived on foot, but swiftly became mounted warriors by sometimes in one motion killing and swinging onto a Comanche warrior’s horse. Author Wilberger noted that Placido himself was "in the hottest part of the battle, dealing death on every hand, while the arrows and balls of the enemy were flying thick and fast around him." The Tonkawa allies were distinguished from the enemy by white rags tied around their arms or heads. Wilberger noted that as was their custom, the Tonkawas proceeded to cut flesh, feet and hands from their dead enemies, which were used as trophies in celebration of the victory. Placido, his son and Tonkawa associates were close and honored friends of the Burleson family and visited the Burleson homestead often near current San Marcos on the head springs of the San Marcos River. The Tonkawa chief boasted that he never shed the blood of a white man. The Comanches likely had no fiercer enemy than this hereditary one. The Chief was implicitly trusted by the Burlesons and others with which he served including Texas Ranger Colonel John S. (Old Rip) Ford and Captains S.P. Ross, W.A. Pitts, Preston and Tankersley. He ironically was assassinated by revengeful Comanches after having retired to reservation life at Ft. Sill, Oklahoma where because of loyalty to Texas he refused to aid Union sympathizers in the last part of the American Civil War. Wilberger and author John Henry Brown both agreed that he was "the soul of honor and never betrayed a trust. He rendered invaluable services in behalf of Texas, in recognition of which he never received any reward of a material nature, beyond a few paltry pounds of gun powder and salt. Imperial Texas should rear a monument commemorative of his memory. He was the more than Tammany of Texas." (Picture from Homer S. Thrall, A Pictorial History of Texas, 1879)

Next page--The Battle of Salado and Dawson Massacre

For more detailed descriptions, see The Battle of Salado) On the morning of 11 Sep 1842, the residents of San Antonio were surprised by the sounds of cannon and learned they were under control of a force of 1450 infantry, cavalry and artillery under the French-born General Adrian Woll (Gual in the native French). District Court of the Republic of Texas had been in session under Judge Anderson Hutchison since the first of September with attendance by many area officials and lawyers from as far away as Gonzales. The advocates had no choice but to surrender to General Woll’s forces under conditions that they would be treated as gentleman. After five days, about 55 prisoners were told that they would have to march to the Rio Grande where they would be handed over into the custody of his superior, General Reyes and likely be set free. News of the invasion spread rapidly to the former DeWitt Colony settlements of Seguin, Gonzales and the Lavaca River as well as into the settlements on the Colorado and Brazos Rivers via couriers who had escaped imprisonment. On 17 Sep, 202 minutemen had rallied on the Cibolo on the San Antonio Road above Seguin. Among them were some prisoners involved in the unsuccessful Santa Fe expedition including Colonel Mathew Caldwell who was elected commander of the group. Dr. Caleb S. Brown of Gonzales was named surgeon. Companies included 35 men under Capt. Daniel B. Friar of Cuero, 60 men from Gonzales and Seguin under Capt. James Bird of Gonzales (James H. Callahan of Seguin was 1st Lt.), 40 cowboys and Victorians under Capt. Ewen Cameron (Lts. John R. Baker and Alfred Allee) and 43 men from the Lavaca River under Captain "Black" Adam Zumwalt (John H. Livergood and Nicholas Ryan as Lts., John Henry Brown as Sargent). Among the others were James (Black Jim) Brown, Joshua D. Brown, Wilson Clark, Henry Cleveland, Nereus Dufner, Beverly C. Greenwood, William M. Phillips, Jonathan Scott, John Pius Smith, William Smothers, Oliver H. Stapp, Wilson Vandyke, George Walton, Wingate Woodley, Andrew Zumwalt, Isaac Zumwalt and Thomas Zumwalt. Andrew, Isaac and Thomas were sons of Capt. Zumwalt and George Walton (m. Louisa Zumwalt) a son-in-law. Cousins David Boyd Kent and Bosman Clifton Kent, sons of deceased Alamo defender, Andrew Kent, were also believed to be present. Cousin Nathan Boone Burkett was one of the "cowboys," noted as such because they subsisted for days on wild cattle and other game, in the company of Capt. Cameron. Cousin Jesse Zumwalt, son of "Red" Adam Zumwalt also participated and was wounded in the battle.

On 17 Sep after General Woll had occupied San Antonio for a week, the Texans marched overland to Salado Creek about 6 miles east of San Antonio below present New Braunfels. Col. Caldwell instructed Capt. John C. Hays and his company of scouts and spies to lure the greater than 1440 strong Mexican force toward the force of 202 Texans. From a ridge 300 to 400 yards from the Alamo, Hays men waved, shouted and challenged the enemy to come our of the Alamo onto the field, as if they were preparing for confrontation at the site. The actions resulted in a charge of over 400 Mexican cavalrymen from the Alamo, which turned to a hot pursuit when Capt. Hays and the company turned toward the Salado. Some distance out, the mount of Capt. Augustus H. Jones of Gonzales, a close personal friend of Capt. Hays began to falter relative to the main force. Capt. Hays put the entire company just behind Capt. Jones with his slower mount leading the way. The contingent led the Mexican force across the Salado half a mile above the main Texan force under Capt. Caldwell. After 2 to 3 hours of skirmishing, Gen. Woll arrived with about 800 infantryman and his two cannon. After a face to face confrontation with Capt. Caldwell's forces, the front lines of the Mexican infantry were forced to fall back behind their cannon and cover due to heavy casualties. The Mexicans made several smaller charges that were repulsed with heavy casualties. At sundown Gen. Woll and his force retired to San Antonio with their casualties.

The Dawson Company Massacre. [Summarized in largest part from Weyend and Wade's An Early History of Fayette County]. Responding to the news of the Mexican capture of San Antonio, Captain Nicholas M. Dawson assembled a volunteer force of about 15 Fayette County men under the historic oak at La Grange. They were Jerome B. Alexander, John Beard, John Church, William Coltrin, L.W. Dickerson, Robert Moore Eastland, Low Farris, Nathaniel W. Faison, George Hill, John Higgerson, David Smith Kornegay, Edward T. Manton and Joseph Shaw and one or two others. They crossed the Colorado River on a ferry run by a Mr. McAhron where they were joined by John Bradley and Francis E. Brookfield. Mrs. Samuel Augustus Maverick, wife of Samuel Maverick, who had been captured during the takeover of San Antonio on 11 Sep, was at the home of Bradley who was her uncle. The contingent moved along the Old Seguin Road which stretched from La Grange through Cedar, O'Quinn, Black Jack Springs, Muldoon, Colony, Elm Grove and Waelder on the way to Seguin toward San Antonio. Between O'Quinn and Black Jack Springs, they were joined by 70 year old David Berry and son-in-law Harvey Hall. Capt. Patrick Lewis and preacher's sons Allen H. Morrell and John Dancer joined them near Black Jack Springs. A group of men from Wood's Prairie near West Point joined at the Ivy School House. They were Joseph C. Robinson, Zed Barkley and sons Robert and Richard Barkley, 69 year old Zadock Woods and sons Norman B. and Henry Gonsalvo, William James Trimble and brother Edward, Norman Miles Wells (nephew of Zadock Woods wife) and John Wesley Pendleton (nephew of the younger Woods boys). Near Waelder, they were joined by Milvern Harrell (brother-in-law to Pendleton) and Richard Slack. Passing Waelder, they were overtaken by two current Lavaca County residents, John Cummings and W.D. Patterson. Residents from the area now DeWitt County Thomas J. Butler, Elijah Garey, Thomas Rice and William Savage caught up with the group near the same area. On down the Seguin Road, the Negro slave of Samuel A. Maverick, Joe Griffin, caught up with the group. He was heavily armed and carrying a ransom sent by Mrs. Maverick for release of her husband. Somewhere near Nash's Creek about 15 miles west of Gonzales Alsey Miller joined the group from the company of Capt. Jesse Billingsley which was still forming for the trip to San Antonio. Capt. Dawson could not be persuaded to wait for Capt. Billingsley who suggested that they march to San Antonio together. A Mr. Adams, Charles Fields, Thompson D. James, Asa Jones, John Jones, William Linn and John McCrady joined the Dawson group somewhere on the journey. At camp near Nash's Creek, Capt. Dawson was elected Captain and Dickerson Lieutenant.

A courier, John Wilson, from Capt. Caldwell urging reinforcements and describing his location apparently stimulated Capt. Dawson to embark essentially on a forced march which resulted in reaching Seguin at daylight on 17 Sep about 45 miles from Salado. On the morning of the 18th, both men and horses arrived on the Cibola exhausted. The few with still able horses were sent as scouts forward to locate and contact Caldwell's main force, but met only Mexicans. The forward most scout, Alsey S. Miller, ascertained that the battle was already under way. Detected by Mexican horsemen, he barely made it back to Capt. Dawson to report and apparently was unaware of the large Mexican troop between Capt. Dawson and the Caldwell force. In reality the Dawson company had come upon the rear of Gen. Woll's army which in Gen. Woll's view threatened them on two fronts. About 200 cavalry with one of Gen. Woll's cannons confronted Capt. Dawson and company. Capt. Dawson called a quick conference and vote on whether to face the Mexican force or retreat and wait and join the companies coming in from the east for reinforcement. The decision was to face the Mexican troops and continue to attempt to link up with the main Texas force. Both Texan forces were out of view of each other. Capt. Caldwell's men were completely unaware of the Dawson force and action just 1.5 miles from the main battlefield. Two groups appeared to be approaching and mistakenly Dawson's forward scouts reported that one appeared to be friendly Texan forces. Both were Mexican cavalry having split into two. Capt. Dawson's troop dismounted, prepared to face the Mexican force, but were surrounded in a pincer between the two halves on the left and right. Just out of range of the Texans rifles the Mexican artillery also began to take a heavy toll with their cannon taking down men and horses. With more than half his men down, efforts were made to surrender.

The exact details of subsequent events vary with the reporter, but most historians agree that Dawson raised the white flag of surrender. Either the men were not unified in the surrender decision, in panic fired on Mexican troops handling the surrender at point blank range or some Mexican troops failed to cease fire or a combination of both. They were charged by the Mexican force and shot down systematically until Col. Carrasco and other Mexican officers regained control of their men. Of the force of 54, 36 were killed, 3 escaped (Thomas D. James, Alsey S. Miller and Gonsalvo Woods) and 15 were taken prisoner. John McGrady and W.D. Patterson died after escape trying to cross the Rio Grande; John Higgerson was killed escaping from El Rancho Salado on the way to Perote Prison; William Coltrin, William James Trimble, Norman B. Woods died in Perote Prison near Mexico City; Richard A. Barkley, David Smith Kornegay, John Bradley, Nathaniel W. Faison, Milvern Harrell, Edward T. Manton, Allen H. Morrell, Joseph Robinson and Joseph Shaw were released from Perote Prison in 1843-1844.

The next morning the dead were found by members of Capt. Caldwell’s force lying on the field, stripped naked of all clothes and belongings, many mutilated and decapitated beyond recognition. On the morning of 20 Sep, Capt. Caldwell learned of Gen. Woll’s retreat toward the Rio Grande River and began pursuit along with Capt. Jack Hays company and joined along the way by numerous groups of volunteers from diverse settlements. Capt. Zumwalt’s company from the Lavaca River was ordered to attend wounded and return them to San Antonio. The pursuing forces skirmished with the rear guard of the Mexican force. On the Hondo River, learning that Gen. Woll’s army had crossed the Rio Grande the Texan force by majority vote in favor of Capt. Caldwell's opinion, returned to San Antonio without crossing the border. At San Antonio, where combined volunteers of over 1200 reassembled after the Mexican invasions of the past two years, Col. Edward Burleson made a speech denouncing the invasions and announced plans that led to the ill-fated Somerville and Mier Expeditions aimed at invasion of Mexico in late 1842.

Additional Eyewitness Reports-Battle of Salado, Córdova Rebellion, Dawson Massacre

Eyewitness Descriptions

The Battle of Salado and Dawson Massacre

Miles S. Bennet for the Cuero Star and Houston Post, 1898
Miles S. Bennet for Texas Veterans Association, 1900
Nathan Boone Burkett
Col. Mathew "Old Paint" Caldwell
Robert Hall or "Brazos"
Ben Highsmith
James W. Nichols
Rufus Perry on Capt. Billingsley and the Dawson Massacre
Rev. Z.N. Morrell
James Ramsay to Miles S. Bennet 1882
Andrew Jackson Sowell to A.J. Sowell
Gen. Adrian Woll's Reports


-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Miles S. Bennet, Cuero, DeWitt County, Texas, 1900. Events on the Western Frontier 1839-1842, the Battle of Salado and Dawson Massacre written for the approaching Texas Veterans Association Meeting, San Antonio, 1900 (From The Center for American History, University of Texas Austin).

The approaching annual Meeting of the Texas Veteran Association will be held by Invitation of the City of San Antonio on the Anniversary of the Battle of San Jacinto. This Society desire to perpetuate the Unity of Texas, instill Patriotism in the hearts of our Young People, and develop a lively interest in the history of our State. It was organized in the City of Houston in 1873: a Constitution and By Laws were adopted, an executive Committee and a Committee on Credentials were appointed. All Colonists, Seamen and Soldiers who did service and were resident Citizens up to the period of Annexation of Texas to the United States are eligible for membership. The Anniversary of the Battle of San Jacinto was chosen as the time for the Annual Reunion of the Association. The Rail Roads furnished free transportation to the members, including their wives and Widows to and from the place of meeting.

We have thus been able every year to keep this Anniversary, have been pleasantly entertained in and given the freedom of many of our Cities: in some of them several times, notably the City of Houston which we make our permanant Headquarters by Special Request extended to us six years ago. Last year we enjoyed our Meeting with the People of Temple the second time: but we were reduced in numbers to only about one hundred, one half of whom were Ladies although we had once numbered Eight hundred and sixty. At our meeting in San Antonio twenty years ago, we had an attendance of about one hundred and eighty-five ten or more of whom resided in the city, but are now deceased. In all these meetings it has been pleasant to notice the great interest manifested by the young, and especially the School Children, who Sometimes marched with us in the public Parade, or eagerly strewed Roses in our path; but more particularly while receiving us at their Homes for a few days plied us with interesting questions about the early conflicts, and listened with attention to our narrations of incidents of Frontier Life.

And now in order to encourage in the minds of the young a laudable research into the history of this part of our Country, as well as to revive in the memories of the old Texians recollections of the times when in their Strong manhood they helped to establish our peoples in their homes, and to protect them from their enemies, San Antonio and its surroundings, holding a thrilling and prolonged experience of those eventful times: let us Imagine the appearance of the country west of the Guadeloupe as it was in 1838, and picture of San Antonio a devastated Mexican town with a few Suburban Ranches on the river, isolated from other people: there being no Settlements eastward for many miles: and westward the region lay in its lonely but beautiful Solitude, except when occasionally traversed by small companies of Traders who communicated with towns in Mexico.

The grass was in such abundance that when the annual fires swept over the land the small bushes were burned off; keeping long reaches of prairie; and when the verdure was renewed the whole country abounded in game. Horses were in great numbers.- I have seen them in droves and during one days scouting as many as twenty bears. In a continued Norther herds of Deer would collect in some sheltered Valley in such numbers that three hundred could be seen in one view. In this lovely hunting ground the Indians roamed at will, and their encampments were often seen by adventurous Scout. The Indians were ostensibly friendly, and occasionally come into San Antonio to make treaties; they complained about the hunters blazing their trees: and late in June 1838 finding on the Rio Frio a surveying party, the young Indians in driving past took off with them some of the horses of the camp: in trying to recover them Mr Campbell was killed, Capt Cage got an arrow in his face, Josh Threadgill and others escaped.

Sept 21st John C Hays with forty men started to survey the lands of the Rio Leona. Oct 19th a surveying Camp at the Leon Springs seven miles from town, at the crossing of the Presidio Road, was attacked by Indians, and Moses Lapham a San Jacinto Soldier, and Mr Jones were killed; Mr Earnest escaped on foot and brought the news to town. Captain Cage with twelve men went out to reconnoiter, and when about four miles from town, at some Live Oak trees near the Presidio Road, were surrounded by a large body of Savages: Cage and seven others were killed. On the 21st we buried the ten Americans in one grave, just outside the wall, at the N. E. Corner of the Campo Santo, in the suburbs of S. Antonio (where the Public Road afterward ran over the spot) a cold drizzling rain prevailing: Judge Robinson delivered a Eulogy at the graves, Court was in Session: great gloom prevailed. Several Mexicans were killed about this time; when one was found slain at a distance from home, friends would staiten out the body, bind a forked stake on his back down his legs, place him in the Saddle on a gentle Mule, fasten him firmly in the stirrups, and thus easily convey the corpse to the Ranche.

Dec. 30th Major Bennet brought out to San Antonio from Headquarters at Houston two companies of Texas Regulars, Commanded by Captains Jordan and Howard. In May 1839 The Chieftain Cordova and his Banditti depredated in the Vicinity. May 14th Surveyor John James and party worked on the tributaries of the Cibolo; they were attacked and Ephraim Bollinger with three or four others were killed. 28th Cordova and his band killed some Mexicans near town. 29th, Mr Delmour, Clerk of the Court, who was living down at the Mission, was found in the River near there, Shot and Scalped, he was robbed by his Mexican servant, who rode his fine Horse westward. In June '39, ten or twelve Mexicans were killed by Indians, and so much apprehension was felt at the Ranches that many of the families were removed to town: public sentiment favored a campaign against the Savages, and Col. Henry W. Karnes, with Col. Juan N. Sequin, led an expedition against them; this was composed of one hundred and eight men, one half of whom were Americans, and quieted the enemy for a while.

Omitting a continued narration of troubles on this frontier which with repeated rumors of another Mexican invasion prevented immigration, the raids of the Enemy in 1842 require some notice. Early in March of that year the Mexican Genl. Vazquez with a force of about five hundred cavalry invaded San Antonio: as they were reported to be the advance of a large Army, and there being only about one hundred Texians to resist them the Families hurriedly removed with such household goods as they could haul off with their few ox carts: one citizen having a store of valuable goods, blew up the house rather than contribute them to the enemy, and they joined the families on the Guadalupe in a general panic and retreat eastward. As the enemy entered the Southwest corner of the town the Texians entered by the opposite side bringing away their one small cannon and ammunition. By the ninth of March some two hundred Texians had rallied on the Guadaloupe, and moving on the relief of San Antonio encamped near the Mission Conception: General Ed. Burleson and Captain Danl. B. Friar in command. The Robbers had sacked the town and fallen back to the Rio Grande: the Texians desired to pursue them but after scouting around two or three weeks they reorganized forming two companies of forty men each, one commanded by Col. Louis P. Cook, the other by Captain J. C. Hays.

These volunteers guarded the approaches to San Antonio scouting on the Atascosa, along the Laredo Road, on the Rio Frio and Nueces and along the Presidio Road: they had meager outfit and fare, subsisting mostly on wild game, and as their clothing wore out they substituted dressed buckskins and moccasins. After several weeks they returned to San Antonio, and the Citizens assisted Capt. Hays with clothing and rations and induced him to keep his Spy company in the field for their defense. The public arms and stores Consisting of two good Brass eight pound Cannon with Caissons and ammunition complete, also nearly two hundred muskets were placed in charge for Lieut. John R. King commanding Cook's Company to transport them to Gonzales where this troop was disbanded about the middle of May. Rumors of Invasion continued rife, and on Sept 11th, the District Court being in session, the Mexican Gen Adrian Woll commanding eight or ten hundred troops and two pieces of Artillery, having made an entirely new route through the wild country, baffling the vigilance of Capt. Hays and his scouts. Suddenly surprised San Antonio, capturing about fifty-three prisoners including the members of the Court. The news of the advance of the Mexicans was soon known on the Guadaloupe, and spread rapidly through Texas. Our survivors of the Santa Fe Expedition had just arrived home, and although they knew that if again captured in arms against Mexico there would be no reprieve for them, they were generally desirous to be in readiness for the expected strife. As the further advances of the enemy must if possible be checked, the town of Sequin was chosen as the rendevouz, and men gathered there led by Lieut. Henry E. McCullock, Capt. James Bird, Lieut John R. King, Capt. Callahan and others, also the noted Capt. Ewan Cameron with his well tried followers came up from Victoria: Capt Hays kept up communication with San Antonio [See DeWitt Colony Captains].

As subsistance must be provided Major Bennet assisted by his old Santa Fe Comrades established a Commissariat and carefully utilized the small supply of corn and beef that could be obtained. Hays Spies having reported a contemplated raid by the enemy upon Gonzales, McCullock with his Company headed off the raiders and saved that town. The Volunteers numbering two hundred and three, organized, chosing Col. Matthew Caldwell as Commander. Sept 16 Late on Saturday the command marched onward, and during the bright night the moon being nearly full took a good position on the east side of the Salado five or six miles from San Antonio, above the old road. John W. Smith from town brought the information that the enemy numbered twelve hundred Regulars, two pieces of Artillery, two or three hundred rancheros, Indians, and low Mexicans, this statement was corroborated by Hays and McCullock who reconnoitering found the enemy marching in full force to attack us.

THE BATTLE. The Enemy crossed the Salado above our position, and with bands of martial music formed on the beautiful open prairie four hundred yards east of us cutting us off from our Settlements and preventing all reinforcements from joining us. There were a few scattering mezquit trees on the field. The Cannon well masked were placed within point blank range, and close upon their left was a long hollow with mezquit trees in it extending past our line down to the creek affording great advantage to their Indians and Rancheros on that part of the field. In order to deceive them as to our fewness in numbers we were leisurely paraded over some knolls on our left in their plain view: and we soon found that it took some good fighting to prevent them from occupying those knolls which commanded part of our lines. We retained the place of our guard fire, the guard being a detail of two or three from each Company posted at the extreme right on the edge of a hollow that covered the enemy's left, and this proved one of the hottest places of the battle. Cameron's company was on the right, Bird's on the right center, and the other companies on the line to the left: I was in Bird's company and before the cannon opened fire upon us I had a good opportunity to count the enemy's detachment under Cordova of eighty-five Cherokee Indians and renegade Mexicans who crawled Indian fashion into the hollow on our right.

Apprehending the capture of our horsed by this force a detail of fifteen of whom I was one was ordered to guard against surprise in that quarter; while there and before the battle became very hot two of our men Steve Jouett a San Jacinto soldier and Simon Cockerell passed the guard going down the creek "to shoot some of them Indians on their own account" the former was killed, the latter with a broken arm narrowly escaped capture [Cockerell in his critical encounter concealed himself beneath a leaning tree, on the bank of the Salado, keeping entirely underwater only leaving his nose and mouth above water. The Indians passed on, and he came back after dark covered with mud, wet and wounded]. The enemy opened fire with their cannon at short range, followed by charges of Cavalry and Infantry upon our center and left wing, while on our right they poured down the hollow (before mentioned) to drive us from our guard-fire; Cameron's company here maintained successful resistance, the chieften Cordova and many of his band were slain here. Our men at the center and on the left laid low untill after the discharge of the cannon, then upon the charge of the enemy in close quarters the firing became general and the foe was compelled to fall back to their cannon leaving the ground strown with their dead and wounded, their Bugles and even their muster-rolls falling into our hands. These charges were repeated and the fighting severe: on our right the enemy being strengthened by a band of Carrizo Indians charged us repeatedly but failed to drive us from our position.

THE DAWSON MASSACRE. Our communication being cut off we were not aware of the approach of Capt. Dawson and his fifty-three men who were coming to assist us: they rode up within hearing of the conflict but the Smoke was so dense they could not see our position, and before they were aware they were too near the Mexicans to effect a retreat, and were surrounded by the enemy's cavalry. Being partially sheltered by a few mezquit trees they kept the enemy at bay with their rifles until the Mexican artillery was brought to bear upon them and necessitated their surrender; as is well known they were neatly all massacred. Late in the afternoon the enemy moved off to San Antonio, taking with them several cart loads of their dead and wounded, leaving many more lying too near our lines for them to recover: their loss was at least sixty killed and as many wounded. Our wounded were sent to the town of Sequin, and our brave frontiersman Steve Jouett we buried on the battle field on the bank of the Salado. Through John W. Smith we learned that the enemy were preparing for an immediate retreat, the Court and the principal citizens had all been hurried off to Mexico, and we were shocked at the recital of the incidents of the Dawson Massacre, and we resolved to follow the enemy at all hazards. Thus was fought the last pitched battle of the Republic, in Texas Settlements, between hastily gathered Volunteers and regular Mexican troops, and having about the same disparity of numbers as in the old time fights, say one to six. The effect upon the Mexicans, in promptly meeting and preventing their Continuous raids upon our towns, in causing them to fall back with considerable loss of men and demoralization of their command, entitles this battle to honorable mention among the fights of the Republic: its connexion with the Dawson Massacre, and also the carrying off so many of our citizens revives old memories among the people of San Antonio. April 21st 1900.

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From Life of Robert Hall by "Brazos" 1898: I have talked with men who were in this battle [Battle of Medina in 1813], and we have often around our camp fires compared this terrible affair with the battle of Salado which occurred twenty-nine years afterwards. In the Salado the Mexicans were commanded by the veteran French general, Woll, who boasted that he had learned the science of war under Marshal Soult. He commanded 1200 regular troops. Nearly all historians claim that we had 300 Texans on the field, but I am positive that our force has been over estimated. Our commander, old Paint Caldwell, was equal to a thousand men. No man who ever stood on Texas soil was his equal in battle. As soon as the bullets began to whistle he seemed to grow taller and look grander. I don't think it ever occurred to him that he might be hit. He rode over a battlefield as unconcerned as if he had been out cornshucking. His nerves must have been made of iron; nothing disturbed him. This battle occurred on the 18th of September, 1842.

They got news in San Antonio of the advance of Gen. Woll, and Jack Hays was sent out on the Laredo road to watch the enemy. Hays missed Gen. Woll's column entirely. The strategic old rascal had made a new road from the Rio Grande to San Antonio, and fell upon the city like a flash of lightning. District Court was in session, and he captured the court and all the lawyers and sent them off as prisoners to the dungeons of Mexico. The news reached us at Gonzales, and we at once fell into line. Capt. Caldwell himself came to my house after me. I joined him next day. He was camped on a creek about eighteen miles northeast of San Antonio. Hays joined us that night. The next day we organized and old Paint Caldwell was elected commander of the army. He at once sent Jack Hays forward to select a battlefield. Hays selected a crossing on the Salado, about two miles above where the "Sunset" road crosses. About midnight we took up the line of march, keeping away from the road. We came in sight of the enemy about daylight. We were awful hungry, and French Smith ran a fat cow into camp and shot her down. While we were skinning and broiling beef we heard the rattle of Jack Hays' musketry. He had already engaged the enemy. Old Sol Simmons was a large man and a powerful eater. He was terrible hungry, and he had a dozen big pieces of the fat cow on the fire. When the firing commenced he swallowed the big pieces of meat without chewing it. Capt. Caldwell ordered the horses tied in the bottom, and the men formed in fine of battle. Jack Hays had joined us by this time. The Mexicans appeared in front. There was a skirmish at a distance of about 600 yards. Old Sol Simmons, who was still swallowing beef, was the first man hit. He roared that he was a dead man, and began to throw up that beef. It looked as if he had enough cow inside of him to have killed him. He was hit in the stomach and the bullet was never found, yet the man got well [A variant of this story was related by Nathan Boone Burkett in his memoirs of the battle--WLM].

The Mexican infantry and artillery advanced and took up a position on a slight elevation. We heard the rattle of musketry and cannon east of us. We could not imagine what was going on. We afterwards learned that Capt. Dawson, with forty-five men, was trying to cut his way through the Mexican lines. The world knows the story: They were all massacred. I think Alse Miller and a man named Moods [Gonsalvo Woods] escaped. Caldwell put me over in the bottoms to watch the Indians. These Indians killed a young fellow named Jett who was trying to join us. Caldwell formed his men under the banks in two ranks. One ran would advance and fire while the other loaded. Old Parson Carroll, a Methodist preacher, would step up on the bank and fire, and shout "God take your souls." Caldwell sent me up the creek to see if there was an attempt to surround us. I climbed up a tree and saw a Mexican slipping up on another scout named Hill. I got my gun and shot at him. He dropped over on the horn of his saddle. We found him next day seated against a tree with the gun across his lap. It was one of the finest rifles I ever saw.

I heard a general advance and I went under the bank and leaned against a little pecan tree. The tree I first picked out to protect me was shot entirely off by a cannon shot. The Mexicans came up within forty yards of our lines, cavalry, infantry and artillery. Our boys stood firm. One column under Old Cordova advanced upon us along a ravine that intersected the creek. Willis Randall shot and killed Old Cordova. He was a Nacogdoches Spaniard and we all knew him. We killed and wounded a great many of the enemy when they made the general advance. The Mexicans fell back.

That night the moon was shining very brightly. A soldier named Conn and I went out in front on the battlefield and we found that the enemy had fallen back on San Antonio. We found a great many dead and wounded. We camped on the field and the next day we received news that Gen. Woll had evacuated San Antonio and was making a forced march toward the Rio Grande. We went around the head of the San Antonio river and struck Gen. Woll's trail. Reinforcements were joining us every hour, until we were about six hundred strong. Gen. Woll crossed the Medina and halted on a splendid natural position. The two armies were in sight of each other for two days, and strangely enough the Texans did not attack the enemy. I think there were about a half a dozen men who wanted to have command of the army, and they were constantly caucusing and trying in some way to remove old Paint Caldwell. Woll began to retreat again. We skirmished with his rear guard. Jack Hays charged a column of Mexicans, but suffered a repulse from lack of proper support. Our officers constantly differed with each other, and many wanted to play the general; consequently Gen. Woll marched away from us. Big Foot Wallace was in this battle, and Creed Taylor was badly wounded in the hand. I saw a man named Lucky shot through the body. I was sure he was killed, but he recovered. This ended the affair of the Salado, but it was not the end of Woll's invasion. A large force gathered on the Rio Grande and attacked the town of Mier. Everybody knows the story of the Mier prisoners. Col. Seguin, a Mexican gentleman who had been prominent in Texas, went away with Gen. Woll. I don't think the Texans treated Seguin right. Henry McCulloch was in the battle of the Salado. This was the last time that Mexican troops were ever seen in San Antonio.

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Rufus Perry on Capt. Billingsley and the Dawson Massacre (from the Valentine Bennet Scrapbook by Miles Bennet in the The Center for American History, University of Texas Austin, date and newspaper unknown). Mr. Perry on Capt. Billingsley. Hye Post office, Blanco Co., Tex. Aug 7—To the News: In one of your recent issues was published a letter written by Mr. A. L. Moore of Lagrange, Tex. Concerning the Dawson massacre and in which the actions of Captain Jesse Billingsley were criticized I am not acquainted with Mr. A.L. Moore, but knew John H. Moore, the first settler in Fayette county and am well acquainted with Hon. L.W. Moore, now living in that county. I am myself a Texas veteran and very likely the only man living who can give a correct account of where Captain Billingsley and his men were at the time of Dawson’s massacre, which took place two miles east of the Salado. Returning from an Indian campaign with Captain Burleson’s command to the town of Bastrop in 1842, we learned that General Waul had taken San Antonio and that Captain Billingsley of whose company my father, William M. Perry, was a member, with his men had left Bastrop a few hours before we reached there. Captain Burleson lived about ten miles form Bastrop and went home and I myself being the only one able to get a fresh horse immediately followed Billingsley’s Company, overtaking them at the Alligator waterhole on Cedar creek in Bastrop county, and was by Billingsley placed in the advance, and without meeting with any opposition, reached Seguin a few hours before I reached there. After I left Seguin with a Tonkaway Indian, I heard the sound of a cannon and went back to report this fact to Captain Billingsley. He ordered Sam Walker, afterward a captain, and who was killed in the Mexican war; a man by the name of Flint, myself and the Tonkaway Indian, to go on and learn what was happening. We four reached the top of a hill and from there could see the battleground, just in time to see that Dawson had raised the white flag. We saw then Alsey Miller ran out; saw him get another horse, and hallooed at him. Miller, however, did not come to us, because, as he afterward told me, he believed us to be Indians. Captain Billingsley and his men at that time were at least three miles from the battleground, did not know what was going on and what had happened until I reported to him the facts. He repaired to the battleground, and there met Walker, who had been sent by me to find Caldwell, and who had found him and returned with four of his men to the battleground before we reached there, and we all buried the dead. That night, we went into Caldwell’s camp, and next day took up the march in pursuit of the Mexicans, nothing occurring until we overtook them at the head of the Hondo. Mr. Moore in his letter also states that Sam Lenkey was wounded with Captain Hays when fighting on the Hondo they captured a cannon and tried to hold it. This is also a mistake. Sam Lenkey was wounded by the rear guard of the Mexicans before we reached the head of the Hondo. The men wounded with Captain Hays when the cannon was taken were A. Gibson of Gonzales, Judge Hemphill and one Harel of Austin, Travis county, Tex. Trusting that the foregoing will be inserted in your paper, which I have read for a great number of years, and that history will give the facts as they occurred. I remain, very respectfully. RUFUS PERRY.

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James Ramsay to Miles S. Bennet 1882. Manuscripts of the Mexican War sent by James Ramsay, Gonzales, Texas, to Miles S. Bennet, Cuero, Texas, September 20, 1882, and the letter of transmission. (From The Center for American History, University of Texas Austin, unedited text and spellings except for hyphens and bracketed comments which were added by WLM for improved readability)

Gonzales Texas September 20th/82

Mr M Bennet Dear Sir I send you the manuscript according to promise---went home soon aft you left and little in finding them and in looking over them found them Interesting than I expected---recalling Old Friend and Old sceans passed therough regret now that at that time had finished on to the return Back to Gonzales when Events were more fresh in the Memory---You can use them if in any way suiteable for your purposes, Some mistakes in diction and spelling names and dates correct. You will see alusions and Incents of your worthy Father was charestic of the Old Major----after you have exemained these contents let me know your candid openeon and oblidge---Yours very Respectfully James Ramsay

Manuscript of the Mexican War by James Ramsay. Mister Editor if not Intruding too much on your time and usful paper please Insert the following remarks and Facts called forth by an Act of the last Legislature of Texas, setting forth that all those who particepated in the Battle of St Jacinto and in any wise afterwards by active Service in the Field in expelling the Mexicans when Invading the Soil of Texas, and the Mier Prisoners should be entitled to so much Pension per Annum by making the Proper Shewing to the Comptroller of the right of these Claims. Having no copy of the Act by me I am not quite certain if the above is the exact words at any rate that is the purport and Intent if I mistake not. Shortly afterwards the Comptroller Issues a Circular to the Effect that no one except the St Jacinto Soldier and Mier Priesnor was entitled to the benefits of said act, if this is so and the Framers of this Act so intended to benefit only these two classes of old Texians to the utter exclusion of others who perialed there lives in the Battlefield in the Spring Summer & Fall of 1841 & 1842 if such was realy the Intention of the Framers of the Act they are wofully Ignorant of the Early History of Texas or intended a class Legisuleation. Why Ignore the St Fee Prisoners and there perials and Privations.

That Expediation was Organized and Equiped by order and expence of the Government under General Lamar administration whether the best Policy or not that is not the Question now. Was the Mier Expedition authoriezed by the Texas Government No Sir it was General Somervells express orders from President Houston to proceed only to the left Bank of the Rio Grand, Lorado was occupied---no oppesetion was offered---all was accomplished that was properly authorized by the President, unforunately for the Heroic Captain Cameron and his Brave Assocets who Volunteered crossed the River and by Mexican Duplicity an perfiedy surrendred themselves Priesnors when victory was almost on there side thus accompelshing nothing for the Peace of Texas but untold suffering & Death in its worst Form to the most of them, to the Survivers of that Gallent Band it is well for there County to make some remuneration and acknowledgement of there Sacrefices but not say to the others how ever great your Service and prevatures were we pass you by

In the first of March 1842 Basques [Vasquez] reached St Anton [San Antonio] with some 500 Cavelary of the Mexican regular Army gave out (and was believed at the time) to be the advance guard of a regelar Inveading Army some where about 100 men Texians without regelar Organaseation brought the only small Cannon from there and what amuneation there was blew up a store by order of the Owener McTeaugue so the goods might not fall in to the hands of the Mexicans as the Texians left Town on the north East Side---so the Enemy entered on the opposite---all Amercians and most Europeans left St Antonio passing through Sequin & Gonzales---this created a general Panic amongst the Citizens expesial the Famielies the most of whome left the Gaudelupe River---no settelers than being on St Marcas above Uncle Adams Truemalls [Adam Zumwalt] some went down on the Lavaca River some on the Colorado & some further---on the 9th March some 200 or more men had reached Sequin and rumers were circuleating the Mexicans & Greasers had left Bexar there was no kind of organesation---some of our leading men of Western Texas were then Presener in Mexico of the St Fee Expediation---other good & tried Texians (very much to be lamented) were at Fued amongst themselves

Ben McCullouh [McCulloch] & William Morrison had penetrated as pied in the Basues [Vasquez] Camp but were discovered before much could be learned of the Force & inteanetion of the Enemy and only by good horsemanship and cool courage saved themselves---the Texeians broke up in parties and returned to Gonzales---here men from Lavaca and Colorado were coming in only---one night spent in moulding Bulets---Cooking a few Corn Dodgers (happy were they that had corn and a Steel Mill in those days) dried Beef & good water in our Gourds was not always plenty---crossing the Gaudloupe below Town at the old St Ann ford than on to St Antonio by the old 40 Mile water hole with all speed encamping below the Mission of Conception---there General Ed. Burleason Took Command---the Gonzales Co Orginezed Captain Friar commanding---by this time it was well known that this was no regeler Invasion all were anexious to follow the enemy to the Rio Grand it was Genl Burleson wish to do so if ordered & supported by the government---no such order came for 2 or 3 weeks up and down camping on the St Antonio River living on Beef alone & no Salt---Parties from the Brassos & Colerad River were returning home till all broke up and were about to leave the Frontier entirely unprotected---Some sort of order came to General Harrison autherezing him to endeaveor to orgenize three Companys to Range West of the Medina and to the Rio Frioe promesing them some Rations & clothing

So two Company were formed by volunteering some 40 or more count---Col Jack Hays one L P Cook the other imeadtely on being orginesed Capt Cook went to Austin to see His family & never returned---the Command devolved on lst Lieutenant---the Major Neighbors whose West Point way of standing guard in an Indian Country did not quite Suit the Boys---If some times high words loaded guns presented not blook drawn and on the whole the Boys fared pretty well---our Camps were on the waters of the Atascosa Ranging princaply on the Lorado Road on to the Frieo and Neueesses and half way up to the Presidio Road where Col Jack Hays & Company ranged, we were promised Rations & Clothing got a little meal coffee & salt plent of fat Buck Turky Mexican Wild Hog and Honey, no clothes---by dressing Buck skin we keept the worst of the Sun off till at last I do not know if we could muster half a Dozen pair shoes hats or under clothing---it was agreed the whole Company shoult proceed to St Antonia there we by order of some autheoreties---I suppose the City Officers sent all arms & amuniation belong to the Republic to Gonzales under Esart [escort?] of the Company now commanded by John R. King 2nd Leitin---the arms were some way between one & two hundred Texas Muskets new packed in Boxes 2 Fine Brass 8 lb cannan couplet with there Cassions reaching Gonzales about the middle of May---each Man got a discharge signed by Leit King calling for 37 days pay as Mounted gun men whilst we have been from home over two months---in years afterwards some got about 30 or 40 Dollars---I may say Col Hays by agreement with Merchants of St Antonio furnishing some clothing & and rations remained out all summer this giving security to some extent to the frontier settelers---rumeours were frequent of another Raiding party or Inveasions about the first of September the court being in session---Genl Woll with some 8 hundred or a thousand Regulars Cavalry & Infantry 2 small pieces of Arteelary took St Antonia with some 60 Priseoners Including the Members of Court who had determined to Make a Stand in the Court House

Fortunately Col Hays and most of his boys keept out of that trap in the Court House---news of the affair reached Gonzales simeasteanously the St Fee Priesoners were returning home---Col Caldwell & Major Bennet the former with what men could be hastly got together with there riflies the women and children moulding Bullets and those who had corn were Rich to have a few Poons of Corn Bread in there Wallets with the Texas never failing Dried Beef, Major Bennet remained at Sequin by agreement to try in some way to procure some coffee salt & some meal by the aid of that useful but despised Macheine vulgarly called a steel Mill---at any rate Beef either on foot or Dried had to be forth coming from the Gaudlupe River for the Mexicains had and were driving them all off the St Antoine River, what corn was planted was an abundant yeild the weather very warm and considerable Rain not enough to raise the Rivers

Mr Editer it may look Eggostecial to use the term I we & us in what follows but my motive plain facts without fear or favor to any one to deal justely to the Living place those men who Fell in decisive and last Fight for Texas as a Republic on Record and who have since gont to the Lands of the Lord your writter or corrospondant the Late B B Peck, Miles Bennett, Henry Girven John Andrew Commings, the last a young man just returned a St Fee Preseoner this was the man who had Pleged ourselves one another to be True to the cause of Texas as well as each other in Fight and to the Death

We started Tuesday afternoon Sept 12th slept or camped in Col John Kings Gallery it raining pretty much all Evening & Night next day early got on the Road---the Sun very warm---camped at Sequin by W Days and as were eager for an early start to reach Caldwell hearing that He and men were on the St Clair or Seawillow---the morning was very cloudy & Sultry, and we were eager to be off, but the Best Laid schemes of Mice and Men gang aft a-gley up comes the Old Major---Boys Caldwell and his men have nothing to eat---a Rumur has just come in and you must stop and drive some Beevs---we remonestreates it was to Fight Mexicans not to be CowBoys and off we started. Holt cried the Major I am your Superior Officer besides they have had nothing for near two days you go out in the Praries there with Willie King drive in some Beevs into the Pen keep then together and drive them on before you and I will promise you plenty of Fighting---it Will not all be over before you reach there and when you start you Miles come by my Quarters & I will give you a little coffee in case you are chilly or wounded, we got started with two of the most contrarary animals ever necked tagether by this time a heavy Rain with cold north wind blowing by the time---we reached the River up comes Miles with something in his saddlebags---mark the saddlebags---something of Civiliseation in Texas but the contents Mr Editor was it Rot-Gut Monghelia or Glen-livet---no sir nothing short of the material that Old Texian Love so well cheers Strenthens and Breaks the Studies as old W Tennie used to say, two lbs Coffee---we had got an Elephant how could we parch paund in a Tin cup let alone cooking both---all know it, still the hoss helped us amid wind and rain with the Beeves who would go any way exept the straight one, reaching Calwell's Camp in a little bend of the St Clair 3 or 4 miles to the left of the St Antoine Road a yell was raised at sight of our two Pets whoe were very gentle---after driving some 25 miles in three hours you could not scearcly tell where the Beeves were killed---the hide cut up in Ropes and Laraots---the enwards cleaned and cooked so hungery were the men

Genl Woll had dispatched Col John Sequin with some 300 men towards Gonzales as sectreetly as possable to capture the place and take the Public Arms there. Caldwell learned of this sent spies out to trail up the Renegade Sequin---they returned into Camp that Evening reported struck & followed the trail on towards the 40 Mile Water hole and there the Mexicans had returned back to St Antonia, next day Friday some of Col Hays men came in who had avoid being captured when the Court & Citizens of St Antonia surrendered---pursued by the Mexican had to make to the Hills reach Caldwell Camp on the St Clair at the Sequin & St Antonia road crossing for three or four days they had not eat any thing---two of there names I remember Fitzgerald and Lavala the latter a native of Virgenia I think and was of such men as Walker Gelespie and others of Jack Hays Company---on Friday Caldwell that night moved camps above the Road and there had an organeseation in Company with Captain and Lieutenents and a Council of War held to Fight as soon as the Mexecian could be induced to come out of Town for no more men could be expected except from the Colorader and it might be some time before they could reach us---on Saturday moved off above the road some distance whilst some were out scouting & spying others doing camp duty little cooking As do the two Beeves being near if not gone, some one smelt Miles Saddle Bags and the Coffee was minus

Sam Witt & Dob Adams and now the Company were Capt Cameron and Lieutenent Anderson both Scotch born some 30 men English Irish Welsh German French and Americans no Yankees them days---Capt Friar Cuero Company about 40, Capt Adam Zumwalt Lavaca Co 25 men---Capt Jim Bird Lietents Calleghan [Callaghan] & Cushing Gonzales & Sequin Company---D C S Brown of Gonzales Army Surgen and Aid to Col Caldwell--- Col Jack Hays & Lietent H C McCulloch of the St Antonie Co or Spy Company---Brother Murrell Baptist Minister, Chaplin and one of the best Fighter---Rev Brother Carroll our Circut Preacher in the Gonzales Comp---Col Caldwell was considered Col commanding without any regular Election but the Contest was very close for Major or Second in command between John Henry Brown of the Lavaca Company and C C Colley of the Gonzales---twice the vote was taken and Numbers were counted correctly--- Major Colley was Elected by 3 of a Majority too the number of command including officers 203---some very young lads Jesse Zumwalt, one of Capt Friers Sons and Richard Barnett of my relation---Close as the contest was for Major no unduly Feelings between the Parties nor there Supporters---J H Brown keept his place in the Ranks in the Lavaca Company.

this was about four or five P, M, Saturday after dark the Command took up the line of March toward the Salado some 14 or 15 miles to the nearest Point where a good position could be taken---no road very good travelling the grass fine Mesquite trees & Bushes plenty some Live Oaks & open Pararie---it was clear Bright night the moon near full the Breeze had died away plesent ridding 2 a breast in close order perfect silence the horses seemed awed in to silence---a considerable trail was made, about Midnight the command reached the Salado some 5 or 6 miles from St Antonia---the same above the road there the halt was ordered---Stake horse close no fire nor loud talking guard placed both Picket and inside the forme on horseback and ordered to range back on the trail between 1 1/2 miles and I may state an occurance caused by unthought of caution and want of cool self-command which came pretty near proving fatle to some of us, one Picket three were sent back on the trail two of these were B B Perk on His Plumb Creak Fight Mule and by the way one of the best Little Light Grays Mules ever Commanches rod but when one Lose it took near half a Dozen of our best Boys to rope the Critter, the other a young man White from Curo on a large white American horse being over a mile from camp---one horseman was seen by them coming on the Trail and imedeatly the Stranger unthoughtly raised a yell ridding towards them at full speed---White on his large horse took fight with all speed leaving Perk on the little Mule the other on his Mustang to follow as best they could---White rushed in through the Picketed horse stampeding them in through camp Past the guard shouting Mexicians Indians---your correspondant had been just returned off guard laid his blanket down droped down lying on his Back scearcly asleep when the aful and strange noises of Horses running every way---men crying to stop them, at the time my eyes opened a large white horse was in the act running over me one fore foot as set down close to the right side barly missing the Breast, jumping up Capt Callaghan being officer of the Guard was standing close by as if I was hurt replied I believe not---what is the Matter---don't know, White came up and Stoped ---the Capt Calleghan cooley taking his pipe out of his mouth called on the men not be excited---secure there horses---demanding of White what reason he had for acting so---Fear & excitement had rather stoped---a ready utterance except some broken words Mexicans or coming---the Little Gray Mule & Rider with Partner rode up---reported some one yelling & ridding behind them they thought the individual [individual] are Amerasian and had tried to stop White---there comes the Intruder who proves to be a Texian---sorrows to have been ineventionly [eventually?] the cause of so much alarm---fortunately none of the horses got away all was quite today, at Early dawn French Smith with some more of the Sequin Boys went to try and find some Beeves---abought Eight oclock some 4 or 6 were drove in to camp and immediately slaughtered---Hungery men are not very particular---some had fires kindled and boiling meat before the animals were skinned and before any had to eat the alarm of the enemy coming was given for some fifteen or twenty munitus want of order and excitement prevailed---the yelling of the Mexicana Scooped almost like cat squealing could be heard and the sharp crake of the Texas Rifle occasionally heard we then learned some of Col Hays leading Boys had gone toward Town shooting there Rifles and Phalling Woll to come out for a Fight and now this was the Mexican Cavelery about 500 driving in our Pickets and Hays men---in Major Colleys commanding voice keep cool men and fall in to Lines---Fires were suddenly left as well as half Butcher Beeves some held on to there peices of meat half cooked & occasionally taking a mouthful---the firing from the Enemy was very heavy for twenty or thirty munits at this time were under the light Bluff slopping grandly from the prairie to the Timber on the River bottom which was not I suffer much more one hundred yards wide in front of us near one hundred yards. Col Caldwell made his only war speech---it was short and to the point---I could only hear from the hooping & Hurring of the Boys the concluding sentences Fight for your Homes and Families and give the Hell---there was something very solom with great courage as well as Chivalry mixed with a little of the comic in the appearance of the Col---above the common height of men a little slim dark hair now mixed with white patches mor cartulary in the Beard by which he got the Sobriquite of Old Paint---no Huntey was on---shirt sleeves rolled up---swing his Rifle in his right hand and gastrulating considerable---no fear manifested in his of Maj Colley in faith the audacious courage of the one with cool Bravery of the other restored order & conference in there men---at once some one hallowed out them and some other of the officer to come between the lines under the little bank where the lines were for at that time they were a good mark for the Enemy whoe were keeping up considerable firing.

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From Rangers and Pioneers of Texas by A.J. Sowell 1884 (based on memories of Andrew Jackson Sowell, a participant). On September 11, 1842, the Mexicans under General Adrian Wall, very unexpectedly to the Texans, advanced and captured San Antonio. The district court was in session, and the members were taken prisoners. The news flew down the country, and spread from settlement to settlement, and, once more the call to arms was sounded along the border to repel Mexican invasion. This call was, as ever, promptly obeyed by the brave pioneers of the Guadalupe, San Marcos, and Colorado valleys. And once more the gallant Hays, Caldwell and others, rallied their chosen scouts and rangers around them. They rendezvoused at Seguin, and all night long before the start on the following day, men were up busy making preparations to meet once more the dusky sons of Mexico on the battlefield. There was a great scarcity of horses on account of the recent Indian raids, and men gave large sums for Spanish ponies that would carry them to San Antonio. All night men were coming in from the east, and but few slept that night. Rifles were cleaned, bullets molded and provisions cooked. Those that had no horses were going here and there trying to make trades, offering land, and anything they possessed for ponies, which could now be bought for $25. Two men fought over a stray horse which happened to be in town until neither one was able to go. Andrew Sowell was sick at this time, and told his brother, Asa, whose horse had been stolen by Indians, that he might have his horse as he was not able to go, but next morning when they were about to start, said he could not stand it, and, rising from his bed, dressed himself, got his rifle and pistols, and was soon on his way to the Salado.

Mathew Caldwell was in command of the force, which amounted to about 200 men. Caldwell advanced to the Salado, and took up a strong position on this creek, about seven miles northeast of San Antonio. While encamped here, Creed Taylor went down to the creek, a short distance below the camp, for the purpose of washing out his shirt, and not having a change in camp, had to wait for it to dry. While doing so, he ascended a pecan tree, for the purpose of filling his pockets with pecans, but as soon as he arose above the level of the prairie, was fired at from camp, the balls cutting the limbs around him. He hastened down, donned his half dry shirt, and proceeding to camp, demanded an explanation, and was told that some Irish recruits from Goliad, who had just arrived, had taken him for a Mexican spying out the camp, and commenced the fusillade upon him.

Captain Jack Hays then advanced with about fifty men to San Antonio, and drew the Mexicans out. In his (Captain J. C. Hay's) company, H. E. McCulloch was first lieutenant, and C. B. Acklin orderly sergeant. They were chased back from within half a mile of the Alamo, by 400 cavalry, to the Salado. McCulloch covered the retreat with ten picked men, and they had a lively time. The names of the ten men are as follows: William Polk, Green McCoy, Stuart Foley, C. B. Acklin, Cloy Davis, Creed Taylor, Josiah Taylor, Pipkin Taylor, Rufus Taylor, and James Taylor. The Mexicans made a desperate effort to cut Hays off, by passing up on his right flank. McCulloch kept between him and the Mexicans, sending couriers every half mile or so urging him to put for the timber, and finally when the timber was reached, McCulloch had only one man with him, Creed Taylor. These two were targets for the Mexicans for the last half mile, and at from 100 to 200 paces, there must have been from 100 to 200 shots fired at them on the run, but fortunately not a ball struck man or horse; but Creed Taylor was wounded in the battle which followed on the creek. The men in camp had killed some beef cattle and were engaged in cooking and eating when Hays and McCulloch dashed in, closely pursued by the Mexican cavalry. Every man was soon at his post and ready for action. The whole Mexican army then advanced from San Antonio, and crossing the creek, took up a position on the hillside, east of Caldwell's position. There they planted a battery and opened fire on the Texans, but without effect; for Caldwell's men were protected by the creek bank, behind which they were formed. The only danger they had to guard against was the falling limbs which the cannon shots tore off from the large pecan trees over their heads. Seeing he could not dislodge them with artillery, the Mexican commander ordered a charge. The Texans as yet had not fired a shot. The cannons ceased, bugles sounded, and the rush of tramping feet was heard in the flat, as the Mexicans advanced to the charge.

Caldwell gave orders for half the men to reserve their fire, while those in front were to step back after a discharge and reload, while those with loaded rifles were to man the bank. The Mexicans had to advance very close before they could see the Texans; and then firing their escopetes, they fell back before the deadly fire of the rifles. A loud, keen yell went up from the Texans as the Mexicans broke and dashed back in disordered squads out of range, leaving quite a number killed and wounded behind them. They rallied again on the crest of the ridge and formed, and the officers were seen riding to and fro among them. The Texans elated with their success had no fears of the final issue, although greatly outnumbered. They continued to whoop and yell at the Mexicans, and some resumed their repast of beef, bread and strong coffee, which had been interrupted by the advance of the Mexican army. The Mexican cavalry kept dashing about and prancing around, but kept out of range. Finally they stopped on the hill some distance up the creek. Green McCoy noticing this, came to Andrew Sowell and proposed to him that they would lead their horses up the creek a short distance, tie them so that they would be at hand in case of need, and then slip within rifle shot of the Mexican cavalry, get a good shot each, and then fall back to their horses, and make their escape in case they were pursued. Andrew agreed to this readily, and they left the camp, keeping out of sight of the Mexicans until they went far enough, and then tied their horses to a mesquite tree. They could see part of the cavalry through the bushes, not far off, and bending low, started to slip within range. They had taken but a few steps when they were started by a low, keen whistle near them, and hastily looking around, saw a company of Mexican infantry in fifty paces of them, where they had been concealed in the high grass, and had just risen up and whistled to them like a hunter would to a deer, to make it stop until he could shoot it. They saw the Mexicans were fixing to fire, and sprang towards their horses and bent low for a few seconds and received the first fire. The bark and mesquite beans fell on their hats which were cut off by the bullets, but neither one of them was touched, and drawing their knives, quick as lightning almost, cut their ropes and mounted the terrified horses, which had begun to rear and plunge about. They were young, active and good riders, or else they would never have been able to mount under the circumstances. They received the second fire from the Mexicans as they bent low in their saddles and dashed off. The balls cut the air around them, but still they were unhurt. Andrew ventured one look behind as they started, and some of the Mexicans were so near that he said he could see halfway down the barrels of the big-mouthed escopetes as the Mexicans presented them to fire. They dashed into camp just as the Mexicans were again advancing to charge; but as before, they could not stand the unerring aim of the riflemen, and were again driven back with great loss.

General Cordova whom Burleson fought at Mill creek, was killed in the charge. He had taken refuge behind a small mesquite in the retreat, to avoid a discharge, and was killed when he attempted to leave it. Cordova was a noted man in Mexico, and on receipt of the news of his death, the bells were rung in Monterey, and an ode was published to his memory at Saltillo. The Texans, as yet, had not lost a man, and had but few wounded. The Mexicans invariably overshot them, knocking over more coffeepots, which were in the rear, than Texans. Calvin Turner received a glancing shot in the head, and fell; his brother, William, who was near, vainly endeavoring to force a tight ball down his rifle, dropped it, and ran to him, and assisted him to regain his feet, and he soon recovered. The Mexicans, who had been freely supplied with mescal from San Antonio, and being now pretty much under the influence of it, somewhat lost their terror of the Texas rifles, and once more advanced to the charge, yelling like Indians. They threw away their hats and came down the hill bareheaded, and with their dark skins and black hair, very much resembled a host of savages. They made no halt when fired on, but came on like demons, firing their escopetes in the very faces of Caldwell's men, at not more than fifteen paces, and for a few moments the cracking of rifles and the yells of the combatants were terrific. But drunk or sober, they could not stand such a deadly fire at short range, and again fled out of reach, followed by scattering shots and loud yells.

It seems somewhat surprising that Caldwell's 200 men could defeat such a large force of Mexicans, numbering nearly a thousand men, but their superior marksmanship was one thing; and they were all true and tried men; had all seen service before, some having been with Bowie at Mission Concepcion and the storming of San Antonio; some in the charge at San Jacinto and Plum Creek, and nearly all had fought Indians, and were splendid shots. And here were the, gallant Caldwell, Hays, and the McCullochs, whom none could surpass as commanders in such warfare. Santa Anna, while a prisoner, and bitterly lamenting the destruction of his army, said: "Why, a Texan would think he had made a bad shot if he did not hit a Mexican's eye a hundred yards." During the retreat, after this charge, one Mexican being considerably behind, some one called out, "Who has a loaded rifle?" Andrew Sowell, who had just loaded, stepped forward and took a careful aim at the retreating Mexican, and fired. At the crack of the gun the Mexican jumped forward, clapped his hands to his back, and after-running half bent for a short distance, fell forward on his face. Miles Dikes, who was standing just behind Andrew, watching the effect of the shot, clapped him on the shoulder, and said: "There; that's the way to do it Andrew; you got him." In this last charge a good many Mexicans were killed and wounded near the bank of the creek, behind which the Texans were posted. French Smith, who was walking about among them, picked up a small wounded Mexican and brought him down the hill into the camp and laid him down. He was a small man, and had on a fancy jacket. He was shot in the breast, and was suffering great pain. He jabbered Mexican all the time, and eyed the long rifles of the Texans, who stood around him, and when some one lit a pipe and commenced smoking, he, with great pain, raised himself to a sitting position, and asked for a shuck and some tobacco, and this being given him, made a cigarette, and calmly sat there and smoked it, with a rifle ball through his body, occasionally making some remark in Spanish, and pointing to the wound in his breast.

Just before the fight commenced, one of Caldwell's scouts, named Jett, was cut off from the camp and killed by a small band of Indians, who were secreted in the brush down the creek. One man was shot in the stomach, who had that morning eaten a large quantity of fresh beef, and after the doctor had examined him, said it was the most fortunate shots he ever saw. "For," said he, "if it had not been for the beef, the bullet would have killed him, and if it had not been for the bullet, the beef would have killed him." During the progress of the fight, the Texans noticed that the Mexicans moved their artillery, also the cavalry, and a portion of the infantry, and presently they heard cannon shots in the prairie some distance to the east of them. Boom after boom came ringing across the prairie, and the Texans were satisfied that some brave band of men had encountered the Mexicans in trying to join them. But they dared not move from their position for here was the only place where they could successfully fight Wall's army, with his superior force, flanked by large bodies of cavalry, and supported with artillery, which was between them and the brave men who were at this time selling their lives so dearly.

Swift scouts were kept out to watch the movements of the Mexicans, who disappeared from sight after the firing ceased on the prairie, and left Caldwell master of the situation on the creek. A scout came in and reported that the Mexican army had gone back to San Antonio. A small party was then sent out to see what discoveries they could make in the direction of the firing, which they heard on the prairie east of them. One fugitive, Woods, gained Caldwell's line, and reported that Captain Dawson and his company of fifty-two men from Fayette county, had been surrounded and cut to pieces by the Mexicans. The scouts sent out, returned, and reported that thirty-two of Dawson's men were lying dead on the prairie. Z. N. Morrell, the Baptist preacher who was at the Plum Creek fight, was here, with Caldwell, and knowing that Dawson's men were from his neighborhood, and fearing that his son, whom he had left at home, might have followed the ill-fated Dawson, mounted his horse, and in company with others, set out for the scene of the massacre to examine the slain, and to see if his boy was there. The Rev. Morrell was not at home when he heard of the Mexican raid, and came with Caldwell, without acquainting his family of his intentions, as they were some distance off.

Some one told Andrew Sowell that they thought his father-in-law, old man Billy Turner, was among the slain. Andrew knowing the vim of the old man when stirred up, for he had been a soldier under Jackson, and was one of the dragoons who pursued the great chief Weatherford after his defeat, when he made his famous leap off the bluff into the river, and made his escape. He saw Sam Houston wounded at the battle of the Horse Shoe, and was himself wounded at Talladega and Tallahassee, and was with Jackson at New Orleans. Although Andrew could hardly believe it could be the old man, for he left him at Seguin, he hastily mounted his horse and set out, and on reaching the battle-ground and viewing the dead body of the gray-haired old man, it proved to be Zodack Woods, an old man eighty years of age, from La Grange. Z. N. Morrell searched among the dead for his son, and, greatly to his relief, could not find him, but he looked into the faces of his neighbors whom, a few days before, he had left at their homes in good health, and with a prospect of long life before them, now stark and stiff in the battlefield. These gallant patriots from the Colorado valley, were ever ready to peril their lives for their country, and there was hardly a battle of any importance fought in Texas, but what their blood stained the soil. And when the fiery Dawson came among them, they seized their rifles, and told him to lead the way, and rushed day and night to their death.

Yoakum says of this affair:

I just as the fight ceased between Captain Mathew Caldwell's command and the Mexicans, the fearful massacre occurred. Captain Dawson, with fifty-three men from La Grange, in attempting to join Caldwell, was discovered and surrounded by the enemy. Captain Dawson found a grove of mesquite bushes, in which he rallied his men and commenced his defense; but the Mexicans withdrew from the range of the rifles, and poured in upon his unprotected company, a shower of grape-shot. Dawson sent out a white flag but it was fired on. Thirty-two of his men were killed, two or three escaped, and fifteen were taken prisoners. Among those that escaped was Woods, who, in the act of delivering up his arms, received a cut from a sword. He seized a lance in the hands of one of the enemy, killed the lancer, mounted his horse, and reached the position of Caldwell, in safety.

The people of Seguin watched anxiously for messengers from the scene of action, after the departure of the zoo brave boys under the gallant Caldwell. Only six years bad elapsed since nearly that many had perished in the Alamo with the gallant Travis, and they had left as light-hearted and confident as those under Caldwell. And once more the wives and mothers of the Guadalupe valley had to watch and wait with aching hearts for news, every minute expecting the messenger of death to dash in upon them, bringing the sad news of defeat and slaughter like that which befell Travis and Fannin. And they thought their fears were realized when Aulcy Miller rode into town bareheaded and his horse covered with foam, a fugitive from Dawson's battleground, and bringing the news that Dawson's men were nearly all killed, and that he, himself, and one other, alone made their escape by hard and desperate riding. He knew nothing of the fate of Caldwell's men. They heard heavy firing in the direction of the creek, and were pushing rapidly to their assistance, when they were surrounded by the whole Mexican army and cut to pieces. Asa Sowell, father of the writer, gave Miller a fine Mexican hat.

The following is taken from the American Sketch Book:



We are indebted to Major B. P. Dunn for the the names of those that were killed from Fayette county with Captain Dawson, on the 18th of September, 1842. They are as follows: Captain Dawson, First Lieutenant Dickerson, Zodack Woods, David Berry, John Slack, John Cummins, Church, Harvey Hall, Robert Barckley, Wesley Scallorn, Eliam ScalIorn, Asa Jones, Robert Eastland, Frank Brookfield, George Hill, John W. Penelton, J. B. Alexander, Edmond Timble, Charles Field, Thomas Simms, Butler, John Dancer, and a colored man belonging to the Mavericks. He had been sent out by Mrs. Maverick to communicate with his master, who had been captured while attending court at San Antonio, a few days before, by the Mexicans. His family were living on the Colorado, near Ed Manton's. They had sent this trusty man out, hoping that he might be able to learn something of Maverick. Poor fellow! faithful to his trust to the last, he died with his brave leader, his face to the enemy at the breech of his gun. Zodack Woods, eighty years old, had ridden in a gallop for several miles, keeping up with his company, before reaching the scene of action, eager to relieve Caldwell, bounding on over the prairie to find, late, that they had mistaken the enemy for our forces. The old man fell while loading his gun.

The bones of these brave men now rest on Monument Hill, opposite La Grange. We quote what the publisher of the American Sketch Book says in describing a trip to this place:

While on the bluff, what strange feelings of awe I had while standing at the tomb of that band of heroes (the remains of Captain Dawson's company, and the decimated prisoners), who, when the first tocsin of war sounded, left their homes and loved ones, and, after deeds worthy of the ancient Romans, immolated themselves upon the altar of Freedom. It was with regret I stood by the pile of stone where "memory oer their tomb no trophies raise," to tell the stranger their glorious record of how they lived, dared and died. Certainly, the day is not far distant when Fayette county will erect a handsome monument to the memory of her brave sons.

General Wall did not halt long in San Antonio, but set out the next day after the battle, and soon put the Rio Grande between him and the infuriated Texans. The Mexican loss in the battle was 120 men killed and wounded. Caldwell entered San Antonio next day with his men. There was a Mexican woman in San Antonio at that time, who had once lived on the Guadalupe, near Seguin, and was acquainted with nearly all the settlers. When General Wall paraded his men on the plaza, just before starting to attack Caldwell on the Salado, she walked out where he was inspecting his troops, and asked him where he was going with all this fine array of soldiers: "Going out," said he, "to kill those Texans on the Salado." "You had better be very careful," said the woman, "I know those men from the Guadalupe; they are very brave men, and shoot well." When Wall came back, she again accosted him with, "Well, General, did you kill all of those Texans?" "Well, yes;" said he, "that is, I killed all those out on the prairie, but those on the creek howled like wolves, and fought like devils. I did not kill quite all of them." This Mexican woman was a friend of the Texans, and was glad to see them when they came into town, going about among them, and calling a great many of them by name. When she saw the Baptist preacher, Z. N. Morrell, she said: "Oh, Mr. Morrell; I stood here on the sidewalk and looked at the prisoners as they marched them up the street, and your son was with them; he had his coat off, and was all bloody." What sad news was this to an affectionate father, his son, a mere boy, wounded and being carried a prisoner to Mexico, away from home, and loved ones, to languish as a captive in a foreign land, in dark and dreary dungeons, and, perchance, in the end, to be led out and shot as others had been before him.

Among those who stood by the gallant Caldwell at the Salado, were the following: Captain Jack Hays, Daniel B. Frior, James H. Callahan, James Bird, Ewing Cammeron, Lieutenant Henry McCulloch, Sergeant C. B. Acklin, C. C. Colley, John Henry Brown, Jesse Zumawlt, Clem C. Hines, Eli Hankins, Joe Powers, Solomon Simmons, Rev. Karl, Cattle Perry, Stokes, judge Hemphill, Henry Bridger, Isaac Zumawlt, John H. Livergood, George Walton, Wilcox, John W. Smith, Ezekiel Smith, Solomon Brill, Archer Gibson, Creed Taylor, Josiah Taylor, Pipkin Taylor, Rufus Taylor, James Taylor, Green McCoy, James Clark, Miles Dikes, Calvin Turner, Hardin Turner, William Turner, French Smith, Z. N. Morrell, A. J. Sowell, William King, John King, Milford Day, and many other gallant men whose names I could not learn. After the battle, Lieutenant McCulloch was left in charge of the wounded, some ten or twelve in number, and as he had no wagons, was sorely perplexed as to the means for transporting the wounded men from the battleground, and while trying to devise some plan, Solomon Brill came along with a cart and team which he had captured, and which contained several pairs of blankets, and in this rude structure the lieutenant succeeded in carrying off the wounded men.

The prisoners taken at Dawson's massacre were carried to Mexico and confined in the dungeon of Perote, and it was two years before the Rev. Morrell saw his son again.

James B. Hinds and brother Gerron Hind's families arrived in DeWitt Colony 24 Feb 1830 and 13 Apr 1825, respectively, according to land grant records. Both had homes in inner Gonzales town, James Hinds, whose home was later the residence of Mathew Caldwell on Water Street facing the river, lived near the Dickinson and Kimble Hat Factory. Gerron Hinds lived at the corner of St. John and St. Michael streets southeast of his brother's place. Gerron Hinds was a member of the colony in its earlier stages at Old Station on the Lavaca and part of the original and temporarily abandoned settlement on Kerr's Creek outside current Gonzales. James B. Hinds married the widow (Louisa Cottle Jackson) of Gonzales Relief Force member and Alamo Defender Thomas Jackson, who was also one of the Old Eighteen. Hinds served in Capt. Peyton Splane's Company and was with the rear guard of the Houston's Force camped near Harrisburg during the Battle of San Jacinto.

The following settlers arrived and signed contracts with the DeWitt Colony Administration 22 February 1831. The following are confirmed as being members of the Tennessee-Texas Land Company:

Name
Marital Status
# in Family
Proof

Baker, Moses M 5 Gonzales Deed, A-4
Bateman, Simon M 38 Gonzales Deed, C-597
Caldwell, Mathew M 5 Gonzales Deed, A-20
Dickinson, Almeron M 2 Gonzales Deed, A-7
A-71 (estate)
Gillen, Michael M 5 Gonzales Deed, A-10
Caldwell District Court
Harris vs. Hardeman
Henry, John M 7 Gonzales Co. Deed, A-43
Morris, Bethel S Caldwell Co., District Ct
Jones vs. Huff
Morrison, Stephen B. M 8 Gonzales Deed, A-72
Neill, John A. M 3 Gonzales Deed, A-6
Porter, Alexander M 2 Gonzales Deed, E-223
Smith, Robert M 5 Gonzales Deed, A-8
B-200, Testimony of Rebecca Happle
Jones vs. Huff
Wood, James T. M 8 Gonzales Deed, A-3
wife testimony in Jones v. Huff
Brown, Wilson C. M ? Gonzales Deed, C-105
Grogan, Sarah M ? Testimony James T. Wood
District Court Records
Guadalupe County, Nov. 1855
Texas Supreme Court Records
Nicols vs. Stewart No. M-900


Proceedings of the Gonzales Ayuntamiento 1835 & 1836

There are no official minutes of the Ayuntamiento of 1835 and 1836 consisting of Andrew Ponton, alcalde; Eli Mitchell and Joseph D. Clements, regidores; Mathew Caldwell, sindico procurador; and B.D. McClure primary judge. The Ayuntamiento of 1835 was the one who guided the colony through the momentous events leading up to Texas Independence in late 1835 and spring 1836. Documents in the Texas Archives give sketches of some of their activities.

1835 Consultation Election. On 1 February 1835, the ayuntamiento held an election for delegates to represent the municipality of Gonzales in an impending consultation following the events described above that was not held until Nov 1835. William W. Arrington was the election judge, first teller was E.W. Bull, second teller was S. Webster and George W. Davis was secretary which yielded the following results for the four candidates: Fisher, 43; Caldwell, 44; Clements, 13; and B. Lockhart, 16. Known voters were: John T. Tinsley, David Burket, Horace Eggleston, Robert Smith, William Strode, William Newland, John G. King, R.W. Valentine, John Davis, John Kane, N. Peck, A. Zumwalt Sr., Stephen Smith, Thomas Jackson, James Tumlinson, Eli Mitchell, Felix Taylor, Joseph S. Martin Sr., William Hill, John Castleman, Daniel McCoy Jr., E.B. Jackson, James Hodges, Jacob Garner, Elijah Tate, Samuel McCoy, John Henry, William Fishbaugh, John A. Neill, B.D. McClure, Samuel Lockhart, William A. Matthews, John McCoy Sr., Benjamin Duncan, A. Cottle, A. Ponton, James Gibson, Joseph McCoy, Frederick Elm, George Tumlinson, Dolphin Floyd, Prospect McCoy, E.W. Bull, Joseph Kent, George Kimble, Charles Lockhart, Kimber W. Barton, Benjamin Kellogg, James Hodges Jr., Andrew Sowell, John Fisher, John McCoy, M. Caldwell, S. Webster, William W. Arrington, Byrd Lockhart, Lewis Sowell, James George, George Washington Davis and Francis Berry.

Committee of Safety. Increasing alarm over apparent attempts by Santa Anna to dissolve the Federalist system of government and the reopening of customs houses and military garrisons in Texas after the dissolution of the legislature of Coahuila y Texas in 1835 precipitated formation of a Committee of Safety (William Arrington, George Davis, John Fisher, James Hodges, Bartholomew McClure, James P. Patrick and Andrew Ponton) for the colony on May 17.

Election of delegates to the 3rd Texas Consultation of November 1835. Delegates were elected September 26, 1835 to represent the Gonzales municipality in a general Texas consultation to be held on October 15, 1835. Those elected were: James Hodges, Joseph D. Clements, Benjamin Fuqua, Thomas R. Miller and William S. Fisher. Another election for two more delegates for the same meeting was held October 4, 1835. Elected were William W. Arrington and George W. Davis. William Fisher, president of the safety committee, signed the statement of election. Samuel McCoy, president pro-tem and George W. Davis, secretary of the Gonzales Committee of Safety, reported the results.

Six of the delegates above signed the Declaration of the People of Texas which declared the intention of Texans to fight for the restoration of the Constitution of 1824 and independent status for Texas as a state within the Republic of Mexico. J.D. Clements signed as a representative for the Gonzales Municipality and Hodges, Fuqua, Fisher, Arrington and Davis signed as representatives of the Municipality of Austin.

Independence Convention at Washington on the Brazos Mar 1836. About 65 votes were cast on 1 Feb 1836 to elect two delegates from the Gonzales Municipality to the convention which declared independence of Texas from Mexico and established a Constitution. Elections were held in both Gonzales town and the Precinct of Upper Lavaca. William W. Arrington was the election judge, A.N. Brill was first teller and L.W. Aster second teller with George W. Davis as secretary. Mathew Caldwell received 44 votes, John Fisher 43, Byrd Lockhart 16 and Joseph D. Clements 13.

Scrip Records. 1835. February 7, 1835 Benjamin Williams was paid $24 "for services in bearing the returns of the election to capital of district." Thomas S. Mitchell was paid $18 "for his service as commissioner to San Felipe with returns of election for Electors." March 2, 1835, James B. Patrick $15.73 was paid balance of his account. Scrip issued through September 21, 1835 was for surveying by order of Byrd Lockhart and that issued in 1839 was for appraising or surveying lots. James S. Martin and Ezekiel Smith received $300 "as per agreement."

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Gonzales Town Council 1836-1846

Adapted from The History of Gonzales County, Texas (The Gonzales County Historical Commission). There have been many stories told through the years about how, before the burning of Gonzales, different people buried certain objects to be used as benchmarks to identify their property when they returned. Those stories were never proved and those benchmarks were never used. The city minutes reflected that after hostilities ceased and the citizens began to return, some set up their camps on public property. After some time they were asked to move and several of those families moved up the Guadalupe River and settled an area that became Walnut Springs (Seguin). In 1883 the county surveyor resurveyed the town and found a large number of fences and buildings were standing on public property. He placed iron stakes at every block.

On September 5, 1836 the following men, former residents of the municipality of Gonzales, "but owing to the fate of War now in the Municipality of Washington," cast their votes unanimously for Samuel Houston for president, Lamar for vice-president, Bunton for senator and William Fischer for representative: James Tumlinson Sr., Francis Berry, Robert Smith, James Tumlinson Jr., John Tumlinson and Ezekiel Williams. Ezekiel Williams attested to the fact that the same voters were in favor of the constitution as it was without any alterations and some were in favor of the Republic of Texas being "attached to the United States of the north." After the victory at San Jacinto and the Republic of Texas was organized, there were few records available that concerned the Municipality of Gonzales until 1839 when the first meeting of the Corporation of Gonzales was held.

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Gonzales City Officials 1836-1841

1838 Alcalde Ezekiel Smith

1839 Alcalde James W. Robinson
Alderman: Almond Cottle, James Hinds, Edward Bellinger, Robert
Secretary: W.W.T. Smith
Treasurer: Adam Zumwalt/Major V. Bennett
Tax Collector: George W. David.


1840 Mayor: W.W.T. Smith
Councilmen: Edmund Bellinger, Robert Carr, Patrick, Dickinson
Secretary: W.D. Miller
Treasurer: Ezekiel Williams (declined), Dr. John Lee Witter (21 Mar), Arch Jones (4 Apr), William Warren (8 Jun)
Constable: John Kelso, Barnett Randal (13 Apr)

1841 Mayor: W.W.T. Smith then C.S. Brown (23 Aug)
Councilmen: Robert Carr, H.L. Conn, C.S. Brown, John Lee Witter
Secretary: W.D. Miller then James W. Hoskins (23 Aug)
Treasurer: T.C. Braches (moved) then Edmund Bellinger (17 May) then Charlie Braches (23 Aug)
Tax Collector: Arthur Swift
Clerk: Dr. John Lee Witter/Arthur Swift
Constable: Arthur Swift.


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Council Minutes 1839-1846

[Locked in the fireproof vault of the Gonzales City Hall were ledgers which contained the minutes of all council meetings from March 26, 1839. The pages were a yellowish brown, some cracked and crumbling to the touch. The handwriting was difficult to read because the ink had faded and the script was unfamiliar. Some records indicated that the Republic of Texas passed an act incorporating the city of Gonzales in 1837]

27 March 1839. The minutes of the city council stated that the first meeting of the city council of "the corporation of Gonzales" was held at the courthouse March 27, 1839 with the county judge and two "Associate Justices" (county commissioners) to make arrangements for the sale of "a part of the public property" in the town.

The sale of lots was decreed to start in May and continue until all were sold, the purchaser being required to build a house of $200 in value within eighteen months. In the tradition provided for by the Mexican Colonization Laws under the Constitution of 1824, any useful artist (artist referred to an "artisan" or someone with a trade such as a blacksmith) to select any "In Lot" (located within the Inner Town as opposed to the Outer Town) gratis, provided he established his trade on the lot within six months and resided on it for two years. A donation of one In-Lot and one Out-Lot was to be given to any person who would establish and operate for two years a grist mill, saw mill or cotton gin. I. J. Good and Benjamin Duncan were appointed to appraise the lots.

Mathew Caldwell, administrator of the estate of Steven Morrison, presented a petition to the effect that Morrison, a mechanic, was entitled "before the change of government" (Texas Revolution) to two lots in the town. The request was referred to a council committee. Robert Carr, a brick layer, presented a petition for a lot and it was referred to a committee.

Ezekiel Smith, the previous mayor, appeared April 12, 1839 in regard to the matter of settling claims against the council. The council adopted a resolution to the effect that there had been difficulty involved in the delivery of certain council papers and records, but that Smith relinquished all claims and the corporation agreed to pay Smith $150. Smith was also allowed to reserve three blocks of Out-Lots. Smith also secured another $150 for M.P. Woodhouse as his assignee.

Mr. Kerr was instructed to prepare a plat of the town and notices of the sale of property to be posted in the stores of Mr. Hinds and Colonel Clements. A Mr. Kerr, a mechanic, received permission to change his choice of lots. Bellinger and McCullough presented bills for surveying.

The council determined that it was necessary to determine which portion of the town tract was the bona fide property of individuals and which the public.

A committee was appointed to select a block of lots within a half mile of Smith Creek for educational purposes.

29 June 29 1839. The council continued to struggle with the issue of the sale and title to town lots. The issue was complicated by the fact that settlers were often found living on city property.

Block 13 in Range 6 west of Water Street was set aside for educational purposes as the council had been unable to agree to terms of sale for that property.

Byrd Lockhart was paid for an account approved by a previous alcalde, an account of Green DeWitt assigned to Joseph Martin and, on orders of Byrd Lockhart in favor of William Hill, Adam Zumwalt was paid.

January and March 1840. The first Monday in January 1840 a new council was elected. The new council was instructed "to come forward and qualify," but no one stepped forward whereupon another election was ordered to be held the second Monday in February. Presumably the election was held for when the council met March 10, 1840 the following were present: W.W.T. Smith, mayor, Bellinger, Carr, Patrick and Dickinson, aldermen.

Any member of the council who failed to render a good excuse for absence be fined five dollars.

A committee was formed to contract with "some person to drain the pond in the Inner Town." The committee appointed to tend to draining the pond reported it had been unable to make a final contract for the work except a Mr. Allen agreed to dig a ditch eighteen inches deep for the dirt taken out of the ditch. [Between its location at the southeastern conjunction of the San Marcos and Guadalupe Rivers, flooding and drainage was a constant problem in Gonzales town even into modern times and often occupied the attention of the council --WLM]

Ordinances 21 Mar 21 1840.

The council declared that rioting was a pest to moral society and deserved punishment.

A fine of $5 to be assessed anyone running or galloping a riding animal through the Inner Town.

Levy of a $10 fine for anyone discharging a firearm in the Inner Town or between the town and the river and the Slough Branch.

Setting fines for cutting or injuring any shade tree not on his property; any person suffering any nuisance on his property or the street.

A fine of $10 for any retailer of spirits who was open after ten o'clock and any merchant who did not close his business on Sunday.

A $10 fine for defacing, mutilating or pulling down any public notice or advertisement within the limits of the corporation.

April-October 1840.

Ezekiel Williams declined appointment as treasurer and Doctor John Lee Witter was elected. John Kelso was appointed constable pro tem. Doctor Witter resigned and Arch Jones was elected. Barnett Randal was elected constable on 13 April.

Petitions were received and granted on June 6 from A.B. Switzer, P.C. Beall and James Gipson for relief in the payment of dues on their lots. New tax rates were established at one dollar for each In and Out lot, $50 for every keeper of a billiard table or nine pin alley and vendors of ardent spirits, and $25 for a license to sell merchandise and groceries.

On 8 June, W.D. Miller was reimbursed for two blank books he had purchased. The tax collector and constable-elect "failed to comply with the law therefore the council proceeded to the election of others to supply their places." William Warren was the only applicant so he was given both jobs. He posted $500 bond for each office.

The council resolved "that any person selling or giving spirituous liquors to any Indian" shall pay a fine of $5.

On 18 July the council extended the required time for making certain improvements to lots that had been sold "provided such purchasers shall join the contemplated expedition against hostile Indians."

On 12 September 1840 the council requested certain records of the previous treasurer, Major V. Bennett, be settled. It was done December 15.

Judge Robinson was granted application for pre-emption on certain lots that had previously been omitted by him due to illness if the payments were received within one week.

The council denied Colonel Sweitzer's petition for pre-emption to Block 49 of the Inner Town.

On 5 Oct, Mr. Nichols, "a mechanic", was granted two lots on which he agreed to establish a tannery and was granted the privilege of using and stripping the bark from timber on one labor of land.

In October 1840, the council reviewed their order in 1839 that no rocks, stones or dirt on the public domain were to be disturbed or used by individuals and ordered that such materials be reserved for the "use of the citizens of the same forever."

A communication from A. Jones, treasurer, "was laid before council and received as information." Michael Putman was granted a deed to Block 16, Range 5 west of Water Street "under the peculiar circumstances of the case." [The particular cases referred to by these statements are unclear-WLM]

The council ordained that the width of the sidewalks in the Town of Gonzales be six feet. Owners of lots were allowed to place fences eight feet from the outer lines of their lots to protect the shade trees. Pecan trees over eight inches in diameter, including bark, were reserved for the use of the town with violators to be fined 25 dollars.

W.D. Miller was paid $150 for his services as secretary during the year. Municipal Script Number 3 drawn by Byrd Lockhart in favor of Joseph R. Bedford for $36 dated March 4, 1833 and accepted by J.B. Patrick, alcalde, was ordered paid in Texas Treasury notes at five for one.

A. Jones and others presented a petition which asked that a ditch be dug to drain a certain portion of the town lot.

W.W. Warren, the previous constable, made his report and it was accepted "as good as if made on time."

An ordinance was passed to the effect that $500 be kept in the treasury and that the balance on hand be lent out to individuals who could give good personal security for six months at 12 percent per annum and no one person could borrow more than $300 at a time. The money would be in Texas Treasury notes.

January-September 1841. An election was held in January 1841 and the following officers were elected: W.W.T. Smith, mayor; Robert Carr, H.L. Conn, C.S. Brown and John Lee Witter, aldermen; T.C. Braches, treasurer; A. Swift, tax collector; Doctor John Lee Witter and Arthur Swift, clerks.

On 11 January Adam Zumwalt's petition to cut as much rail timber on the town tract as had been appropriated and taken off his league of land to build a fence on the town tract was denied.

W.D. Miller was appointed secretary and A. Swift, constable, for the year of 1841.

A committee was appointed to have a ditch dug to drain the north end of town as soon as possible.

The ordinance against firing guns within the corporate limits was modified to apply only to firing in the streets and public squares. A committee was appointed to "devise ways and means to have a good road opened from the Inner Town to the settlements in the upper part of town above Smith Creek."

James Gipson represented the county court January 23 and petitioned to purchase the corporation's interest in the building known as the courthouse.

Andrew Neill presented an account for collection for legal services in the amount of $75. It was denied. On 17 May 1841, Edmond Bellinger was appointed treasurer to fill the vacany created when Charles Braches moved from the town. Mr. Carr laid before the council the account of George W. Davis for services to the Ayuntamiento of Gonzales in the year 1835, but it was not allowed because "it was not proven or in any manner vouched for."

On 23 August 1841, Byrd Lockhart presented an account in favor of Stephen Smith which had been accepted by James B. Patrick, alcalde, for $54.57 for surveying. After checking the old records to be certain that the account had not been paid previously the council allowed the account on September 5. Charles Braches was appointed treasurer because of the "temporary removal of Mr. Braches" from Gonzales.

The mayor was authorized and required to "take such steps and adopt such measures, for the defence of the interests of the corporation, in the case of Patrick and others against the corporation" as deemed expedient and necessary.

A motion was made and passed for the election of an alderman as C.S. Brown was seated as mayor and J.W. Hoskins was chosen secretary since W.D. Miller had resigned and was paid $25 for his past services.

[The Gonzales Council minutes from September 5, 1841 through statehood in 1846 have not been found. The first Gonzales post office opened January 25, 1839. The records listed Ezekial Williams as postmaster at that time, but beside his name was a notation, "Removed." On February 27, 1839, E. Williams was again appointed postmaster. No other records were available until Texas joined the USA]

Proceedings of The Gonzales Ayuntamiento 1834

Jurisdiction of Gonzales. Department of The Brazos The Ayuntamiento of the same was qualified and took there seets. They composed of the following members Viz- James C. Davis Alcalde Charles Lockhart first Rigidore Eli Mitchell Sechend Rigidore Thomas R. Miller Sindico and recd. the papers and Dockuments belonging to the Office on the first of January 1834. ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig.

Article 1st. The Ayuntamiento met in ordinary session James C. Davis Eli Mitchell and Thomas R. Miller, Resolved. That the House of T. R. Miller of the town of Gonzales be rented as an office for the Municipality during the tearm of one year for which he is to paid eighteen Dollars. JAMES C. DAVIS pres. ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig. THOMAS R. MILLER

Article 2nd Resolved That James C. Davis President be appointed Treasurer of the Municipality and is hereby made so for the present year and is authorized to collect all public funds in the Jurisdiction and pay accompts against the same. ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig THOMAS R. MILLER Sind

Article 3rd Resolved that Green DeWitt and Almeron Dickinson be appointed commissioners to revew and mark out the road from De Witts to intersect the old road at some Suotable Point crossing the river oposit of the street runing by the House of Thomas R. Miller and on oute to the above named point and reporte the same to this Ayuntamiento at the next meeting. JAMES C. DAVIS pres. THOMAS R. MILLER Sind. ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig.

Article 4th Resolved that James B. Patrick or his Securities shall return the ferry boat in good order by the first monday in February next and if not delivered by that time him or his securities will be bound to pay for the same by the 1st day of march next. JAMES C. DAVIS presid THOMAS R. MILLER Sind. ELI MITCHELL 2 Reg.

Article 5th Resolved that Joseph S. Martin Shall be permiteed to get sutch timber off the town tract as be may think proper for erecting a cotton gin also rail Timber for his farm and the saim privalege to be granted to Thomas R. Miller and Eli Mitchell for the present year. JAMES C. DAVIS presid THOMAS R. MILLER Sind ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig

Article 6th Resolved That all those that are interested in the town tract of Gonzales or the adjoining Labor, shall when called on be compeled to worke on the Streets, and roads through the same, and any person or persons faling to attend after beinge warn in shall be fined one Dollar per day the fine to be collected by a civil Process and appropriated to the benefit of streets and roads: JAMES C. DAVIS pres. THOMAS R. MILLER Sind ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig

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The session adjorned untill the next meeting when ordinary Session will commence on the first monday in february next. The following members met James C. Davis Eli Mitchell and Thomas R. Miller know business done at this meeting and adjorned untill the first monday in May next. JAMES C. DAVIS pres. THOMAS R. MILLER Sind ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig

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Article 7th The Ayuntamiento met in ordinary session and the following members present J. C. Davis Eli Mitchell and T. R. Miller Resolved that any person or persons or persons in the town of Gonzales or That may come shall apply to the Alcalde for licence for Holesaling or retailing Dry goods or groceries will be 2 per cent, for retailing of the same Shall be ten Dollars Anuelly and for retailing Dry goods alone will be five Dollars anuelly, Those that do not apply for licenes by the 15th inst. Shall pay Twenty Dollars to be collected by civil process and applied to the use of the municipality. JAMES C. DAVIS president THOMAS R. MILLER Sind ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig

Article 8th Resolved that the Interest of this Colony shall be ten per cent. JAMES C. DAVIS pres. THOMAS R. MILLER Sind ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig

Article 9th. Resolved that any persons Shooting guns or Pistols in the bounds of the in Lots of Gonzales shall be fined twenty five Dollars and also the same fine will be Laid on those who may be found running Horses through the Streets. JAMES C. DAVIS pres. THOMAS R. MILLER Sind ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig

Article 10th Resolved that Article 11 be repealed in part. JAMES C. DAVIS, pres. THOMAS R. MILLER Sind JAMES C. DAVIS pres. ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig. Article 11th Resolved that the in lots of Gonzales be one Dollar per year Anuelly no tax on out lots any person willing to take out lots will be intitled to as many as he will improve and pay for at the valuation by keeping Streets open when required Not putting more than one Block in a Deed. JAMES C. DAVIS pres. THOMAS R. MILLER Sind ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig

Article 12th. Resolved that James Kerr be appointed Surveyor of the road that the commissioners Mathew Caldwell, Daniel McCoy & Isaac Weldon may view and mark out from the town of Gonzales to the town of Mina and make Due return of the same. JAMES C. DAVIS pres. ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig THOMAS R. MILLER Sind

Article 13th Resolved that the in and out lots of Gonzales be curtailed one half from the original price for Surveying. JAMES C. DAVIS pres. ELI MITCHELL 2 Rig THOMAS R. MILLER



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Gonzales Town-Index

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Survey and Layout of Gonzales 1827. The cabins on Kerr’s Creek established in 1825 and abandoned in 1826 for Old Station and the fort built by Byrd Lockhart on the Guadalupe River to which the Old Station settlers returned in 1827 can be considered the first geographic site of Gonzales town. However, formal establishment of towns, which could serve as cultural and economic centers, was key to Mexican colonization strategy. Mexican colonization law specified that when a colony reached 40 families, a town should be established in the Spanish and Mexican tradition by the empresario from four leagues set aside for the town. A preliminary survey was done in 1825 by James Kerr from Kerr’s Creek when he named the town after governor Rafael Gonzales before the significant arrival of settlers, but it was not according to specifications set by law. The town as a center of economic and social life formally began in April 1831 when Land Commissioner Navarro and surveyor Byrd Lockhart laid out the town systematically under instructions from Bexar provincial jefe-politico Ramon Musquiz (Gonzales Town Deed ).

Specifications were precise and precisely followed by Lockhart. The plazas and forty two blocks each containing six 45 by 166 feet lots were laid out between intersecting streets and comprised the inner town in the southwestern corner of the four leagues. Seven blocks were reserved for plazas for public use arranged like a cross with the long part running east and west. Market Plaza was on the west end near the river and Cemetery square was on the far east end on current College St. The main square or Central Plaza was in the center and flanked on the east and west by Church and Municipal Squares, respectively. Jail Square and Military Square were to the north and south of Central Square, respectively. Every day use by the settlers soon after layout of the town caused the roles of the Jail and Market Squares to be reversed from the Hispanic tradition specified by commissioner Navarro. Streets in the grid except Water Street were named for saints. Gonzales town of today is essentially true to the original survey of 1831. Outer town lots within the remaining four leagues were of various and larger sizes. Lots were obtained at auction with payments on installment. Proceeds from sales of town lots and a tax of 1 peso per year were used to build the church and public buildings as well as pay for town operations. In March 1836 before destruction by fire after the Alamo defeat, the inner town consisted of 32 buildings of which 20 were built prior to or in 1831.

Earliest Structures: The Fort and Log Pen Cabins. The Fort built by Byrd Lockhart and crew in 1827 can be considered the earliest structure, a public one, in Gonzales town and first source of shelter and security for residents. The fort was located about sixty yards from the river in the inner town across from Jail Plaza (later Market Plaza) at the corner of Water and St. Louis Streets. Daughter of Adam Zumwalt, Elizabeth Zumwalt Mitchell described the scene related later by her daughter:

"When my parents came to Texas the Mexicans were friendly and welcomed the Americans, so they had nothing to fear but the Indians. For protection they built a fort by digging a trench and setting trunks of trees close together around a space large enough to accommodate all the families here at that time. They dug a trench from it to the river. There were holes all around the wall to shoot through. They kept watch and at an alarm, all would run to the fort. The Indians soon saw it was useless to attack the fort with their bows and arrows, but would capture or kill everyone they caught outside. Their life was hard but they had some good times….."

In 1828, the settlers began to construct individual "log pen" cabins consisting of unmodified logs chinked with clay and with either clay or crude plank floors if they could be cut. Nearby were corrals for stock and some garden plots. However, the above account which could have been no earlier than spring 1829 indicates reliance on the fort for security at that date. The author’s 2nd great granduncle Nathan Boone Burkett says in his memoirs Early Days in Texas:

"Practically every one lived in log cabins with adobe or packed earth floors, and slept in home-made beds which were built into the corner of the rooms and fastened to two walls. Most cabins were constructed with fireplaces which were used for all the cooking, in addition to heating, molding bullets, etc. Those who had no fireplace had to do their cooking outdoors in regular campfire style."

Gonzales Town Structures 1836. Structures present in 1836 prior to destruction by Gen. Houston's Army after the Alamo defeat with appraisal values in pesos ($) where available were as follows: Appraisal values appeared to reflect location whether or not there were improvements or a business. About 100 yards south of the fort was Thomas R. Miller’s store and residence ($11). One hundred yards east of the fort on St. Louis Street was the store and residence of Stephen Smith ($12). Going south on Water Street in the next block were the John Castleman residence ($13) and east of that the John Lawler residence. Further south within 200 yards of the fort were the Almeron Dickinson and George Kimble Hat Factory ($10) and then the residence of James Hinds ($11) (later Mathew Caldwell). At the corner of St. John and St. Michael was the home of James Hinds' brother, Gerron Hinds. Going north from Jail Plaza on Water Street about 130 yards was the home of James Tumlinson ($16) and north 100 more yards was the home of Lewis D. Sowell (($9). Continuing north on Water Street across St. George were the John Sowell ($9) and James B. Patrick homes and John Saddler’s Shop ($10). The latter was 300 yards from the fort. On St. John Street coming back south toward the fort were residences of Umphries Branch ($7) and Dr. J.H.C. Miller. At the corner of St. John and St. Lawrence was the residence of Jacob C. Darst ($14). Across from Jail Plaza on St. John St. was a structure called "Luna" owned by either Benjamin or Silas Fuqua, who were "mechanics," on lots deeded to Silas Fuqua. Mechanics were eligible along with empresarios to receive town lots without fee or taxes. Some speculate that Luna was a grogshop or pub of the period possibly associated with Winslow Turner’s hotel which was further south on St. John Street. Luna and the Turner Hotel were appraised at $17. One hundred yards east of the hotel across from the Municipal Plaza was Adam Zumwalt’s residence and "kitchen" ($15) which is thought to be a restaurant and later a hotel or boarding house. Further south on St. John Street were the G.W. Davis residence, Horace Eggleston’s Store and the Eli Mitchell residence ($12). Best’s residence and smoke house ($12) (later Andrew Ponton’s Smokehouse) were in the next block 100 yards south and south of that was the residence of Mrs. John Brown ($11). At the corner of St. James and St. Michaels was the William Arrington residence and 100 yards east was the home of Joseph Martin. Outside the south limits of the town was the gin and mill owned by Martin.

The Burket-Zumwalt-DeWitt Cluster. Nathan Boone Burkett’s father, David Burket, 3rd great grandfather of the author, established his first cabin on his 177-acre labor of land for which he received title in November 1831 on Kerr Creek within a cluster of labor-size tracts between the southern border of the town tract and the Guadalupe River. Three of Green DeWitt's premium tracts were on the west, east and south of the cluster. On the border of the Burket tract and the town tract on Kerr Creek was where the first original and abandoned cabins composing Gonzales stood in 1825. The Burket’s neighbors on the west were the labors of Green Dewitt, Samuel Highsmith, James Gibson and Esther Berry (House Floyd Clark). To the immediate west was Mary Ann Zumwalt Burket’s cousin Adam Zumwalt’s labor who had come with them to Texas from St. Charles County, Missouri. This Adam Zumwalt went by Adam Sr. and later was called "Red" Adam Zumwalt by historians to differentiate him from another cousin Adam Zumwalt Jr. who was referred to as "Black" Adam Zumwalt. On the south were the labors of Francis Berry and stepson John Oliver and on the immediate west a tract of service bounty land owned by Charles H. Braches. Minutes of the Ayuntamiento of Gonzales from January, 1833 through early 1834 give a glimpse into the early affairs of government within the town. After 1834, no systematic minutes of the ayuntamiento have been found and may not exist because of pre-occupation with events leading to the Revolution. Documents in the Texas Archives relate some sketches of activities from February through October of 1835. No formal records from that period through Mar 1839 have been found.

The Burning of Gonzales 13 Mar 1836. On 13 Mar 1836 after the fall of the Alamo in San Antonio on March 6, the evacuation of Gonzales town began under orders of General Houston. Rear guard troops under Captain Sharpe with two groups working their way from north to south torched the town. Captain Sharpe related the scene to author Henry Stuart Foote sometime before 1841:

"Captain Carnes then told us that the orders were to burn the Town, and that not a roof large enough to shelter a Mexican's head was to be left, with everything else that could be of any service to the enemy. We divided ourselves into two parties, one party to commence at one end of the Town, the other at the other end, and meet. There were some four or five in each party, and we made rapid work of it. The houses were principally framed, covered with thin boards, split from the oak, similar to barrel staves. In the course of a few minutes the flames began their work of destruction, and by dawn every house was burning, or had crumbled to ashes. Twas a scene, the like of which I never before or since, have witnessed. I entered several houses, and found the beds yet warm, on which the inhabitants had, but a short time before, laid down, full of confidence and hope, and from which they had been awakened by the wild Tocsin of alarm and had fled, leaving all they had been for years collecting, all for which they had braved the dangers of the wilderness, ALL, everything they had, whilst they themselves fled they know not whither, probably many of them without a dollar or a friend on earth."

"Not less than twenty women, with young and helpless children, were made widows. Fathers had lost sons, brother had lost brother. In short, there was not a family in the once happy and flourishing settlement of Gonzales, that did not mourn the death of some murdered relative. For several hours after the receipt of the intelligence, not a sound was heard, save the wild shrieks of the women, and the heart rending screams of the fatherless children. Little groups of men might be seen, in various corners of the Town, brooding over the past and speculating on the future; but they scarce spoke above a whisper, for here the public and private grief was alike heavy, and sunk deep into the heart of the rudest soldier."

Author Foote continues: "This affecting narrative of Captain Sharpe derives double pathos from the fact that most of those able to bear arms about Gonzales had, a few days before, rushed to the relief of Travis and his associates in the Alamo; had broken through the ranks of the besieged, army, and had reached the fort in safety, only to add to the number of victims who perished in that dreadful massacre. One who was at Gonzales when the tidings of the unhappy fate of these noble fellows was received, thus describes the spectacle unfolded."

Of all the structures present in Gonzales town, only Adam Zumwalt’s kitchen and Andrew Ponton’s smokehouse were not reduced completely to ashes in the inferno. Gonzales and DeWitt Colony residents began to return soon after the Texas Independence victory at San Jacinto on April 21, 1836. For most the return was not immediate since families had been scattered and disrupted by the refugee conditions of The Runaway Scrape. The author’s ancestors Burket, Zumwalt and Kent which included Alamo widow Elizabeth Zumwalt Kent and family did not return to the area until late 1837. However, eventually most returned to begin the slow task of rebuilding the infrastructure of Gonzales and surrounding homesteads in the DeWitt

CALDWELL. Mathew (Old Paint) Caldwell, one of the most active and significant DeWitt Colony militia Captains, was a resident of Gonzales town. Land records indicate that he arrived with a family of 5 on 20 Feb 1831. He received title to a sitio of land on 22 Jun 1831 southwest of current Hallettsville in Lavaca County near the Zumwalt Settlement. In Gonzales he acquired the original James Hinds residence on Water St. across from the Guadalupe River south of the Dickinson and Kimble Hat Factory. Capt. Caldwell's activities are covered in detail under DeWitt Colony Captains, Minutemen and Rangers.

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Gonzales County Tax Rolls 1839
Total 114
Ayrs, David
Archer, John A.
Acklin, P.
Baker, John
Baldridge, Wm. H.H.
Balinger, Ephraim
Ballinger, Edmond
Barnett, P.S.
Barton, KW.
Bateman, Simon
Bell, Peterson C.
Bennett, Vallentine
Beson, Matthew
Berry, Alfred
Berry, James
Berry, Francis
Bird, James
Blair, George
Bridges, Henry
Bridges, William B.
Brinkley, M.
Brown, Anthony
Brown, James
Brown,
Burket, David
Caldwell, Matthew
Caldwell, Matthew
(for Stephen B. Morrison)
Campbell, James
Campbell, R.E.
Campbell, H.O.
Careley, Caney C.
Carr, Robert
Chisholm, Richard
Clark, John (for Heirs of Isaac House)
Clark, John
(for Dolphin Floyd)
Clements, J.D.
Clements, J.D. (for Moses Baker)
Clements, J.D. (for Isaac Baker)
Clements, J.D. (for Thomas R. Miller)
Clinton, William
Cochran, J.W
Cottle, Almond (for Thomas Jackson)
Almond Cottle
Craye, John W.
Crosby, Cyrus
Daniel, George
Daniels, N.C.
Darst, Jacob C. (His Heirs)
Davis, Daniel Davis, George W.
Davis, George W. Jr.
Davis, Nancy
David, Zachariah (Agent for P. David)
DeWitt, Sarah
Dickinson, Edward
Dikes, Miles G.
Doolittle, Benjamin
Dowerlain, Hepzabeth
Dowerlain, Patrick
Duncan, Benjamin
Emmit, Augustus
Forrester, James
Fulcher, Churchhill
Fulcher, Graves
Garcia, Miguel F.
Garner, Jacob Good, J.J.
Grubs, Thomas
Gray, John B.
Hall, Robert
Hall, William A.
Happle, F.W.
Hardeman
Haun, Ebner
Heath, Richard
Henderson, H.D.G.
Henderson, Ox
Heneslee, Thomas
Henny, W.N.
Henson, David
Hill, William
Hinds, James
Hodge, David
Hodge, James
Hodge, Thomas
Holyand, Geo. B.
House, William
James, Phenias
James, Rhoda
Kelso, Alfred
Kent, David
Kent, Joseph
Kent, Joseph (for Andrew Kent)
Kerr, James
Killin, W.H.
King, John C.
King, John R.
King, H.B.
King, Melia (for Children)
Lockhart, Andrew
Lockhart, Byrd
Lockhart, Byrd B.
Lockhart, Charles
Lowery, J.C.
Lusk, V. Handy
McClure, D.B
McClure, D.B. (for John M. Ashby)
McClure, D.B. (for N.S. Dobey)
McClure, D.R. (for James H.C. Miller)
McClure, D.B. (for John Clark)
McCoy, Job
McCulloch, Ben
McCulloch, H.E.
Martin, James L.
Matthew, Thomas
Matthews, William
Matthews, William (for Almeron Dickinson)
Matthews, William (for Elizabeth Cottle)
May, James
Menfee, John S.
Middleton, Sam
Milbey, Robert
Miller, Charles W.
Minter, Tho. N.
Mitchell, Eli
Moony, Edward
Morris, John
Nichols, Geo. M.
Neal, John A.
Nichols, John W.
Nichols, Soloman
Nichols, Thomas Neal, A.G.
Owen, James D.
Parker, Joseph A.
Patrick, James B.
Peas, D.N.
Pease, Caroline
Pettus, Edward
Pinchback, James
Ponton, Andrew
Ponton, Andrew (for Silas Fuqua)
Ponton, Andrew (for Horace Eggleston)
Ponton, Andrew (for Jack Ponton)
Ponton, Andrew (for William Cobbey)
Power, Benjamin
Putman, Mitchel
Putman, William
Robinson
Robinson, James
Rowe, Elizabeth
Rowe, Elizabeth (for William Dearduff)
Randall, Barnet
Roberts, Abraham
Robinson, Jesse
Runnels, David
Russel, John H.
Sinnett, Sarah
Smith, Ezekiel
Smith, French
Smith, Henry
Smith, Rebecca
Smith, Temperance
Smith, William
Smothers, A.
Smothers, John
Southerland, George
Sowell, Andrew
Sowell, Andrew (for John Sowell)
Shupe, Samuel
Stapp, William P.
Stump, John A.
Swift, Arthur
Swift, James A.
Switzer, Alonzo
Taylor, Creed
Taylor, William
Thompson, Thomas
Tumlinson, James
Tumlinson, James (for Ann White)
Tumlinson, James (for Littleton Tumlinson)
Tumlinson, John
Tumlinson, Joseph
Tumlinson, William
Turner, Elizabeth
Veal, Richard
Vollentine, Henry
Wallace, Isaac
Ward, Russell
Waters, George
Williams, Ezekiel
Woolfen, John D. (for John K. Castleman)
Yowell, Sindley T.
Zumwalt, Adam
Zumwalt, Adam Sr.
Zumwalt, Adam Sr. (for Lane McCoy)
Zumwalt, Andrew
Eyewitness Descriptions
The Council House Fight
Commissioner McLeod's Report | Catherine Lockhart | Mary Maverick | James Wilson Nichols


The Comanche Attack on
The Battle of Plum Creek
Gen. Huston's Report | Robert Hall | Ben Highsmith | John J. Linn | Rev. Z.N. Morrell | James Wilson Nichols | Captain "Black" Adam Zumwalt


Texan Casualties
Council House Fight
Killed: G.W. Cayce; Lt. W. A. Dunilington, Judge Hood, Pvt. Kaminske, Judge Thompson, Pvt. Whitney, unidentified Hispanic Texian Wounded: Capt. Mathew Caldwell, Carson, Higginbotham, Capt. George F. Howard, Private Kelley, Morgan, Judge James W. Robinson, Lt. Edward A. Thompson

Linnville and Plum Creek
Killed: Dr. John F. Bell, Pinckney Coatsworth Caldwell, Infant Crosby, Daniels, Tucker Foley, Dr. Arthur Gray, Benjamin H. Mordecai, William Nuner, Joseph O'Neill, Varlan Richardson, George Smart, Stephens, Hugh Oram, Major Watts, unidentified Hispanic Texian, 8 unidentified Negroes, unidentified Englishman and/or German
Wounded: Clausel, Lewis Kraatz, John S. Menefee, Dr. Joel Ponton


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Report of the Council House Fight, 19 March 1840 by Commissioner McLeod. Increasing resistance of Republic of Texas minutemen to Comanche theft, vandalism and depredation in the Republic led to a proposal of Comanche chiefs for a lasting peace. The Chiefs and Republic of Texas officials, Col. Hugh McLeod and William S. Fisher agreed to a meeting in San Antonio in which 13 known kidnap victims held by Comanches would be released. For security, two companies of Col. Fisher's Regulars were placed at the site. The Comanches arrived with only hostage Matilda Lockhart who had been captured in 1838 (see Putman-Lockhart Kidnappings). They were asked why the others were not brought in as had been agreed upon. The leading chief of the Comanches replied that Matilda Lockhart was their only prisoner and that the others were scattered among other tribes. This was disputed by Matilda Lockhart. She quietly informed Colonel Karnes and the commissioners that the other prisoners were left in the Indian camp and were planned to be used for ransom payments. The chiefs were told by Colonel Karnes and thould be kept as prisoners until all be commissioners that they had violated their pledge and that they the women and children held by them were brought in, according to agreement; that they might send their young men to the tribe for the other captives and as soon as they were delivered, his juncture Captain Howard they would be liberated. At posted sentinels at the doors and drew up his men across the room. Commissioner McLeod reported the event as follows:

"We told the Indian chiefs that the soldiers they saw were their guards, and descended from the platform. The chiefs immediately followed. One sprang to the back door and attempted to pass the sentinel who presented his musket, when the chief drew his knife and stabbed him. A rush was made to the door. Captain Howard collared one of them and received a severe stab from him in the side. He ordered the sentinel to fire upon him, which he immediately did, and the Indian fell dead. They then all drew their knives and bows and evidently resolved to fight to the last. Colonel Fisher ordered his men to fire if they did not desist. The Indians rushed on, attacking us desperately, and a general order to fire became necessary. After a short but desperate struggle every one of the twelve chiefs and captains in the council lay dead upon the floor, but not until, in the hand to hand struggle, they had wounded a number of persons. The indoor being finished, Captain Howard's company was formed in front to prevent retreat in that direction, but in consequence of his wound he was relieved by Captain Gillen, who commanded the Company until the close of the action. Captain Redd whose company was formed in the rear of the building, was attacked in the yard by the warriors who fought like wild beasts. The Indians took refuge in some stone buildings from which they kept up a galling fire with bows and arrows and a few rifles. Their arrows, wherever they struck one of our men, were driven to the feathers. A small number of Indians escaped across the river, but they were pursued by Major Lysander Wells with a few mounted men, and all killed. The only one of the warriors in the council house who escaped was a renegade Mexican. He was among those who slipped away unobserved. A single warrior took refuge in a stone building refusing every overture sent him by squaws and succeeded in killing and wounding several until after nightfall when a bag of rags soaked in turpentine and ignited, was dropped through the smoke escape in the roof onto his head. Thus in a flame of fire he sprang through the door and was riddled with bullets. In such an action---so unexpected, so sudden and terrible---it was impossible at times to distinguish between the sexes and three squaws were killed. The short struggle was fruitful in blood. Our losses were, killed: Judge Hood, San Antonio; Judge Thompson, Houston; a Mr. Carey of Matagorda County; Lieutenant W. Al. Dunilington, first infantry; privates Kaminske and Whitney, and a Mexican. The wounded were: Captain George F. Howard, Lieutenant Edward A. Thompson, Private Kelley, Captain Mathew Caldwell, Judge James W. Robinson, and Messrs. Morgan, Carson and Higginbotham. The Indian loss was thirty chiefs and warriors, three squaws and two children killed. Prisoners taken included twenty-seven women and children and two old men. Over a hundred horses and a large quantity of buffalo robes and peltries remained for the victors. By request of the prisoners an old squaw was released, mounted, provisioned and allowed to go to her people and say to them that the prisoners would be released whenever the Texas prisoners held by the Indians were brought in. A short time afterwards, a party of Comanches displayed a white flag on a hill some distance from town, evidently afraid to come nearer. When a flag was sent out, it was found that they had brought in several white children to exchange for the imprisoned Indians. The exchange was made and the Indians hurried back to their camps."

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Description of The Council House Fight, Mary A. Maverick, 1896. [Photo: Mary A. Maverick and children]. A DAY OF HORRORS. On Tuesday, 19th of March, 1840, "dia de San Jose" sixty-five Comanches came into town to make a treaty of peace. They brought with them, and reluctantly gave up, Matilda Lockhart, whom they had captured with her younger sister in December 1838, after killing two other children of her family. The Indian chiefs and men met in council at the Court House, with our city and military authorities. The calaboose or jail then occupied the corner formed by the east line of Main Plaza and the north line of Calabosa (now Market) Street, and the Court House was north of and adjoining the jall. The Court House yard, back of the Court House, was what is now the city market on Market Street. The Court House and jail were of stone, one story, flat roofed, and floored with dirt. Captain Tom Howard's Company was at first in the Court House yard, where the Indian women and boys came and remained during the pow-wow. The young Indians amused themselves shooting arrows at pieces of money put up by some of the Americans; and Mrs. Higginbotham and myself amused ourselves looking through the picket fence at them. This was the third time these Indians had come for a talk, pretending to seek peace, and trying to get ransom money for their American and Mexican captives. Their proposition now was that they should be paid a great price for Matilda Lockhart, and a Mexican they had just given up, and that traders be sent with paint, powder, flannel, blankets and such other articles as they should name, to ransom the other captives. This course had once before been asked and carried out, but the smallpox breaking out, the Indians killed the traders and kept the goods---believing the traders had made the smallpox to kill them. Now the Americans, mindful of the treachery of the Comanches, answered them as follows:

"We will according to a former agreement, keep four or five of your chiefs, whilst the others of your people go to your nation and bring all the captives, and then we will pay all you ask for them. Meanwhile, these chiefs we hold we will treat as brothers and 'not one hair of their heads shall be injured.' This we have determined, and, if you try to fight, our soldiers will shoot you down."

This being interpreted, the Comanches instantly, with one accord raised a terrific war-whoop, drew their arrows, and commenced firing with deadly effect, at the same time making efforts to break out of the council hall. The order "fire" was given by Captain Howard (photo), and the soldiers fired into the midst of the crowd, the first volley killing several Indians and two of our own people. All soon rushed out into the public square, the civilians to procure arms, the Indians to flee, and the soldiers in pursuit. The Indians generally made for the river-they ran up Soledad, east on Commerce Street and for the bend, now known as Bowen's, southeast, below the square. Citizens and soldiers pursued and overtook them at all points, shot some swimming in the river, had desperate fights in the streets and hand to hand encounters after firearms had been exhausted. Some Indians took refuge in stone houses and fastened the doors. Not one of the sixty-five Indians escaped-thirty-three were killed and thirty-two were taken prisoners. Six Americans and one Mexican were killed and ten Americans wounded. Our killed were Julian Hood, the sheriff, Judge Thompson, advocate from South Carolina, G. W. Cayce from the Brazos, one officer and two soldiers whose names I did not learn, nor that of the Mexican. The wounded were Lieutenant Thompson, brother of the Judge, Captain Tom Howard, Captain Mat Caldwell, citizen volunteer from Gonzales, Judge Robinson, Mr. Morgan, deputy sheriff, Mr. Higginbotham and two soldiers. Others were slightly wounded.

When the deafening war whoop sounded in the Court room, it was so loud, so shrill and so inexpressibly horrible and suddenly raised, that we women looking through the fence at the women's and boy's markmanship for a moment could not comprehend its purport. The Indians however knew the first note and instantly shot their arrows into the bodies of Judge Thompson and the other gentleman near by, instantly killing Judge Thompson. We fled into Mrs. Higginbotham's house and I, across the street to my Commerce Street door. Two Indians ran past me on the street and one reached my door as I got in. He turned to raise his hand to push it just as I beat down the heavy bar; then he ran on. I ran in the north room and saw my husband and brother Andrew sitting calmly at a table inspecting some plats of surveys-they had heard nothing. I soon gave them the alarm, and hurried on to look for my boys. Mr. Maverick and Andrew seized their arms, always ready, Mr. Maverick rushed into the street, and Andrew into the back yard where I was shouting at the top of my voice "Here are Indians!" "Here are Indians" Three Indians had gotten in through the gate on Soledad street and were making direct for the river! One had paused near Jinny Anderson, our cook, who stood bravely in front of the children, mine and hers, with a great rock lifted in both hands above her head, and I heard her cry out to the Indian "If you don't go 'way from here I'll mash your head with this rock!" The Indian seemed regretful that he hadn't time to dispatch Jinny and her brood, but his time was short, and pausing but a moment, he dashed down the bank into the river and struck out for the opposite shore. As the Indian hurried down the bank and into the river Andrew shot and killed him, and shot another as he gained and rose on the opposite bank, then he ran off up Soledad street looking for more Indians. I housed my little ones, and then looked out of the Soledad Street door. Near by was stretched an Indian, wounded and dying. A large man, journey-apprentice to Mr. Higginbotham, came up just then and aimed a pistol at the Indian's head. I called out: "Oh, don't, he is dying," and the big American laughed and said: "To please you, I won't, but it would put him out of his misery." Then I saw two others lying dead near by.

Captain Lysander Wells, about this time, passed by riding north on Soledad Street. He was elegantly dressed and mounted on a gaily caparisoned Mexican horse with silver mounted saddle and bridle-which outfit he had secured to take back to his native state, on a visit to his mother. As he reached the Verimendi House, an Indian who had escaped detection, sprang up behind him, clasped Wells' arms in his and tried to catch hold of the bridle reins. Wells was fearless and active. They struggled for some time, bent back and forward, swayed from side to side, till at last Wells held the Indian's wrists with his left hand, drew his pistol from the holster, partly turned, and fired into the Indian's body-a moment more and the Indian rolled off and dropped dead to the ground. Wells then put spurs to his horse which had stood almost still during the struggle, dashed up the street and did good service in the pursuit. I had become so fascinated by this struggle that I had gone into the street almost breathless, and wholly unconscious of where I was, till recalled by the voice of Lieutenant Chavallier who said: "Are you crazy? Go in or you will be killed." I went in but without feeling any fear, though the street was almost deserted and my husband and brother both gone in the fight. I then looked out on Commerce street and saw four or five dead Indians. I was just twenty-two then, and was endowed with a fair share of curiosity. Not till dark did all our men get back, and I was grateful to God, indeed, to see my husband and brother back alive and not wounded.

Captain Mat Caldwell, or "Old Paint," as he was familiarly called, our guest from Gonzales, was an old and famous Indian fighter. He had gone from our house to the Council Hall unarmed. But when the fight began, he wrenched a gun from an Indian and killed him with it, and beat another to death with the butt end of the gun. He was shot through the right leg, wounded as he thought by the first volley of the soldiers. After breaking the gun, he then fought with rocks, with his back to the Court House wall. Young G. W. Cayce had called on us that morning, bringing an introductory letter from his father to Mr. Maverick, and placing some papers in his charge. He was a very pleasant and handsome young man and it was reported, came to marry Gertrudes Navarro, Mrs. Dr. Alsbury's sister. He left our house when I did, I going to Mrs. Higginbotham's and he to the Council Hall. He stood in the front door of the Court House, was shot and instantly killed at the beginning of the fight, and fell by the side of Captain Caldwell. The brother of this young man afterwards told me he had left home with premonition of his death being very near. Captain Caldwell was assisted back to our house and Dr. Weideman came and cut off his boot and found the bullet had gone entirely through the leg, and lodged in the boot, where it was discovered. The wound, though not dangerous, was very painful, but the doughty Captain recovered rapidly and in a few days walked about with the aid of a stick.

After the captain had been cared for, I ran across to Mrs. Higginbotham's. Mr. Higginbotham, who was as peaceful as a Quaker to all appearances, had been in the fight and had received a slight wound. They could not go into their back yard, because two Indians had taken refuge in their kitchen, and refused to come out or surrender as prisoners when the interpreter had summoned them. A number of young men took counsel together that night, and agreed upon a plan. Anton Lockmar and another got on the roof, and, about two hours after midnight dropped a candlewick ball soaked in turpentine, and blazing, through a hole in the roof upon one Indian's head and so hurt him and frightened them both that they opened the door and rushed out to their death. An axe split open the head of one of the Indians before he was well out of the door, and the other was killed before he had gone many steps thus the last of the sixty-five were taken. The Indian women dressed and fought like the men, and could not be told apart. As I have said thirty-three were killed and thirty-two taken prisoners. Many of them were repeatedly summoned to surrender, but numbers refused and were killed. All had a chance to surrender, and every one who offered or agreed to give up was taken prisoner and protected.

What a day of horrors! And the night was as bad which followed. Lieutenant Thompson, who had been shot through the lungs, was taken to Madam Santita's house, on Soledad Street, just opposite us, and that night he vomited blood and cried and groaned all night. I shall never forget his gasping for breath and his agonizing cries. Dr. Weideman sat by and watched him, or only left to see the other sufferers, nearby; no one thought he would live till day, but he did, and got to be well and strong again, and in a few weeks walked out. The captive Indians were all put in the calaboose for a few days and while they were there our forces entered into a twelve days truce with them---the captives acting for their Nation. And, in accordance with the stipulations of the treaty, one of the captives, an Indian woman, widow of a chief, was released on the 20th, the day after the fight. She was given a horse and provisions and sent to her Nation to tell her people of the fight and its result. She was charged to tell them, in accordance with the truce, to bring in all their captives, known to be fifteen Americans and several Mexicans, and exchange them for the thirty-two Indians held. She seemed eager to effect this, and promised. to do her best. She said she would travel day and night, and could go and return within five days. The other prisoners thought she could in five days return with the captives from the tribe. The Americans said "very well we give twelve days truce and if you do not get back by Thursday night of the 28th, these prisoners shall be killed, for we will know you have killed our captive friends and relatives."

(Left: 1837 watercolor of the Alamo by Mary Adams Maverick, wife of Samuel Maverick. The Mavericks from Alabama were early Anglo residents of San Antonio de Bexar. Samuel Maverick later became mayor of San Antonio after Texas independence. From his herds of unbranded, wild cattle, in which he became disinterested, the term "maverick" was thought to have originated from the term "Maverick's" which was applied in reference to unidentified, unbranded cattle in the region.)

In April, as I shall mention again, we were informed by a boy, named B. L. Webster, that when the squaw reached her tribe and told of the disaster, all the Comanches howled, and cut themselves with knives, and killed horses, for several days. And they took all the American captives, thirteen in number, and roasted and butchered them to death with horrible cruelties; that he and a little girl named Putman, five years old, had been spared because they had previously been adopted into the tribe. Our people did not, however, retaliate upon the captives in our hands. The captive Indians were all put into the calaboose, corner Market Street and the public square and adjoining the courthouse, where all the people in San Antonio went to see them. The Indians expected to be killed, and they did not understand nor trust the kindness which was shown them and the great pity manifested toward them. They were first removed to San Jose Mission, where a company of soldiers was stationed, and afterwards taken to Camp "Cook," named after W. G. Cook, at the head of the river, and strictly guarded for a time. But afterwards the strictness was relaxed, and they gradually all, except a few, who were exchanged, escaped and returned to their tribe. They were kindly treated and two or three of them were taken into families as domestics, and were taught some little, but they too, at last, silently stole away to their ancient freedom. From Memoirs of Mary A. Maverick (Edited by Rena Maverick Green)

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Miscellaneous Reports of Raid on Linnville and Plum Creek from Lavaca River Men under Capt. "Black" Adam Zumwalt.

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Known Texan Participants in The Battle of Plum Creek
12 August 1840
(From Brice, The Great Comanche Raid, diverse rosters and eyewitness reports; DeWitt Colonists are in bold italics) Ackland, Christopher "Kit" Anderson
Baker, John
Baylor, R.E.B.
Beatty, Edward
Beitel, Joseph
Belknap, James T
Bell
Bellinger, Judge Edmund
Bennet, Miles S.
Berry, Andrew Jackson
Berry, James
Berry, John Bate
Berry, Joseph
Billingsley, Jesse
Bird, James
Bird, Jonathan
Birdwell, William
Bostick, Sion Record
Braches, Charles
Brown, Dr. Caleb S.
Brown, Dr. David F.
Brown, John Hawkins
Brown, John Henry
Burleson, Edward
Burleson. Jonathan
Burleson, Joseph Jr.
Burnam, Jesse
Burnam, William Owen
Caldwell, Mathew
Carter, William J. S.
Chalk, Whitfield
Clopton, William
Cocke, James D.
Cordell, Owen N.
Cox, Rev. Thomas J.
Cushney, William H.
Darlington, John W.
Darst, David S. H.
Day, Milford
Dees, Gordon
DeWees, William B.
DeWitt, C. Columbus
DeWolf
Duty, William
Earnest, Felix B.
Fentress, Dr. James
Friar, Daniel Boone
Galbreath, Thomas
Gipson, Archibald
Gipson, James
Good, Isham Jones
Gorman, James P.
Grover, George W.
Hall, Robert
Hankins, Eli Skaggs
Hardeman, Owen B.
Hardeman, Thomas M.
Hardeman, William P.
Harvey, John
Haynes, Charles
Hays, John C. "Jack"
Herron, John
Harvey
Highsmith, Benjamin F.
Hill, A. W.
Hornsby, Joe
Howard, George Thomas
Humphreys, Jacob J.
Husbands
Huston, Felix
Izod, James
Jenkins, John Holland
Jones Henry
Lawrence, Joseph
Lee, Nelson
Litton, Addison
Litton, Frank M.
Litton, John
McCoy, John
McCulloch, Benjamin
McCulloch, Henry E.
McCulloch, Samuel
Magill, James P.
Magill, William Harrison
Martin, James F.
Miller, Alsey S.
Mills, James L.
Moon, William W.
Morrell, Rev. Z. N.
Moss, James
Murphree, David
Neill, Andrew
Neill, George
Nichols, James W.
Nichols, John
Nichols, Thomas
Ogsbury, Charles A.
Oury, William Sanders
Patton, James
Perry, Cicero Rufus
Pilgrim, Thomas J.
Placido
Porter, Elijah R.
Randall, Barney
Randle, Wilson
Redfield. Henry Prentice
Reid, Samuel Hutchinson
Rice, James O.
Roberts, Alexander "Buck"
Rodarmel, Lemuel M.
Rogers, Henry
Rogers, John A. Jr.
Rogers, John A. Sr.
Rogers, Samuel C. A.
Scarborough, William L.
Shaw, Josiah
Short, Thomas W.
Smith, Ezekiel
Smith, French
Smith, James N.
Smith, John L.
Sowell, Andrew
Sowell, John
Stapp, Darwin M.
Stapp, Oliver H.
Stem, Isaac Phillip
Sweitzer, Dr. Alonzo B.
Sylvester, James A
Taylor, Creed
Thompson, Barry
Thurmond, Alfred S.
Wagner
Wallace, Joseph
Washington Elliot
Wallace, William A. A. Waller, Judge Edwin
Ward, Lafayette
Wheeler, Jesse O.
White, David N.
White, John C.
White, John M.
White, Newton
White, Peter
White, Sam Addison
White, Simon C.
Wilburn, Caleb
Winchel, Henry C.
Wright, Charles
13 Tonkawa Warriors


General Huston's Report, Battle of Plum Creek, 12 August 1840.
On Plum Creek, Aug. 12, 1840
To Hon. T. B. Archer, Secretary of War
I arrived here yesterday evening and found Captain Caldwell encamped on Plum Creek with about one hundred men. This morning I was requested to take command, which I did with the consent of the men. I organized them into companies, under command of Captains Caldwell, Bird and Ward, About six o'clock the spies reported that the Indians were approaching Plum Creek. I crossed above the trail about three miles and passed down on the west side; on arriving near the trail I was joined by Colonel Burleson with about one hundred men, under the command of Colonel Jones, Lieutenant-Colonel Wallace and Major Hardeman. I immediately formed into two lines, the right commanded by Colonel Anderson and the left commanded by Captain Caldwell, with a reserve commanded by Major Hardeman, with Captain Ward's company. On advancing near the Indians they formed for action, with a front of woods on their right (which they occupied), their lines nearly a quarter of a mile into the prairie. I dismounted my men and a handsome fire was opened-the Indian chiefs cavorting around in splendid style, in front and flank, finely mounted, and dressed in all the splendor of Comanche warfare. At this time several Indians fell from their horses, and we had three or four of our men wounded. I ordered Colonel Burleson, with the right wing, to move around the point of woods, and Captain Caldwell, with the left wing, to charge into the woods; which movements were executed in gallant style. The Indians did not stand the charge, and fled at all points. From that time there was a warm and spirited pursuit for fifteen miles, the Indians scattered, mostly abandoning their horses and taking to the thickets. Nothing could exceed the animation of the men, and the cool and steady manner in which they would dismount and deliver their fire. Upwards of forty Indians were killed, two prisoners (a squaw and child) taken---we have taken upwards of two hundred horses and mules, and many of them heavily packed with the plunder of Linnville and the lower country. There is still a large number of good horses and mules which are not gathered up. Of the captives taken by the Indians below we have only been able to retake one---Mrs. Watts of Linnville, who was wounded by the Indians with an arrow when they fled. Mrs. Crosby was speared and we understand that all the others were killed. We have lost one killed and seven wounded, one mortally. I cannot speak too highly of the Colorado, Guadalupe and Lavaca militia, assembled so hastily together and without organization. I was assisted by Major Izod, Colonel Bell, Captain Howard and Captain Nell, as volunteer aids, all of whom rendered essential service. Colonel Burleson acted with that cool, deliberate and prompt courage and conduct which he has so often and gallantly displayed in almost every Indian and Mexican battle since the war commenced. Captain Caldwell, also a tried Indian fighter, led on his wing to the charge with a bold front and a cheerful heart. Colonel Jones, Lieutenant-Colonel Wallace, Major Hardeman, and each of the captains commanding companies, acted with the utmost courage and firmness.

To conclude, I believe we have given the Comanches a lesson which they will long remember; near four hundred of their brave warriors have been defeated by half their number, and I hope and trust that this will be the last of their depredations on our frontier. On tomorrow I contemplate embodying as many men as can, and if we have a sufficient number of good horses, pursue the Indians in the hopes that we may overtake them before they reach the mountains. Colonel Moore joined us this evening with about one hundred and seventy men; horses very hard ridden. I have the honor to be your most obedient servant.

FELIX HUSTON, Major-General T.M.

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The Battle of Plum Creek from Life of Robert Hall by "Brazos" 1898: The greatest battle that we ever had with the Comanches was the battle of Plum Creek. The generals of the little Texas army in this short campaign exhibited military ability of the very highest order, while the soldiers exposed themselves with reckless daring and charged at the word of command like Grecian heroes. Every man did his duty. The Comanches were greatly superior to us in number, but the battle was a crushing defeat, and was the end of the long reign of terror of these terrible red devils in Texas.

About five hundred Comanches, well armed and mounted on their best horses, slipped over the border and suddenly appeared in the vicinity of Victoria. They plundered and sacked the little town of Linnville and robbed every store and every house of everything valuable. Their dash into this part of the country was a complete surprise. As the long column marched across the prairies it presented a ludicrous sight. The naked warriors had tried to dress themselves in the clothing they had stolen. Many of them put on cloth coats and buttoned them behind. Most of them had on stolen shoes and hats. They spread the calico over their horses, and tied hundreds of yards of ribbon in their horses' manes and to their tails. These Indians had been preparing for this raid for a long time. They all had new white shields, and many of the warriors had long tails to their headgear.

We got the news at Gonzales that a strong column of Comanches had passed into the lower country, and we at once got into the saddle and marched to the rescue of our friends. We camped at Isham Good's first, and, not hearing any news, we were about to return home, when Ben McCulloch rode into camp. Goat Jones was with him. They reported that the Indians had plundered the lower country, and were returning on the same trail. Capt. Caldwell asked me to take a good man and scout to the front and see if I could see anything of the Indians. I took John Baker, and we rode all night. About daylight we came in sight of the Indians, about seven miles from our camp. We rode back and reported.

During my absence Gen. Felix Huston had been elected to the command of the army, and Ed Burleson had joined us with about one hundred men, including some fifteen Tonkaways. Gen. Huston asked me to take five picked men and ride to the front and select a good position to make the attack. I came in sight of them. They were on the prairie, and the column looked to be seven miles long. Here I witnessed a horrible sight. A captain and one man rode in among the Indians. The captain escaped, but I saw the Indians kill the private. I ordered my men to keep at a safe distance and pick off an Indian as the opportunity presented.

We skirmished with them for about two miles, when our army came up in fine and opened fire. It looked as if we were taking desperate chances, for I am sure that we only had 202 men, but every man was a veteran. Gen. Huston deserves great credit for the courage he displayed in this battle. He rode right with the fine, and never flinched under the most galling fire. At the first volley the Indians became demoralized, and it was easy to see that we had them beat just as we rode against them I received a bullet in the thigh. It made a terrible wound, and the blood ran until it sloshed out of my boots. I was compelled to dismount, or rather I fell off of my horse. After a moment I felt better and made an effort to rejoin the line of battle. I met an Indian, and was just in the act of shooting him when he threw up his hands and shouted "Tonkaway!"

While on the skirmish fine, an Indian dashed at Mr. Smitzer with a lance. I fired right in the Indian's face and knocked him off his horse, but I did not kill him. However, I got the fine hat he had stolen. While I was scrambling about, trying to staunch the blood that was flowing from my leg, I came across a great big fat negro woman, who was hiding in the grass. She no sooner saw me than she exclaimed: "Bless God, here is a white man once more." Her little child was hiding in the grass just like a frightened animal. If it had been big enough it would have run from me like a deer. Not far from the old Negro I found the body of Mrs. Crosby. There were two arrows in her body. They had passed clear through her. She was just gasping in death. She had been a prisoner, and the red devils had killed her when they saw they were defeated.

A little further on I found Mrs. Watts. They had shot an arrow at her breast, but her steel corset saved her life. It had entered her body, but Isham Good and I fastened a big pocket knife on the arrow and pulled it out. She possessed great fortitude, for she never flinched, though we could hear the breastbone crack when the arrow came out. She turned over on her side and bled a great deal, but she soon recovered. She was the wife of a custom house officer, and I think her maiden name was Ewing. She asked for poor Mrs. Crosby and told us that the Indians whipped the poor woman frequently and called her a "peon," because she could not read. They had stolen several books, and when in camp at night they would gather around Mrs. Watts and ask her to explain the pictures and read to them. Mrs. Watts' husband had been killed when the Indians sacked Linnville. She afterwards married Dr. Fretwell, and resided in Port Lavaca.

It has always been a mystery to me why the Indians became so terribly demoralized in this battle. It was fought on the open prairie, and they could easily see that they greatly outnumbered us. It is rather strange that they did not make a stand. It was one of the prettiest sights I ever saw in my life. The warriors flourished their white shields, and the young chiefs galloped about the field with the long tails streaming from their hats and hundreds of varicolored ribbons floating in the air, exhibiting great bravado. Some of them dashed courageously very close to us, and two or three of them lost their lives in this foolhardy display of valor. Our boys charged with a yell and did not fire until they got close to the enemy. The Indians were panic stricken, and fled at once. The Texans followed them over the prairies for fifteen or twenty miles.

That night, around the camp-fire, many strange stories were told. One of the strangest was of an old black chief, whose head looked as if it had been nearly blown off. He gripped the horn of his saddle with his hands, and dozens of the boys declared that they struck him on the head with the butt of their muskets as they passed him. No blow could make him release his hold. Though dead and stiff, he remained on his war-horse. There was a good deal of talk of it at the time. I had almost forgotten the incident when I read the story of the headless rider of Woerth. This occurred during the Franco-German war. Newspaper readers will remember that a French colonel had his head shot off with a cannon ball, but he did not fall from his horse. The furious animal galloped about over the field during the whole battle, carrying on his back the headless colonel. Scientists talked and wrote about the affair and offered some sort of an explanation. I think they sald that the muscles in death became so rigid that no earthly power could cause them to relax. This must have been the case with the old Indian, for dozens of truthful men declared that he was as dead as a door nail, but that he still clung to his horse. The horse ran off in the woods with him, and his body was never found.

From the best information I could gather I think the boys killed about forty of the Comanches. We lost not a man, but seven were wounded: Robert Hall, Henry McCulloch, Arch Gibson, Columbus DeWitt, Dr. Smitzer, and two others, whose names I don't remember. The Tonkaways brought in the dead body of a Comanche warrior, and they built a big fire not far from where I was lying. My wound had begun to pain me considerably, and I did not pay much attention to them for some time. After awhile they began to sing and dance, and I thought that I detected the odor of burning flesh. I raised up and looked around, and, sure enough, our allies were cooking the Comanche warrior. They cut him into slices and broiled him on sticks. Curiously enough the eating of the flesh acted upon them as liquor does upon other men. After a few mouthfuls they began to act as if they were very drunk, and I don't think there was much pretense or sham about it. They danced, raved, howled and sang, and invited me to get up and eat a slice of Comanche. They said it would make me brave. I was very hungry, but not sufficiently so to become a cannibal. The Tonkaways were wild over the victory, and they did not cease their celebration until sunrise.

The boys captured the war chiefs cap. It was a peculiar affair, made of the finest of furs, and it had a tail attached to it at least thirty feet long. Several other fine caps were picked up on the field. About fifteen miles from Plum Creek the soldiers heard a child crying in a thicket. All were afraid that the noise was some ruse of the Indians to induce the Texans into an ambush, but finally one fool fellow declared that he would go in and see what it was. He found a little child, a boy, lying on the leaves by itself. The soldier brought it out, and it proved to be a child of the head chief of the Comanches. They brought it to camp, and old judge Bellinger adopted it. The little Indian did not live but three or four months.We captured the Indian pack train. The mules were loaded with household furniture, wearing apparel, and general merchandise. There were five hundred of these pack mules. The government had just received a supply of stores at Linnville, and the Indians had captured these. We hardly knew what to do with all this stuff, and we finally concluded to divide it among ourselves. Some days after I reached home the boys sent me a pack mule and a pack. In the pack there was a pillow and a bolster of home-made cloth and considerable dry goods. There were also coverlets, sheets, quilts, and clothing. If I had known who the stuff belonged to I would have, of course, returned it.

After some days my friends got an old buggy and hitched an old horse to it and made an effort to get me home. At the crossing of the San Marcos the old horse balked and refused to pull the vehicle up the hill. That made me mad, and I got out of the buggy and walked on home. I was tired and hungry, and I wanted to see Polly and get something to eat and have her dress my wound. Polly was glad to see me, for she thought I was dead. Old man King had gone home, and, from some cause, he had carried my shoes. He told Polly I would be home in a few days, but during the evening she found my shoes, full of blood, and she began to scream and upbraid her father. He then had to tell her the truth, but he insisted that I was only slightly wounded. Polly did not believe him, but when she saw me walking home she ran to meet me and declared that she never intended to let me go to fight Indians any more. This battle was fought on the 12th of August, 1840.

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From Reminiscences of Fifty Years in Texas by John J. Linn 1883. We of Victoria were startled by the apparition presented by the sudden appearance of six hundred mounted Comanches in the immediate outskirts of the village. The first supposition was that they were Lipans, who occasionally paid us friendly visits, but soon the intelligence came that the Indians had killed Mr. McNuner a mile north of town, and Dr. Gray, and also had wounded a boy. By these unmistakable tokens we were made aware of the fact that we were about surrounded by overwhelming numbers of these implacable enemies of the human race. The men of Victoria, some 50 in number, collected such arms as they could, but the folly of attempting anything against such numbers, and on foot, were apparent to all. The Indians were engaged in gathering up horses, as we could plainly see. Some Mexican traders were in Victoria at the time, and had about five hundred head of horses on the prairie in the immediate vicinity of town. All these the Comanches captured, besides a great many belonging to the citizens of the place.

A Mr. Crosby, who lived a mile below town, had come in in the morning, leaving his wife and little child at home. The Indians took Mrs. Crosby and the child prisoners. It was thought according to custom, that, having satisfied themselves with plunder, the Indians would retire toward their usual haunts before a force could be assembled to attack them. With this object in view about 50 of the best men in Victoria were mounted and dispatched to the settlement near Cuero Creek in DeWitt County, to get reinforcements and meet the Indians on their return. The Indians retired to Spring Creek near the mouth, in the timber, and so passed the Comanche encampment unobserved, and proceeded on their way. The Indians killed a white man on Spring Creek, named Vartland Richardson, and two Negro men, and took a negro girl prisoners. Contrary to all expectation, and at variance with their usual custom, the Indians did not retreat, but threatened the town again the next day. They dispersed themselves over the whole country and almost surrounded the town.

Four men returning from Jackson County encountered the savages a mile or two out of town. Pinknay Caldwell, who was riding a mule, made no effort to escape and was lanced to death on the spot. Another of the four, a Mexican, was overhauled and killed. Joseph Rodgers and the late Jesse O. Wheeler put spurs to their horses and won the race for life by the veriest good fortune; so close was Captain Wheeler pursued that his enemy did not draw rein until he had entered the streets of the town. The Indians burned a house on the outskirts of the town. The panic-stricken citizens all collected at the public square, and all were speculating with agonizing suspense upon the fate that would probably befall us. But fortunately for us, as it was fatal for others, the Indians passed Victoria and proceeded toward the bay, literally sweeping the whole country of horse stock as they went. They camped for the night on the Benavides Ranch, on the Placido Creek, distance 12 miles from Linnville. They intercepted two wagoners here, one of whom concealed himself in the high grass and saved his life by fleeing to Victoria under cover of the darkness. The other was killed, and in such close proximity to his hidden friend that he could hear him begging for his life. One of the wagons was loaded with two hogsheads of bacon. These the Comanches opened, but not fancying the contents, where fresh meat was so plentiful, unfastened the oxen that were attached to the wagon, and left it and the cargo untouched.

Mr. W. G. Ewing, a merchant of Linnville, en route to Victoria, passed these wagons on the roadside and saw the campfires of the Comanches on the creek close at hand, not dreaming of the gauntlet that he was unconsciously running. He imagined the Indian camp was some large Mexican train of wagons going to Linnville for goods. On reaching Victoria the next morning he was much surprised at the revelations that greeted his ears, and considerably troubled at the thought that six hundred hostile Indians interposed between himself and his home. His sister, Mrs. H. O. Watts was in Linnville. In three miles of Linville the Comanches killed two Negro men whom they found cutting hay. They immediately proceeded to surround the town and to pillage the stores and houses. The people took refuge on a lighter in the bay, and were soon aboard a schooner lying at anchor and safe from the Indians. Major Watts (H. O. Watts, the collector of customs) and Mr. O'Neill were killed and Mrs. Watts taken a prisoner. While the Indians were cutting up fantastic antics before high heaven in Linnville, the refugees on the schooner were the spectators, and witnessed with whatever feelings they could command the wanton destruction of their property.

Judge John Hays, however, became so exasperated that he vowed he would have one shot at the red devils anyway. So, grabbing a gun, the judge jumped overboard---the water was not over three or four feet deep---and waded to the shore, where, gun in hand, he stood upon the beach anxiously waiting for a Comanche to come within range of his gun. But the Indians imagined the judge was a 'big medicine' or something of the sort, and so steered clear of the awful fate in store for him who should invite the judge's fire. Finally the earnest petitions of his friends on the boat availed and the judge returned to them. Now, upon examining the old 'fusee' which threatened so lately to consummate such slaughter, it was discovered that the piece was not loaded! In my warehouse were several cases of hats and umbrellas belonging to Mr. James Robinson, a merchant of San Antonio. These the Indians made free with, and went dashing about the blazing village, amid their screeching squaws and little Injuns like demons in a drunken saturnalia, with Robinson's hats and Robinson's umbrellas bobbing about on every side like tipsy young balloons. In the afternoon the Comanches began to retire. They crossed the bayou near the old road, and there encamped for the night.

The Victoria men had now returned with some reinforcement from the Cuero settlement. On the morning of the 7th these fell in with a company of 120 men, commanded by Captain Zumaldt, of Lavaca County, and the whole encountered the Indians 12 miles east of Victoria, on a creek called the Mercado, where some skirmishing was indulged in, the whites losing one man, Mordeci. A few of the Indians used guns, the primitive bow and arrow being the arm mainly relied on. It is thought some of the Indians were killed and thrown into the creek to conceal the bodies. Some of Captain Zumaldt's men were anxious to charge them; and, when the disparity of arms is considered, the result must have been the rout of the Indians and their subsequent capture and annihilation. While this skirmish was in progress the Indians had scouts out in all directions; some of them crossed the Arenosa and killed Mr. Bell, taking his horse and equipment. In the afternoon the Indians called in their scouting parties by making a black smoke, and proceeded to the Casa Blanca, a branch of the Garcitas, where they encamped for the night. Zumaldt's men also went into camp, not far distant from the Indians, and despatched runners to Victoria for ammunition and provisions.

The wily Indians silently folded their tents in the night and stole away. Zumaldt saw no more of them until he ran into their rear as, they were crossing Plum Creek, and taking position in the post oak point beyond, on what was destined to be a fatal battle ground for them. Felix Huston, Ben McCulloch, and others had gathered a force of some four hundred volunteers, and the Indians should have been annihilated. Ewing came up with his sister, Mrs. Watts, just as an Indian boy had discharged, as he imagined, an arrow into her body. Fortunately she wore a steel corset, and the arrow, striking one of the broad bands of this, did her but little injury. Less fortunate was Mr. Crosby, who reached the side of his wife just in time to soothe with endearing offices her last moments. Despairing of effecting an escape with the prisoners, these inhuman monsters had resolved to kill them. The infant of Mrs. Crosby had been killed near Linnville and thrown on the roadside. The Indians were defeated in the engagement that ensued, and left some 25 dead on the field. But encumbered with plunder as they were, and principally armed with bows and arrows, they should have been entirely destroyed.

Several hundred head of horses and mules were recaptured, as were also immense quantities of dry goods. 'To the victors belong the spoils, and the Colorado men appropriated everything to themselves. Ewing recognized many of his goods in the captured property, but identification did him no good. Captain J. O. Wheeler, though 150 of the recaptured horses bore his brand, obtained with the greatest difficulty a horse to ride home. Mrs. Watts---later Mrs. Fretwell---states that she was taken under the protection of an old chief who placed her in charge of an ancient squaw. She relates that the Indians brought her a book from which to read to them the "laws of Texas," and upon her prompt compliance they laughed immoderately. When they started from Linnville they strapped her securely upon the back of a mule to prevent her falling off or attempting an escape. Such was the battle of Plum Creek.

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Santa Fé Expedition 1841-1842

Bennett Letter | Blackwell to Lamar | John Henry Brown | Capt. Mathew Caldwell | Falconer Account | Kendall Account | Lamar to Citizens | Lamar Address to Citizens | José Antonio Navarro

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Letter from President M.B. Lamar to the People of Santa Fé, 14 Apr 1840. Republic of Texas Executive Department Austin April 14, 1840. To the Citizens of Santa Fé, Friends, and Compatriots. You have doubtless heard of the glorious Revolution by which the late Province of Texas has been emancipated from the thralldom of Mexican domination. That revolution was forced upon us by circumstances too imperative to be resisted. The Anglo American population of Texas had left the comforts and the enlightened liberty of their own country, and had immigrated to this wilderness, under the most solemn guarantees of the Constitution of 1824. We had witnessed many disastrous civil commotions in the Government of Mexico, and greatly deplored the want of harmony and the frequent convulsions which distracted our adopted country. But we still entertained an illusive hope that a dear bought experience---the lessons of many calamities---would exert harmonizing influence, and teach the authorities of Mexico that frequent political chances and domestic discords were destructive of the prosperity and character of a people, that Union and Stability were necessary to strength; and peace and harmony to happiness.

These hopes, so long and patiently cherished, were finally dissolved forever, when the Federal Constitution under which we had migrated to the Country and identified our destiny with hers, was forcibly abrogated, and a military despotism reared in its stead. Texas then resolved to be free---to endure no longer the vicissitudes of a fickle and corrupt influence which controlled the powers of Mexico, subverting, all hopes of her greatness, and all our native aspirations for tranquility at home, and national respectability abroad. Impelled by these high considerations which a benignant Providence has sanctioned by conferring in unexampled prosperity upon us, we have asserted and achieved our Independence, and have entered the great family of nations as a free and sovereign people. As such we have been formally recognized by the illustrious Governments of the United States, and by the ancient Monarchy of France, and other powers of Europe are ready to extend the right hand of Fellowship. Our national resources are in a rapid progress of development; our population increasing by numerous accessions from Europe and the United States, and our commerce extending with a power and celerity seldom equaled in the history of nations.

Under these auspicious circumstances we tender to you a full participation in all our blessings. The great River of the North, which you inhabit, is the natural and convenient boundary of our territory, and and we shall take great, pleasure in hailing you as fellow citizens, members of our young, Republic, and co-aspirants with us for all the glory of establishing, a new happy and free nation. Our Constitution is is liberal as a rational and enlightened regard to human infirmities will safely permit. It confers equal politic privileges on all; tolerates all religions without distinction, and guarantees an even and impartial administration of the laws. This communication, I trust will be received by you and by your public authorities, in the same spirit of kindness and sincerity in which it is dictated. And if nothing shall intervene to vary my present intention, I shall despatch in time for them to arrive in your section of the Country about the month of September proximo, one, or more Commissioners, gentlemen of worth and confidence, to explain more minutely the condition of our country; of the sea-board and the corelative interests which so emphatically recommend and ought perpetually to cement the perfect union and identity of Santa Fé and Texas. The Commissioners will be accompanied by a military escort for the purpose of repelling any hostile Indians that may infest the passage, and with the further view of ascertaining and and opening a safe and convenient route of communication between the two sections of Country which being strongly assimilated in interests, we hope to see united in friendships and consolidated under a common Government. Until the arrival of these Commissioners, I have empowered some of your own citizens, Capt W. G. Dryden, Mr. W. H. Workman, and Mr. Rowland (to who the views and feelings of this Government have been communicated) confer with you upon the subject matter of this communication. Mirabeau B Lamar.

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President M.B. Lamar Address to the People of Santa Fé 5 Jun 1841 Executive Department Austin City June 5th. 1841 To the Inhabitants of Santa Fé and of the other portion & of New Mexico, to the East of the Rio Grande FELLOW CITIZENS Very early after assuming the duties of his official station, the present executive felt it to be his obligation to assert the Jurisdiction of the Government over the inhabited portion of the Republic; and to admit its remotest citizens to an equal participation of the blessings which have been acquired by our late glorious revolution, and made secure by a wise and liberal constitution. But various circumstances having conspired to delay the execution of his purpose until the present auspicious period, be now calls the attention of the people of Santa Fé to the deep interest which they have in the proposed policy, with an earnest hope that it will not only meet their cordial approbation, but that it will, when successfully carried out be attended with all the beneficial consequences which we so fondly anticipate and desire.

In accordance with this policy and from a sincere wish to promote your welfare the president addressed you a letter dated the 14th of April 1840 in which you were invited to more intimate Union and a political co-operation with the people of this section of the Republic, giving you at the same time every assurance that all the rights and protection guaranteed by our free institutions should be extended to you as fully as to any other of our fellow citizens. Your attention is again respectfully invited to the subject matter of that letter, (a copy of which is hereto annexed) and after a due consideration of the proposition it contains, if you should deem it to be your interest, as we think you will, to accede to the views of the government, you rest assured that all the pledges which it makes will be most faithfully fulfilled.

Knowing, that you have been long subjected to like injuries with those which impelled us to take up arms against the authorities of Mexico, we do not doubt but that you duly appreciate the spirit, that animated our patriots, and sympathized with them in the progress of our struggle in which you were not able to participate---as you probably desired to do---in consequence of your remote and isolated situation. That struggle was brief, bloody and decisive; and terminated in the total discomfiture and expulsion of our foe, and in the establishment of a free, happy, and independent, Republic, extending from the Sabine to the Rio del Norte, and from the Gulf to the Pacific; embracing, within its limits a vast and varied Country, unrivalled in beauty, salubrity, and fertility; and capable of sustaining a population as dense prosperous and powerful as any people on the earth. The boundaries which were thus marked by the sword, and which have been confirmed to us, by the recognition of the most enlightened and influential nations, it is the resolve of this Government, at all hazards to maintain the country has been won by our valor, and is consecrated to civil and religious liberty; and in no portion of it will the enemy who provoked our resentment and received our chastisement, ever be permitted to continue its authority or perpetuate its domination. Knowing such to be the feelings of our people, it is due to candor to apprise You of the fact and to let you know that the position which you now occupy towards this government is temporary only and will have to give way to a more enlarged and liberal policy. Although residing within our established limits you are at present paying tribute to our enemies, professing allegiance to them and receiving Laws from their hands a state of things utterly incompatible with our right of sovereignty, and which certainly cannot be permitted to be of long continuance. We do not use this language in any spirit of unkindness to you; and although it plain and unequivocal it proceeds from no design or desire on our part to extend the jurisdiction of government over the country you occupy in opposition to your wishes. Our purpose is simply to place before you the rights which we claim, and to admonish you of the change in your condition which the force or circumstances will inevitably bring about at no distant period, either with or without your consent; for no one can be, blind to the truth, who reflects a moment on the subject, that constituting as you do, a portion of the civilized population of this Republic, yon cannot upon any principles of justice, or consideration of policy be allowed to exist as a separate and independent people, but must be finally compelled to unite with us under the same constitution and laws, and share our destiny as an undivided Nation. That which you will have to do ultimately, we invite you to do now, not from any desire to promote our own interest at the sacrifice of yours, but for the exalted Purpose of diffusing the blessings of our institutions, and of giving to all who reside within our territory the freedom we enjoy. Actuated by this spirit of Philanthropy alone, we now throw wide the doors of the Temple which we have erected to Liberty, and ask you to enter as members of the same family.

And do you enquire, "what are the advantages to be gained by the change you propose?" Our answer is, "You will find them in the Constitution we present you." The distance which separates us, and other causes have prevented your acquiring all accurate knowledge of the character of our Institutions, and the entire protection our laws afford to all the just rights of the citizen; but on a careful perusal of the documents which we herewith send you, you will find that our views are as liberal as our principles are just, and that our Bill of Rights embraces a wide field or liberty, upon which the oppressed of all Nations can meet in peace and harmony. Perhaps no Government on earth combines freedom and security in a more eminent degree than that which we have established. It circumscribes the liberty of none; but leaves every individual to pursue happiness in his own way with no other restrictions on his conduct than such as are essential to the maintenance of justice and the preservation of the public morals. The only abridgment which our liberty knows is the restraint thrown upon vice, restraints which give no inconvenience to a virtuous community and are worn as garlands rather than as fetters. By a reference to our constitution, you will find that all power resides in, and emanates from, the people; that they have reserved to themselves the right of Peaceably assembling in any numbers for the purpose of discussing the affairs of the Nation; that they are unrestricted in the liberty of speaking, writing and publishing their opinions on all subjects, and can make such alterations and improvements of their Government, as experience and the progress of knowledge may suggest. Equal privileges are guaranteed to every individual; none can claim exclusive immunities; and the same protection is offered to all. No one can be punished, except by the verdict of his fellow citizens; nor can any one be taxed for file support of ecclesiastical establishments. The people are left free to worship God according to the dictates of their consciences, and the Government itself, being nothing more, than the executor of their will, it can impose no exactions without their consent or inflict any wrongs upon them which they cannot readily redress.

Such fellow citizens are the prominent features of a government which we offer to your acceptance in a spirit of kindness and which we would earnest1y pursude you to make a fair and just comparison of the advantages it offers with those which you now enjoy under the Mexican Authorities: we disclaim any disposition to dictate to you in the choice which you shall make between them, or to influence your understanding by any other means than by argument and reason. Knowing that men of correct principles and enlightened minds can acknowledge no force but the force of truth, we address you, not in the voice of our artillery but in the language of affection; and would gladly make it apparent to your minds, that the course which we advise you-to pursue although attended with mutual benefits, is designed for your good and cannot fail to conduct you to all individual and a national happiness which you never have enjoyed, and can never hope to do, so long as you continue your connection with a power which cherishes no respect for your rights, and holds no interest in common with You. And shurely when freedom and despotism are fairly laid before a brave and intelligent people, the cannot long hesitate which to choose. And this we apprehend is your present situation. You are called upon fellow citizens, to make your election between two governments, the very antithesis of each other; the one being based upon the affections of the people, and administered with a single eye to their good while the other, as you know from experience, is founded in corruption, sustained by fraud and force, and is wielded for the cupidity of those in authority, without the slightest reference whatever to the interests of the Governed. Which of the two will you select? Will you shelter yourselves under the broad banner of the Single Star, which sheds luster where ever it floats, and lights the brave to victory and glory; or will you prefer still to cling to the unsightly Cactus which gives you no sustenance but thorns you as you embrace it. If you choose the latter, then is your deplorable condition too justly represented in your National emblem; for what can we esteem you but the unfortunate reptile that writhes in the beak of your voracious bird?

We cannot believe that you will be influenced in your deliberations by an lingering attachment to the Mexican Authorities. What claim can the Government of Mexico possibly have upon your affections? She has certainly never sought to elicit your confidence and gratitude by fostering your interests, protecting your persons, or opening to you any of the sources of useful knowledge; but on the contrary, has she not despoiled you of your property, exposed you unarmed to the savages, stripped you of almost every vestige of civil and political liberty, shut you out from the career of honorable ambition, and erected every possible impediment to your advancement in character and power? Indeed it seems to have been her particular policy to destroy your manly energies and degrade you in your own estimation, to keep you blind, that you might not assert your rights, and weak that you might not resist your wrongs; and to allow you only latitude enough to accumulate wrath by your industry, that she might wrest it from to gratify her insatiate rapacity. Such has been and is still her conduct towards you, and such it ever will be so long you give your allegiance to her or permit her to exercise dominion over you. She has weighed like an incubus upon your faculties and your brightest hopes and most pleasing prospects have all perished beneath her baleful influence, as the spring flowers wither in the shades of the Upas. You never have received and need not expect from her any of the tenderness of maternal regard for she is an unnatural parent, a monstrous mother who turns with a phrenzied appetite to prey upon her offspring! She is even more cruel than the blood sucking vampier! for it drains its arteries; but the Government of Mexico still more obdurate offers no soothing to her prey, but seem as much delighted with the torture she inflicts as the blood she drinks. Has she not made you the slaves of her slaves? And are you not now the tributary vassals of the voracious plunderers whom she has ordained to rule over you; governed by laws which you have no voice in enacting; and impoverished by the most unrighteous exactions, extorted for the aggrandizement of those who give you no thanks for the bounty and feel no commiseration for your sufferings? and now fellow citizens I would ask you is it possible that a virtuous and chivalrous people can receive these indignities and outrages and feel no resentment ? Have the citizens of Santa Fé been so bowed down and disunited by their long continued and accumulated wrongs, that they have lost all sense of shame, and deem it their duty to repay oppression and insult, with fealty and affection? We cannot think it; we will not believe: for it is not the nature of man to be enamored by degradation, and Spainial like to lick the foot that spurns him.

In this matter, fellow citizens, we sincerely hope that you will take no counsel of your fears. When tyranny lords it over the land, and the liberties of tile people are trampled in the dust, it is no time to shrink from danger, or to think of consequences. It becomes the duty of every individual to draw his sword and vindicate his rights, or give his life to vengeance. And if you, fellow citizens, have any desire to break the manacles that despotism has rivited upon you; and unite with us in the enjoyment of that freedom which our valor has established, You too may have to draw the sword as we have done, and trust the issue to the God of justice. We are ready to unite with you in the contest, and make the destiny a common one, and if it be will of HIM who, decides the fate of Nations that we should seal our devotions to the cause of liberty with the blood of Martyrdom---be it so---We are prepared for the sacrafice; for it is better to die like heroes than to live like slaves. But we will never go down in darkness. Each faithful sabre glowing with the wrath, and brightening with the fame of its wearer will throw upon the pathway to death a gleam of its burning fires and lightnings. And who would not rather march to the grave by the light of his sword than sigh out a degraded existence in the darkness of slavery? The recreant minion of power may wear his masters collar as a lady does her lovers wreath of roses; and he may clank his chains and dance delighted to the music that they make; but the free born patriot, who is conscious of the nobility of his nature will never acknowledge any master but God, and will wear no bonds but death.

After all, however, it is due to you, to ourselves, and to the sacred cause in which we are engaged to state unreservedly that the propriety of the step which we advise you to take must depend entirely upon the moral condition of your population, and the degree of patriotic sentiment that prevails amongst you and of this you must be yourselves the judges. If with one accord, you all detest oppression above any earthly bane, and unanimously regard liberty as the mot precious gift which heaven has bestowed on man; and fell that you are capable of drawing a fearless weapon against the things you hate, and for the things you love then we can have no possible misgiving as to the propriety of the course we recommend, or any distrust of the beneficial consequences that will flow from it. But on the other hand, if it should turn out, in opposition to the high confidence which we have in your firmness and patriotism, that you are an effeminate people who would rather surrender a right than encounter the danger of defending it; or that you have indeed worn the chains of tyranny so long that the flesh and the heart have become assified and calous, and can no longer fester with the iron and the shame of slavery, then do we feel constrained to say, that you are not only unworthy the blessings of liberty but that you are incapable of either achieving or enjoying them; and that the Union to which you are invited could be neither profitable to you nor to us; for it would be an Union of uncongenial elements like the linking of the living to the dead.

But the latter is not our appreciation. The estimate in which you are held by this Government, may be known by the overtures she makes you. And surely you can desire no higher testimony of our entire confidence in your valor and your virtue, than the fact that we are willing to share our fortunes with you. We have been told by those who have long residded among you, that you are a brave an industrious and an honest people---simple in your manners, generous in temper, and inflexible in your principles; and it is precisely on this opinion of your worth that we predicate our friendship for you and are ready to receive you in a common government. A proposition which we could certainly never think of making to a people whose integrity and chivalry we had any reason to suspect. And here we will take the liberty of remarking, in vindication of our own National character, that the North Americans are not now, and never have been prejudiced and embittered against the Mexican people there recent and most righteous resentments have been directed exclusively against the pointed power which has misguided that Nation; and have never extended to the citizens themselves. In proof of this we could furnish abundant testimony, if time would permit, in the history of the past and the present. That the Mexicans have found a friend in the American people, at a time when they needed friends, will be seen in the spirit stirring times of the Mexican Revolution, when five hundred of that gallant race slew five thousand of the foe. And that we who are a portion of the same people, have not subsequently been animated by any improper passions towards them is strongly confirmed by the mild spirit of benevolence and humanity which has guided us in our late revolutionary struggle, under the strongest possible provocations to vindictive retaliation.

The Battles at La Bahia, and those of the Salado, the Alisan, and Medina, will stand as enduring monuments, not only of the valor of the American people, but of their devotion to Mexican liberty; while the magnanimous forbearance of our heroes and patriots at San Jacinto, when contrasted with the cold blooded butcheries of the Alimo and Goliad, will live in the applauding memory of man as long as a vestige of virtue remains to appreciate exalted conduct. And now in the full recollection of the ingratitude of Mexico for the assistance afforded her in 1812 and 1813 and of the atrocities committed by her Army in the campaign of 1836 why do we not devastate the Mexican coast from Metamoras to Campeachy; and send our destroying forces to sweep like a desolating whirlwind over the valley of the Rio Grande? We have a Navy that can lay in ruins every city on the Gulf; and we have stout hearts and sharp swords that could make a war upon our western boundar would make the border river roll like a flood of fire. And why do we not do these things? simply because we have no disposition, simply because we have no disposition to despoil the property or shed the blood of an unoffending people, quietly engaged in the peaceful pursuits of private life; for it is not against them we war but against the unhallowed dynasty that rules the nation with a rod of iron and walks alike over the liberties of man and laws of God.

Behold that dynasty, even now, trampling on every principle of freedom, humanity and Justice---destroying all tranquility and order---dethroning the supremacy of the laws---gathering taxes by the sword filling the nation with robbers, and giving to the injured and exposed no redress or protection---and then becoming alarmed at the consequences, behold them stripping the people of their arms, and turning upon them with merciless violence to silence their complaints or quell the resistance which such oppression could not fail to provoke. People of Santa Fé, do you not feel and see these things ? And how do you expect to escape from them? do not flatter yourselves with the delusive hope that you will soon be relieved from the grasp of despotism by the final triumph of liberty in Mexico. This can never happen there is no redeeming spirit in that country to save her from the anarchy and ruin to which the vices of her rulers have doomed her. The sanguinary strife which is now going on, and which has been bloodying the land for the last few years, like all the proceeding, struggles is nothing, more than an unhallowed contention between ambitious aspirants, who are seeking their own elevation only and are animated by no other feelings than the love of rapine and murder. It matters not which succeeds, whether the Federal or the Central party, the consequences will be the same---the plundering of the people, and tho defilement of the nation. Mexico has now existed more than twenty years as an independent nation, and during that period, what has been her history? It has been one of slaughter, desolation and depravity instead of assuming as she was capable of doing an honorable rank among the civilized nations, she plunged, from the very hour of her emancipation, into civil broils of the most ferocious character; and has been doing the work of destruction and death, upon her own people from the days of Iterbide, down to the present period. The only cessation from blood, has been the necessary pauses for refitting the veins of the victims. Wearied and disheartened at these interminable strifes and equally deploring the universal infamy which they have brought upon the character of the country, the genuine patriots of the land are now looking to the establishment of a regulated despotism, as the only escape from the all horrible reign of faction, whose spirit has so long directed the destinies of the country, and which still presides like a demon monarch enthroned upon the liberties of the people, with the sword for his minister and his motto---"havoc and spoils, and ruin are my gain." Slight not, then, fellow citizens, the overtures which Texas now makes to you, you are not invited to amalgamate with a Nation of doubtful stability or declining fortunes; but on the contrary, to unite with a well organized and energetic Government which posses the willingness and the ability to vindicate its right---and protect its citizens. You are not called upon to make a. change of masters, but to become, freemen; and by identifying yourselves with an invincible people, to enter at once upon a brilliant career of national happiness and glory. Wherever Texas has planted her banner, her foes have disappeared---order has arisen; villages have sprung up, and the wilderness has waved with luxurient fields. And now in the pride of her strength and the fullness of prosperity---knowing no wants; feeling no feebleness and fearing no perils, she offers to receive you into her bosom, and share with you her affections, her hopes, her fortunes; in a word she invokes you to withdraw from the domination of corruption and injustice, and uniting with her under the same Government, to climb together that lofty eminence to which she is rapidly ascending.

Believing that you are the friends of liberty, and will duly appreciate the motives by which we are actuated, we have appointed commissioners to make known to you in a distinct and definite manner, the general desire of the citizens of this Republic to receive the people of Santa Fé, as a portion of the national family, and to give to them all the protection which they themselves enjoy. This union, however, to make it agreeable to this Government, must be altogether voluntary on your part; and based on mutual interest, confidence and affection. Should you, therefore, in view of the whole matter be willing to avail yourselves of this opportunity to secure your own prosperity, as well as that of your descendents, by a prompt, cheerful and unanimous adherence to the Government of this republic we invite you to a full and unreserved intercourse and communication with our commissioners, who are instructed to extend to you every assistance and co-operation to effectuate the object desired; and, at the same time, to assure you that your religion will in no wise be interfered with by this Government. The only change we desire to effect in your affairs, is such as we wrought in our own when we broke our fetters and established our freedom; a.change which was well worth the price we paid; and the blessings of which we are ready now to extend to you at the sacrafice of our own lives and fortunes, if you are ready to receive them; and if not we have ordered our commissioners, not to interrupt you in any of your rights, nor to disturb your tranquility, but to establish with you, if possible such commercial relations as you may deem conducive to your own interests and then peacibly retire from your city. MIRABEAU B. LAMAR

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Thomas Blackwell to Pres. M.B. Lamar 23 Jul 1841

Brazoria 23 July 1841 M. B. Lamar, Dear Sir, I received a letter a few days ago from Win. G. Dryden, be was in Santa Fé when be wrote, he stated he had writen to you, but requested me to write to you, as you might not get his letter, and inform you that all was right in Santa Fé; he said he had conversed with the Govenor of Santa Fé, and that he as well as the people were willing that Texas might establish her law and hold her Government over that country, to use his words "all is right then for a project of that Kind." One other piece of information of his is that the Comanches have gon[e] North to make a treaty with the northern tribes, and those that attempt to make the trip to Santa Fé will be in no danger from them, this is fortunate for those that have started; be speeks highly of the country, and its prosperous condition as well as the advantages that might result to Texas by such a union; his letter was dated the 10 March 1841; he got to Santa Fé in September last. I write you this, that if you should not have received the letter be wrote to you, that you may know tbe kind of reseption the party you have dispached to that country will meet with on their arrival. Yours respectfully &c Thomas Blackwell

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The Santa Fé Expedition

From The History of Texas by John Henry Brown

During this session of Congress [Fifth Congress of the Republic, 1841 in which the value of currency and trade was a major issue] President Lamar very earnestly recommended an appropriation and the adoption of measures, peaceful and commercial, to extend the jurisdiction of Texas over Santa Fé and so much of New Mexico as lay east of the Rio Grande. This was a part of Texas as, defined by the law of 1836, fixing her boundaries as previously advocated by General Houston, and embraced a considerable population, isolated by twelve hundred miles from the Mexican capital and by four hundred miles, partly across a desert, from El Paso del Norte, the nearest settlement of any consequence in the direction of the capital. Santa Fé, ever since 1823, had afforded a rich Mexican trade, through caravans of wagons making annual trips, from St. Louis, Missouri traders receiving gold and silver in return for their goods. This trade if diverted to Texas it was thought would supply the precious metals, relieve the financial embarrassments of the country, and speedily lead to a line of posts through the Indian country, thereby diverting the hostile tribes from the Texas frontier. New Mexico, in her isolation, was largely independent of Mexico, and was ruled with despotic severity by a few families, who successively furnished the governors and other functionaries and consumed the substance of the people. Two or three American residents of that place visited President Lamar in the spring of 1840, urged a measure of this kind and furnished evidence showing that it would be hailed by the mass of the people as a deliverance from a grievous thraldom.

Looking over the field in all its aspects and taking into consideration the deplorable financial condition of Texas, it was certainly an alluring proposition. Congress failed to provide for the expedition. The President, however, had become so persuaded of its wisdom and utility that he resolved to undertake its execution upon his own responsibility. Early in the spring he began the necessary preparation. Commercial men were invited to join the proposed expedition with stocks of goods. A sufficient number of troops were to act as an escort to protect the party against Indians. Circulars and proclamations (printed in the Spanish language), assuring them that the expedition was peaceful, disclaiming all design of asserting jurisdiction by force and stating that the only wish entertained was to open peaceful trade-relations and give the New Mexicans an opportunity to live under the liberal laws of Texas, were to be taken along by three civil commissioners and distributed among the people. If they acquiesced, it was promised that only the general laws of Texas would be extended over New Mexico and that their local laws and customs should continue in force until altered by themselves. The commissioners were instructed to use no force unless to repel attack, and generally to act in accordance with the peace proclamation.

The expedition having been organized, left Brushy Creek fifteen miles north of Austin, on the 21st of June, 1841. The commander was Brevet Brigadier- General Hugh McLeod. The number of soldiers was 270, organized into companies, among the captains of which were Matthew Caldwell, the old veteran of Gonzales, Houghton, William P. Lewis, of the artillery, and others. The commissioners were, Don Jose Antonio Navarro, (a native of San Antonio), as true a man as was ever born on or trod the soil of Texas; Col. William G. Cooke, a man of experience, honor and courage; and Dr. Richard F. Brenham, as gallant a gentleman as was ever born on the soil of Kentucky. Their secretary was George Van Ness, a younger brother of the orator and legislator, Cornelius Van Ness, and a young man of great worth. There were a number of amateurs along, for the novelty and pleasure of the trip, among whom were George Wilkins Kendall, editor of the New Orleans Picayune, who afterwards published an admirable history of the expedition, and Frank, a son of General Leslie Coombes, of Lexington, Ky.

After innumerable hardships and much suffering---having traveled without the anticipated Lipan Indian guides---on the 11th of August, they thought themselves to be within about eighty miles of San Miguel, a frontier village on the Rio Pecos, east of Santa Fé. They had been almost constantly annoyed by parties of Indians seeking to kill their hunters, pickets and guards, and to steal their cattle (work oxen and beeves), and had become not only worn down with fatigue and watching, but were reduced to the necessity of eating, snails and lizards to prevent starvation. For want of proper guides they had traveled nearly three hundred miles farther than was necessary. Thus situated, Messrs. Howland, Baker and Rosenberry, were dispatched to San Miguel in search of provisions and to ascertain in what spirit the expedition would be received by the New Mexicans. The main body wearily followed on over a broken country until the 10th of September, "devouring," says Mr. Kendall, "every tortoise and snake, every living, and creeping thing….with a rapacity that nothing but the direst hunger could induce." A few days afterwards their advance party met a small party of Mexican traders, who could give them no provisions and who told them they were still seventy or eighty miles from San Miguel; but that at Anton Chico, a nearer hamlet, they could procure mutton from flocks in that vicinity. Some of the Mexicans returned to those in the rear to guide them by a shorter route. The advance party continued on to the Rio Gallinas and found the flocks, where (says Kendall), "a scene of feasting ensued which beggars description."

On the next morning the advance party sent forward Capt. William P. Lewis, of the artillery (who understood the Spanish language), with Messrs. George Van Ness, Howard, Fitzgerald and Kendall. The bore a letter to the Alcalde, informing him of the approach of the party; that it was a commercial enterprise, peaceful in character, and that the mission of the gentlemen sent forward was to buy and send back provisions to the main body. They also carried numerous copies of President Lamar's proclamation, declaring the objects of the movement, and that, if the inhabitants of New Mexico did not desire peaceably to come under the jurisdiction and flag of Texas, the expedition would immediately return home. Lewis and party, on the 14th of September, left the Gallinas for San Miguel. The shepherds on the Gallinas had informed them that the country was in arms against them and that Howland, Baker and Rosenberry had been seized and imprisoned at Santa Fé. Strangely enough, the advance party failed to send this startling intelligence back to Gen. McLeod, with the main body. It was a suicidal omission of both duty and prudence. Mr. Howland attempted to escape from prison and convey the news to General McLeod, but was recaptured, and for this effort to save his country men, was shot in San Miguel, under the orders of Armijo, Governor of New Mexico.

On the afternoon of their departure, Lewis and party overtook two muleteers from whom they received confirmation of the imprisonment of Howland and party, and were advised of the intense excitement prevailing in the country, caused by Governor Armijo informing the people that it was the intention of the Texians to "burn, slay and destroy" as they marched. This information was sent back to the party on the Gallinas; but those in command of that body again failed to send it back to General McLeod. On the night of that day Lewis and party slept at Anton Chico, where they were informed that they would be arrested and shot next day. Still they proceeded toward San Miguel; but on the way were surrounded by a force under Salazar, dismounted and started on foot for San Miguel. From San Miguel they were hastened on toward Santa Fé, tied together in pairs and driven as cattle on the way to a slaughter house. About sunset they met Governor Armijo, in command of near six hundred men on the march to meet and attack the Texians. Armijo saluted them as friends and inquired who they were. The traitor, William P. Lewis, then gave the first evidence of his hitherto latent villainy. He replied to Armijo that they were merchants from the United States. The chivalrous young George Van Ness indignantly interposed, saying they were all Texians, excepting, Mr. Kendall, who was an editor from the United States, and who was acting on a trip of pleasure and observation. Armijo pointed to the star and the word--"Texas" on the uniform of Lewis, and said "You need not think to deceive me. United States merchants do not wear Texian uniforms!" Still, as Lewis spoke Spanish well, Armijo took him as interpreter. His companions, on foot, were taken back to San Miguel, where, on the next day, they witnessed the murder of Howland and Baker. Col. William G. Cooke, one of the commissioners, with ninety-four men, had moved from Gallina to Anton Chico. Salazar informed him that Lewis and party had been kindly received and sent on to Santa Fé. On the 17th, notwithstanding protestations of friendship by Salazar, Col. Cooke found himself surrounded by a large force under the Governor. Cooke was about to open fire, when Lewis and the Governor's nephew advanced with a white flag. Lewis informed Cooke that there were six hundred men around him and that he had seen four thousand more, well equipped, who would be on the ground in a few hours, and that there were five thousand more on the march from Chillualitia (the two last statements false), but that Governor Armijo had authorized him to say that if the Texians would give up their arms, they would have permission to come in and trade and, after eight days, their arms would be returned to them.

Notwithstanding the treachery of Urrea to Fannin and Ward, Col. Cooke and the Texians acted on the statements of Lewis, and surrendered. They could not conceive of villainy so base as would be betrayal by Lewis. The bravest and most unselfish men are ever the least suspicious. But this creature was at that moment a purchased and perjured traitor to his kith and kin, his country and his God. He was ever after an object of aversion and detestation wherever he resided, even in Mexico. He was regarded, even by the humblest classes of the Mexican population, as a moral leper and shunned accordingly. Armijo had all the prisoners bound as felons, and, without permitting them to see their friends who had been previously betrayed and captured, started them off to the city of Mexico, twelve hundred miles distant, via Santa Fé. Armijo then set forth to meet Gen. McLeod, and the main body, which, in a starving, condition, had reached the Laguna Colorado (Red Lake), about thirty miles from the Rio Gallinas. There Armijo met him. Absolutely without the physical strength or means of defense, and under promise of good treatment and respect for all their private property, Gen. McLeod and his men surrendered. Immediately upon this they were searched, robbed of everything, bound in pairs and marched to San Miguel, arriving, there on the 12th of October; three months and twenty-one days after starting from the vicinity of Austin. The goods captured were disposed of by Armijo, who reserved to himself whatever his avarice coveted. He gave Lewis a large amount as a reward for his treachery, and wrote to Garcia Conde, Governor of Chihuahua: "In consideration of the great services rendered by Capt. William P. Lewis, in assisting, me to capture the Texians, I have given him his liberty and his goods and earnestly recommend him to the notice of the Central Government."

On the 17th of October, bound in pairs, the prisoners were started to the city of Mexico, by way of Santa Fé, in charge of the brutal ruffian, Salazar. Their treatment, while under his charge, as far as El Paso del Norte, was barbarous. Some died on the way and their ears were cut off as trophies and as proof that they had not escaped. At El Paso they fell under the charge of a humane officer and thenceforward received better treatment. At Chihuahua the citizens and foreigners gave them clothing and other supplies. In due time the prisoners reached the city of Mexico and were imprisoned till about July, 1842, when, at the intercession of General Waddy Thompson, of South Carolina, then American minister, they were released and returned home---some of them in time to visit retribution in the battle of Salado, on the 18th or September. Capt. Matthew Caldwell, one of their number, with the rank of colonel, commanded in the latter victorious conflict. Mr. Thomas W. Hunt, another of their number, did fearful execution on that occasion by the deliberate use of an unerring long range rifle. As a sharpshooter, in front of the Texian line, it is doubtful if a single one of more than a dozen balls from his rifle missed its intended destination. (He died in Bosque, County, in 1892.)

Before dismissing the subject, it is reasonable to say that if the party under Col. Cooke, among, the sheep on the Gallinas had sent a flock back to meet Gen. McLeod and had remained till they arrived, thus uniting over two hundred and fifty effective men, they could have defied Armijo and safety retreated down the Pecos, driving sheep before them for subsistence. Gen. McLeod was an enlightened and gallant man, quick in perception and prompt in action, and enjoyed the fullest confidence of his men. Col. Cooke and Capt. Caldwell were and a large per cent of veteran officers and approved soldiers, the men were experienced fighters. After a few shots from such men, Armijo and his five or six hundred Mexicans, armed with old muskets and escopetas, would have kept at as safe a distance as Vasquez did when opposed by Jordan just one year before. Fate decreed otherwise. The expedition was not without fruit for Texas. The treacherv and barbarism practiced awakened anew, throughout the United States a determined feeling in favor of Texas and against Mexico.

Had the expedition succeeded the name of Lamar would have received additional luster. It failed. But Mr. Kendall, a highly competent authority, after stating the unexpected difficulties and untoward circumstances encountered, says

President Lamar's estimation of the views and feelings of the people of Santa Fé and vicinity, was perfectly correct. Not a doubt can exist that they all were, and are (1843), anxious to throw off the oppressive yoke of Armijo, and come under the liberal institutions of Texas; but the Governor found us divided into small parties, broken down by long marches and want of food; discovered too, a traitor among us; and, taking advantage of these circumstances, his course was plain and his conquest easy."

Trivial events sometimes determine the fate of men, of cities and of nations. Had Houston been crushed at San Jacinto and had the victorious banner of Mexico been planted on the Sabine, the patriots who fought under his banner would have occupied a place in history similar to that of Walker and his followers in Nicaragua. They would have appeared as mere adventurers attempting revolution in a foreign State. By the erratic judgment of the hour, so often merciless and unreasoning, failure brought on Lamar pitiless criticism for trying in good faith to extend the voice of Texas over her whole territory and thereby strengthen her power and resources as an independent nation. His judgment may have been at fault; but his patriotism cannot be questioned. The fact that in 1850 the United States paid Texas ten millions of dollars for the New Mexican territory, is a sufficient attestation of the wisdom of Lamar in his attempt to peacefully unite it with the destinies of Texas.

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Eyewitness Descriptions

The Battle of Salado and Dawson Massacre

Miles S. Bennet for the Cuero Star and Houston Post, 1898
Miles S. Bennet for Texas Veterans Association, 1900
Nathan Boone Burkett
Col. Mathew "Old Paint" Caldwell
Robert Hall or "Brazos"
Ben Highsmith
James W. Nichols
Rufus Perry on Capt. Billingsley and the Dawson Massacre
Rev. Z.N. Morrell
James Ramsay to Miles S. Bennet 1882
Andrew Jackson Sowell to A.J. Sowell
Gen. Adrian Woll's Reports


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Miles S. Bennet, Cuero, DeWitt County, Texas, 1900. Events on the Western Frontier 1839-1842, the Battle of Salado and Dawson Massacre written for the approaching Texas Veterans Association Meeting, San Antonio, 1900 (From The Center for American History, University of Texas Austin).

The approaching annual Meeting of the Texas Veteran Association will be held by Invitation of the City of San Antonio on the Anniversary of the Battle of San Jacinto. This Society desire to perpetuate the Unity of Texas, instill Patriotism in the hearts of our Young People, and develop a lively interest in the history of our State. It was organized in the City of Houston in 1873: a Constitution and By Laws were adopted, an executive Committee and a Committee on Credentials were appointed. All Colonists, Seamen and Soldiers who did service and were resident Citizens up to the period of Annexation of Texas to the United States are eligible for membership. The Anniversary of the Battle of San Jacinto was chosen as the time for the Annual Reunion of the Association. The Rail Roads furnished free transportation to the members, including their wives and Widows to and from the place of meeting.

We have thus been able every year to keep this Anniversary, have been pleasantly entertained in and given the freedom of many of our Cities: in some of them several times, notably the City of Houston which we make our permanent Headquarters by Special Request extended to us six years ago. Last year we enjoyed our Meeting with the People of Temple the second time: but we were reduced in numbers to only about one hundred, one half of whom were Ladies although we had once numbered Eight hundred and sixty. At our meeting in San Antonio twenty years ago, we had an attendance of about one hundred and eighty-five ten or more of whom resided in the city, but are now deceased. In all these meetings it has been pleasant to notice the great interest manifested by the young, and especially the School Children, who Sometimes marched with us in the public Parade, or eagerly strewed Roses in our path; but more particularly while receiving us at their Homes for a few days plied us with interesting questions about the early conflicts, and listened with attention to our narrations of incidents of Frontier Life.

And now in order to encourage in the minds of the young a laudable research into the history of this part of our Country, as well as to revive in the memories of the old Texians recollections of the times when in their Strong manhood they helped to establish our peoples in their homes, and to protect them from their enemies, San Antonio and its surroundings, holding a thrilling and prolonged experience of those eventful times: let us Imagine the appearance of the country west of the Guadeloupe as it was in 1838, and picture of San Antonio a devastated Mexican town with a few Suburban Ranches on the river, isolated from other people: there being no Settlements eastward for many miles: and westward the region lay in its lonely but beautiful Solitude, except when occasionally traversed by small companies of Traders who communicated with towns in Mexico.

The grass was in such abundance that when the annual fires swept over the land the small bushes were burned off; keeping long reaches of prairie; and when the verdure was renewed the whole country abounded in game. Horses were in great numbers.- I have seen them in droves and during one days scouting as many as twenty bears. In a continued Norther herds of Deer would collect in some sheltered Valley in such numbers that three hundred could be seen in one view. In this lovely hunting ground the Indians roamed at will, and their encampments were often seen by adventurous Scout. The Indians were ostensibly friendly, and occasionally come into San Antonio to make treaties; they complained about the hunters blazing their trees: and late in June 1838 finding on the Rio Frio a surveying party, the young Indians in driving past took off with them some of the horses of the camp: in trying to recover them Mr Campbell was killed, Capt Cage got an arrow in his face, Josh Threadgill and others escaped.

Sept 21st John C Hays with forty men started to survey the lands of the Rio Leona. Oct 19th a surveying Camp at the Leon Springs seven miles from town, at the crossing of the Presidio Road, was attacked by Indians, and Moses Lapham a San Jacinto Soldier, and Mr Jones were killed; Mr Earnest escaped on foot and brought the news to town. Captain Cage with twelve men went out to reconoiter, and when about four miles from town, at some Live Oak trees near the Presidio Road, were surrounded by a large body of Savages: Cage and seven others were killed. On the 21st we buried the ten Americans in one grave, just outside the wall, at the N. E. Corner of the Campo Santo, in the suburbs of S. Antonio (where the Public Road afterward ran over the spot) a cold drizzling rain prevailing: Judge Robinson delivered a Eulogy at the graves, Court was in Session: great gloom prevailed. Several Mexicans were killed about this time; when one was found slain at a distance from home, friends would straiten out the body, bind a forked stake on his back down his legs, place him in the Saddle on a gentle Mule, fasten him firmly in the stirrups, and thus easily convey the corpse to the Ranche.

Dec. 30th Major Bennet brought out to San Antonio from Headquarters at Houston two companies of Texas Regulars, Commanded by Captains Jordan and Howard. In May 1839 The Chieftain Cordova and his Banditti depredated in the Vicinity. May 14th Surveyor John James and party worked on the tributaries of the Cibolo; they were attacked and Ephraim Bollinger with three or four others were killed. 28th Cordova and his band killed some Mexicans near town. 29th, Mr Delmour, Clerk of the Court, who was living down at the Mission, was found in the River near there, Shot and Scalped, he was robbed by his Mexican servant, who rode his fine Horse westward. In June '39, ten or twelve Mexicans were killed by Indians, and so much apprehension was felt at the Ranches that many of the families were removed to town: public sentiment favored a campaign against the Savages, and Col. Henry W. Karnes, with Col. Juan N. Sequin, led an expedition against them; this was composed of one hundred and eight men, one half of whom were Americans, and quieted the enemy for a while.

Omitting a continued narration of troubles on this frontier which with repeated rumors of another Mexican invasion prevented immigration, the raids of the Enemy in 1842 require some notice. Early in March of that year the Mexican Genl. Vazquez with a force of about five hundred cavalry invaded San Antonio: as they were reported to be the advance of a large Army, and there being only about one hundred Texians to resist them the Families hurriedly removed with such household goods as they could haul off with their few ox carts: one citizen having a store of valuable goods, blew up the house rather than contribute them to the enemy, and they joined the families on the Guadalupe in a general panic and retreat eastward. As the enemy entered the Southwest corner of the town the Texians entered by the opposite side bringing away their one small cannon and ammunition. By the ninth of March some two hundred Texians had rallied on the Guadeloupe, and moving on the relief of San Antonio encamped near the Mission Conception: General Ed. Burleson and Captain Danl. B. Friar in command. The Robbers had sacked the town and fallen back to the Rio Grande: the Texians desired to pursue them but after scouting around two or three weeks they reorganized forming two companies of forty men each, one commanded by Col. Louis P. Cook, the other by Captain J. C. Hays.

These volunteers guarded the approaches to San Antonio scouting on the Atascosa, along the Laredo Road, on the Rio Frio and Nueces and along the Presidio Road: they had meager outfit and fare, subsisting mostly on wild game, and as their clothing wore out they substituted dressed buckskins and moccasins. After several weeks they returned to San Antonio, and the Citizens assisted Capt. Hays with clothing and rations and induced him to keep his Spy company in the field for their defense. The public arms and stores Consisting of two good Brass eight pound Cannon with Caissons and ammunition complete, also nearly two hundred muskets were placed in charge for Lieut. John R. King commanding Cook's Company to transport them to Gonzales where this troop was disbanded about the middle of May. Rumors of Invasion continued rife, and on Sept 11th, the District Court being in session, the Mexican Gen Adrian Woll commanding eight or ten hundred troops and two pieces of Artillery, having made an entirely new route through the wild country, baffling the vigilance of Capt. Hays and his scouts. Suddenly surprised San Antonio, capturing about fifty-three prisoners including the members of the Court. The news of the advance of the Mexicans was soon known on the Guadeloupe, and spread rapidly through Texas. Our survivors of the Santa Fe Expedition had just arrived home, and although they knew that if again captured in arms against Mexico there would be no reprieve for them, they were generally desirous to be in readiness for the expected strife. As the further advances of the enemy must if possible be checked, the town of Sequin was chosen as the rendezvous, and men gathered there led by Lieut. Henry E. McCullock, Capt. James Bird, Lieut John R. King, Capt. Callahan and others, also the noted Capt. Ewan Cameron with his well tried followers came up from Victoria: Capt Hays kept up communication with San Antonio [See DeWitt Colony Captains].

As subsistence must be provided Major Bennet assisted by his old Santa Fe Comrades established a Commissariat and carefully utilized the small supply of corn and beef that could be obtained. Hays Spies having reported a contemplated raid by the enemy upon Gonzales, McCullock with his Company headed off the raiders and saved that town. The Volunteers numbering two hundred and three, organized, choosing Col. Matthew Caldwell as Commander. Sept 16 Late on Saturday the command marched onward, and during the bright night the moon being nearly full took a good position on the east side of the Salado five or six miles from San Antonio, above the old road. John W. Smith from town brought the information that the enemy numbered twelve hundred Regulars, two pieces of Artillery, two or three hundred rancheros, Indians, and low Mexicans, this statement was corroborated by Hays and McCullock who reconnoitering found the enemy marching in full force to attack us.

THE BATTLE. The Enemy crossed the Salado above our position, and with bands of martial music formed on the beautiful open prairie four hundred yards east of us cutting us off from our Settlements and preventing all reinforcements from joining us. There were a few scattering mezquit trees on the field. The Cannon well masked were placed within point blank range, and close upon their left was a long hollow with mezquit trees in it extending past our line down to the creek affording great advantage to their Indians and Rancheros on that part of the field. In order to deceive them as to our fewness in numbers we were leisurely paraded over some knolls on our left in their plain view: and we soon found that it took some good fighting to prevent them from occupying those knolls which commanded part of our lines. We retained the place of our guard fire, the guard being a detail of two or three from each Company posted at the extreme right on the edge of a hollow that covered the enemy's left, and this proved one of the hottest places of the battle. Cameron's company was on the right, Bird's on the right center, and the other companies on the line to the left: I was in Bird's company and before the cannon opened fire upon us I had a good opportunity to count the enemy's detachment under Cordova of eighty-five Cherokee Indians and renegade Mexicans who crawled Indian fashion into the hollow on our right.

Apprehending the capture of our horsed by this force a detail of fifteen of whom I was one was ordered to guard against surprise in that quarter; while there and before the battle became very hot two of our men Steve Jouett a San Jacinto soldier and Simon Cockerell passed the guard going down the creek "to shoot some of them Indians on their own account" the former was killed, the latter with a broken arm narrowly escaped capture [Cockerell in his critical encounter concealed himself beneath a leaning tree, on the bank of the Salado, keeping entirely underwater only leaving his nose and mouth above water. The Indians passed on, and he came back after dark covered with mud, wet and wounded]. The enemy opened fire with their cannon at short range, followed by charges of Cavalry and Infantry upon our center and left wing, while on our right they poured down the hollow (before mentioned) to drive us from our guard-fire; Cameron's company here maintained successful resistance, the chieften Cordova and many of his band were slain here. Our men at the center and on the left laid low untill after the discharge of the cannon, then upon the charge of the enemy in close quarters the firing became general and the foe was compelled to fall back to their cannon leaving the ground strown with their dead and wounded, their Bugles and even their muster-rolls falling into our hands. These charges were repeated and the fighting severe: on our right the enemy being strengthened by a band of Carrizo Indians charged us repeatedly but failed to drive us from our position.

THE DAWSON MASSACRE. Our communication being cut off we were not aware of the approach of Capt. Dawson and his fifty-three men who were coming to assist us: they rode up within hearing of the conflict but the Smoke was so dense they could not see our position, and before they were aware they were too near the Mexicans to effect a retreat, and were surrounded by the enemy's cavalry. Being partially sheltered by a few mezquit trees they kept the enemy at bay with their rifles untill the Mexican artillery was brought to bear upon them and nescessitated their surrender; as is well known they were neatly all massacred. Late in the afternoon the enemy moved off to San Antonio, taking with them several cart loads of their dead and wounded, leaving many more lying too near our lines for them to recover: their loss was at least sixty killed and as many wounded. Our wounded were sent to the town of Sequin, and our brave frontierman Steve Jouett we buried on the battle field on the bank of the Salado. Through John W. Smith we learned that the enemy were preparing for an immediate retreat, the Court and the principal citizens had all been hurried off to Mexico, and we were shocked at the recital of the incidents of the Dawson Massacre, and we resolved to follow the enemy at all hazards. Thus was fought the last pitched battle of the Republic, in Texas Settlements, between hastily gathered Volunteers and regular Mexican troops, and having about the same disparity of numbers as in the old time fights, say one to six. The effect upon the Mexicans, in promptly meeting and preventing their Continuous raids upon our towns, in causing them to fall back with considerable loss of men and demoralization of their command, entitles this battle to honorable mention among the fights of the Republic: its connexion with the Dawson Massacre, and also the carrying off so many of our citizens revives old memories among the people of San Antonio. April 21st 1900.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- From Life of Robert Hall by "Brazos" 1898: I have talked with men who were in this battle [Battle of Medina in 1813], and we have often around our camp fires compared this terrible affair with the battle of Salado which occurred twenty-nine years afterwards. In the Salado the Mexicans were commanded by the veteran French general, Woll, who boasted that he had learned the science of war under Marshal Soult. He commanded 1200 regular troops. Nearly all historians claim that we had 300 Texans on the field, but I am positive that our force has been over estimated. Our commander, old Paint Caldwell, was equal to a thousand men. No man who ever stood on Texas soil was his equal in battle. As soon as the bullets began to whistle he seemed to grow taller and look grander. I don't think it ever occurred to him that he might be hit. He rode over a battlefield as unconcerned as if he had been out cornshucking. His nerves must have been made of iron; nothing disturbed him. This battle occurred on the 18th of September, 1842.

They got news in San Antonio of the advance of Gen. Woll, and Jack Hays was sent out on the Laredo road to watch the enemy. Hays missed Gen. Woll's column entirely. The strategic old rascal had made a new road from the Rio Grande to San Antonio, and fell upon the city like a flash of lightning. District Court was in session, and he captured the court and all the lawyers and sent them off as prisoners to the dungeons of Mexico. The news reached us at Gonzales, and we at once fell into line. Capt. Caldwell himself came to my house after me. I joined him next day. He was camped on a creek about eighteen miles northeast of San Antonio. Hays joined us that night. The next day we organized and old Paint Caldwell was elected commander of the army. He at once sent Jack Hays forward to select a battlefield. Hays selected a crossing on the Salado, about two miles above where the "Sunset" road crosses. About midnight we took up the line of march, keeping away from the road. We came in sight of the enemy about daylight. We were awful hungry, and French Smith ran a fat cow into camp and shot her down. While we were skinning and broiling beef we heard the rattle of Jack Hays' musketry. He had already engaged the enemy. Old Sol Simmons was a large man and a powerful eater. He was terrible hungry, and he had a dozen big pieces of the fat cow on the fire. When the firing commenced he swallowed the big pieces of meat without chewing it. Capt. Caldwell ordered the horses tied in the bottom, and the men formed in fine of battle. Jack Hays had joined us by this time. The Mexicans appeared in front. There was a skirmish at a distance of about 600 yards. Old Sol Simmons, who was still swallowing beef, was the first man hit. He roared that he was a dead man, and began to throw up that beef. It looked as if he had enough cow inside of him to have killed him. He was hit in the stomach and the bullet was never found, yet the man got well [A variant of this story was related by Nathan Boone Burkett in his memoirs of the battle--WLM].

The Mexican infantry and artillery advanced and took up a position on a slight elevation. We heard the rattle of musketry and cannon east of us. We could not imagine what was going on. We afterwards learned that Capt. Dawson, with forty-five men, was trying to cut his way through the Mexican lines. The world knows the story: They were all massacred. I think Alse Miller and a man named Moods [Gonsalvo Woods] escaped. Caldwell put me over in the bottoms to watch the Indians. These Indians killed a young fellow named Jett who was trying to join us. Caldwell formed his men under the banks in two ranks. One ran would advance and fire while the other loaded. Old Parson Carroll, a Methodist preacher, would step up on the bank and fire, and shout "God take your souls." Caldwell sent me up the creek to see if there was an attempt to surround us. I climbed up a tree and saw a Mexican slipping up on another scout named Hill. I got my gun and shot at him. He dropped over on the horn of his saddle. We found him next day seated against a tree with the gun across his lap. It was one of the finest rifles I ever saw.

I heard a general advance and I went under the bank and leaned against a little pecan tree. The tree I first picked out to protect me was shot entirely off by a cannon shot. The Mexicans came up within forty yards of our lines, cavalry, infantry and artillery. Our boys stood firm. One column under Old Cordova advanced upon us along a ravine that intersected the creek. Willis Randall shot and killed Old Cordova. He was a Nacogdoches Spaniard and we all knew him. We killed and wounded a great many of the enemy when they made the general advance. The Mexicans fell back. That night the moon was shining very brightly. A soldier named Conn and I went out in front on the battlefield and we found that the enemy had fallen back on San Antonio. We found a great many dead and wounded. We camped on the field and the next day we received news that Gen. Woll had evacuated San Antonio and was making a forced march toward the Rio Grande. We went around the head of the San Antonio river and struck Gen.Woll's trail. Reinforcements were joining us every hour, until we were about six hundred strong. Gen. Woll crossed the Medina and halted on a splendid natural position. The two armies were in sight of each other for two days, and strangely enough the Texans did not attack the enemy. I think there were about a half a dozen men who wanted to have command of the army, and they were constantly caucusing and trying in some way to remove old Paint Caldwell. Woll began to retreat again. We skirmished with his rear guard. Jack Hays charged a column of Mexicans, but suffered a repulse from lack of proper support. Our officers constantly differed with each other, and many wanted to play the general; consequently Gen. Woll marched away from us. Big Foot Wallace was in this battle, and Creed Taylor was badly wounded in the hand. I saw a man named Lucky shot through the body. I was sure he was killed, but he recovered. This ended the affair of the Salado, but it was not the end of Woll's invasion. A large force gathered on the Rio Grande and attacked the town of Mier. Everybody knows the story of the Mier prisoners. Col. Seguin, a Mexican gentleman who had been prominent in Texas, went away with Gen. Woll. I don't think the Texans treated Seguin right. Henry McCulloch was in the battle of the Salado. This was the last time that Mexican troops were ever seen in San Antonio.

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Rufus Perry on Capt. Billingsley and the Dawson Massacre (from the Valentine Bennet Scrapbook by Miles Bennet in the The Center for American History, University of Texas Austin, date and newspaper unknown). Mr. Perry on Capt. Billingsley. Hye Postoffice, Blanco Co., Tex. Aug 7—To the News: In one of your recent issues was published a letter written by Mr. A. L. Moore of Lagrange, Tex. Concerning the Dawson massacre and in which the actions of Captain Jesse Billingsley were criticized I am not acquainted with mr. A.L. Moore, but knew John H. Moore, the first settler in Fayette county and am well acquainted with Hon. L.W. Moore, now living in that county. I am myself a Texas veteran and very likely the only man living who can give a correct account of where Captain Billingsley and his men were at the time of Dawson’s massacre, which took place two miles east of the Salado. Returning from an Indian campaign with Captain Burleson’s command to the town of Bastrop in 1842, we learned that General Waul had taken San Antonio and that Captain Billingsley of whose company my father, William M. Perry, was a member, with his men had left Bastrop a few hours before we reached there. Captain Burleson lived about ten miles form Bastrop and went home and I myself being the only one able to get a fresh horse immediately followed Billingsley’s Company, overtaking them at the Alligator waterhole on Cedar creek in Bastrop county, and was by Billingsley placed in the advance, and without meeting with any opposition, reached Seguin a few hours before I reached there. After I left Seguin with a Tonkaway Indian, I heard the sound of a cannon and went back to report this fact to Captain Billingsley. He ordered Sam Walker, afterward a captain, and who was killed in the Mexican war; a man by the name of Flint, myself and the Tonkaway Indian, to go on and learn what was happening. We four reached the top of a hill and from there could see the battleground, just in time to see that Dawson had raised the white flag. We saw then Alsey Miller ran out; saw him get another horse, and hallooed at him. Miller, however, did not come to us, because, as he afterward told me, he believed us to be Indians. Captain Billingsley and his men at that time were at least three miles from the battleground, did not know what was going on and what had happened until I reported to him the facts. He repaired to the battleground, and there met Walker, who had been sent by me to find Caldwell, and who had found him and returned with four of his men to the battleground before we reached there, and we all buried the dead. That night, we went into Caldwell’s camp, and next day took up the march in pursuit of the Mexicans, nothing occurring until we overtook them at the head of the Hondo. Mr. Moore in his letter also states that Sam Lenkey was wounded with Captain Hays when fighting on the Hondo they captured a cannon and tried to hold it. This is also a mistake. Sam Lenkey was wounded by the rear guard of the Mexicans before we reached the head of the Hondo. The men wounded with Captain Hays when the cannon was taken were A. Gibson of Gonzales, Judge Hemphill and one Harel of Austin, Travis county, Tex. Trusting that the foregoing will be inserted in your paper, which I have read for a great number of years, and that history will give the facts as they occurred. I remain, very respectfully. RUFUS PERRY.

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James Ramsay to Miles S. Bennet 1882. Manuscripts of the Mexican War sent by James Ramsay, Gonzales, Texas, to Miles S. Bennet, Cuero, Texas, September 20, 1882, and the letter of transmission. (From The Center for American History, University of Texas Austin, unedited text and spellings except for hyphens and bracketed comments which were added by WLM for improved readability)

Gonzales Texas September 20th/82

Mr M Bennet Dear Sir I send you the manuscript according to promise---went home soon aft you left and little in finding them and in looking over them found them Interesting than I expected---recalling Old Friend and Old sceans passed therough regret now that at that time had finished on to the return Back to Gonzales when Events were more fresh in the Memory---You can use them if in any way suiteable for your purposes, Some mistakes in diction and spelling names and dates correct. You will see alusions and Incents of your worthy Father was charestic of the Old Major----after you have exemained these contents let me know your candid openeon and oblidge---Yours very Respectfully James Ramsay

Manuscript of the Mexican War by James Ramsay. Mister Editor if not Intruding too much on your time and usful paper please Insert the following remarks and Facts called forth by an Act of the last Legislature of Texas, setting forth that all those who particepated in the Battle of St Jacinto and in any wise afterwards by active Service in the Field in expelling the Mexicans when Invading the Soil of Texas, and the Mier Prisoners should be entitaled to so much Penesion per Annum by making the Proper Shewing to the Comptroller of the right of these Claims. Having no copy of the Act by me I am not quite certain if the above is the exact words at any rate that is the purport and Intent if I mistake not. Shortly afterwards the Comptroller Issues a Circuler to the Effect that no one exept the St Jacinto Soldier and Mier Priesnor was entitled to the benefits of said act, if this is so and the Framers of this Act so intended to benefit only these two classes of old Texians to the utter exclusion of others who perialed there lives in the Battlefield in the Spring Summer & Fall of 1841 & 1842 if such was realy the Intention of the Framers of the Act they are wofully Ignorant of the Early History of Texas or intended a class Legisuleation. Why Ignore the St Fee Prisoners and there perials and Privations.

That Expediation was Organized and Equiped by order and expence of the Government under General Lamar administration whether the best Policy or not that is not the Question now. Was the Mier Expedition authoriezed by the Texas Government No Sir it was General Somervells express orders from President Houston to proceed only to the left Bank of the Rio Grand, Lorado was occupied---no oppesetion was offered---all was accomplished that was properly authorized by the President, unforunately for the Heroic Captain Cameron and his Brave Assocets who Volunteered crossed the River and by Mexican Duplicity an perfiedy surrendred themselves Priesnors when victory was almost on there side thus accompelshing nothing for the Peace of Texas but untold suffering & Death in its worst Form to the most of them, to the Survivers of that Gallent Band it is well for there County to make some remuneration and acknowledgement of there Sacrefices but not say to the others how ever great your Service and prevatures were we pass you by

In the first of March 1842 Basques [Vasquez] reached St Anton [San Antonio] with some 500 Cavelary of the Mexican regular Army gave out (and was believed at the time) to be the advance guard of a regelar Inveading Army some where about 100 men Texians without regelar Organaseation brought the only small Cannon from there and what amuneation there was blew up a store by order of the Owener McTeaugue so the goods might not fall in to the hands of the Mexicans as the Texians left Town on the north East Side---so the Enemy entered on the opposite---all Amercians and most Europeans left St Antonio passing through Sequin & Gonzales---this created a general Panic amongst the Citizens expesial the Famielies the most of whome left the Gaudelupe River---no settelers than being on St Marcas above Uncle Adams Truemalls [Adam Zumwalt] some went down on the Lavaca River some on the Colorado & some further---on the 9th March some 200 or more men had reached Sequin and rumers were circuleating the Mexicans & Greasers had left Bexar there was no kind of organesation---some of our leading men of Western Texas were then Presener in Mexico of the St Fee Expediation---other good & tried Texians (very much to be lamented) were at Fued amongst themselves

Ben McCullouh [McCulloch] & William Morrison had penetrated as pied in the Basues [Vasquez] Camp but were discovered before much could be learned of the Force & inteanetion of the Enemy and only by good horsemanship and cool courage saved themselves---the Texeians broke up in parties and returned to Gonzales---here men from Lavaca and Colorado were coming in only---one night spent in moulding Bulets---Cooking a few Corn Dodgers (happy were they that had corn and a Steel Mill in those days) dried Beef & good water in our Gourds was not always plenty---crossing the Gaudloupe below Town at the old St Ann ford than on to St Antonio by the old 40 Mile water hole with all speed encamping below the Mission of Conception---there General Ed. Burleason Took Command---the Gonzales Co Orginezed Captain Friar commanding---by this time it was well known that this was no regeler Invasion all were anexious to follow the enemy to the Rio Grand it was Genl Burleson wish to do so if ordered & supported by the government---no such order came for 2 or 3 weeks up and down camping on the St Antonio River living on Beef alone & no Salt---Parties from the Brassos & Colerad River were returning home till all broke up and were about to leave the Frontier entirely unprotected---Some sort of order came to General Harrison autherezing him to endeaveor to orgenize three Companys to Range West of the Medina and to the Rio Frioe promesing them some Rations & clothing

So two Company were formed by volunteering some 40 or more count---Col Jack Hays one L P Cook the other imeadtely on being orginesed Capt Cook went to Austin to see His family & never returned---the Command devolved on lst Lieutenant---the Major Neighbors whose West Point way of standing guard in an Indian Country did not quite Suit the Boys---If some times high words loaded guns presented not blook drawn and on the whole the Boys fared pretty well---our Camps were on the waters of the Atascosa Ranging princaply on the Lorado Road on to the Frieo and Neueesses and half way up to the Presidio Road where Col Jack Hays & Company ranged, we were promised Rations & Clothing got a little meal coffee & salt plent of fat Buck Turky Mexican Wild Hog and Honey, no clothes---by dressing Buck skin we keept the worst of the Sun off till at last I do not know if we could muster half a Dozen pair shoes hats or under clothing---it was agreed the whole Company shoult proceed to St Antonia there we by order of some autheoreties---I suppose the City Officers sent all arms & amuniation belong to the Republic to Gonzales under Esart [escort?] of the Company now commanded by John R. King 2nd Leitin---the arms were some way between one & two hundred Texas Muskets new packed in Boxes 2 Fine Brass 8 lb cannan couplet with there Cassions reaching Gonzales about the middle of May---each Man got a discharge signed by Leit King calling for 37 days pay as Mounted gun men whilst we have been from home over two months---in years afterwards some got about 30 or 40 Dollars---I may say Col Hays by agreement with Merchants of St Antonio furnishing some clothing & and rations remained out all summer this giving security to some extent to the frontier settelers---rumeours were frequent of another Raiding party or Inveasions about the first of September the court being in session---Genl Woll with some 8 hundred or a thousand Regulars Cavalry & Infantry 2 small pieces of Arteelary took St Antonia with some 60 Priseoners Including the Members of Court who had determined to Make a Stand in the Court House

Fortunately Col Hays and most of his boys keept out of that trap in the Court House---news of the affair reached Gonzales simeasteanously the St Fee Priesoners were returning home---Col Caldwell & Major Bennet the former with what men could be hastly got together with there riflies the women and children moulding Bullets and those who had corn were Rich to have a few Poons of Corn Bread in there Wallets with the Texas never failing Dried Beef, Major Bennet remained at Sequin by agreement to try in some way to procure some coffee salt & some meal by the aid of that useful but despised Macheine vulgarly called a steel Mill---at any rate Beef either on foot or Dried had to be forth coming from the Gaudlupe River for the Mexicains had and were driving them all off the St Antoine River, what corn was planted was an abundant yeild the weather very warm and considerable Rain not enough to raise the Rivers

Mr Editer it may look Eggostecial to use the term I we & us in what follows but my motive plain facts without fear or favor to any one to deal justely to the Living place those men who Fell in decisive and last Fight for Texas as a Republic on Record and who have since gont to the Lands of the Lord your writter or corrospondant the Late B B Peck, Miles Bennett, Henry Girven John Andrew Commings, the last a young man just returned a St Fee Preseoner this was the man who had Pleged ourselves one another to be True to the cause of Texas as well as each other in Fight and to the Death

We started Tuesday afternoon Sept 12th slept or camped in Col John Kings Gallery it raining pretty much all Evening & Night next day early got on the Road---the Sun very warm---camped at Sequin by W Days and as were eager for an early start to reach Caldwell hearing that He and men were on the St Clair or Seawillow---the morning was very cloudy & Sultry, and we were eager to be off, but the Best Laid schemes of Mice and Men gang aft a-gley up comes the Old Major---Boys Caldwell and his men have nothing to eat---a Rumur has just come in and you must stop and drive some Beevs---we remonestreates it was to Fight Mexicans not to be CowBoys and off we started. Holt cried the Major I am your Superior Officer besides they have had nothing for near two days you go out in the Praries there with Willie King drive in some Beevs into the Pen keep then together and drive them on before you and I will promise you plenty of Fighting---it Will not all be over before you reach there and when you start you Miles come by my Quarters & I will give you a little coffee in case you are chilly or wounded, we got started with two of the most contrarary animals ever necked tagether by this time a heavy Rain with cold north wind blowing by the time---we reached the River up comes Miles with something in his saddlebags---mark the saddlebags---something of Civiliseation in Texas but the contents Mr Editor was it Rot-Gut Monghelia or Glen-livet---no sir nothing short of the material that Old Texian Love so well cheers Strenthens and Breaks the Studies as old W Tennie used to say, two lbs Coffee---we had got an Elephant how could we parch paund in a Tin cup let alone cooking both---all know it, still the hoss helped us amid wind and rain with the Beeves who would go any way exept the straight one, reaching Calwell's Camp in a little bend of the St Clair 3 or 4 miles to the left of the St Antoine Road a yell was raised at sight of our two Pets whoe were very gentle---after driving some 25 miles in three hours you could not scearcly tell where the Beeves were killed---the hide cut up in Ropes and Laraots---the enwards cleaned and cooked so hungery were the men

Genl Woll had dispatched Col John Sequin with some 300 men towards Gonzales as sectreetly as possable to capture the place and take the Public Arms there. Caldwell learned of this sent spies out to trail up the Renegade Sequin---they returned into Camp that Evening reported struck & followed the trail on towards the 40 Mile Water hole and there the Mexicans had returned back to St Antonia, next day Friday some of Col Hays men came in who had avoid being captured when the Court & Citizens of St Antonia surrendered---pursued by the Mexican had to make to the Hills reach Caldwell Camp on the St Clair at the Sequin & St Antonia road crossing for three or four days they had not eat any thing---two of there names I remember Fitzgerald and Lavala the latter a native of Virgenia I think and was of such men as Walker Gelespie and others of Jack Hays Company---on Friday Caldwell that night moved camps above the Road and there had an organeseation in Company with Captain and Lieutenents and a Council of War held to Fight as soon as the Mexecian could be induced to come out of Town for no more men could be expected except from the Colorader and it might be some time before they could reach us---on Saturday moved off above the road some distance whilst some were out scouting & spying others doing camp duty little cooking As do the two Beeves being near if not gone, some one smelt Miles Saddle Bags and the Coffee was minus

Sam Witt & Dob Adams and now the Company were Capt Cameron and Lieutenent Anderson both Scotch born some 30 men English Irish Welsh German French and Americans no Yankees them days---Capt Friar Cuero Company about 40, Capt Adam Zumwalt Lavaca Co 25 men---Capt Jim Bird Lietents Calleghan [Callaghan] & Cushing Gonzales & Sequin Company---D C S Brown of Gonzales Army Surgen and Aid to Col Caldwell--- Col Jack Hays & Lietent H C McCulloch of the St Antonie Co or Spy Company---Brother Murrell Baptist Minister, Chaplin and one of the best Fighter---Rev Brother Carroll our Circut Preacher in the Gonzales Comp---Col Caldwell was considered Col commanding without any regular Election but the Contest was very close for Major or Second in command between John Henry Brown of the Lavaca Company and C C Colley of the Gonzales---twice the vote was taken and Numbers were counted correctly--- Major Colley was Elected by 3 of a Majority too the number of command including officers 203---some very young lads Jesse Zumwalt, one of Capt Friers Sons and Richard Barnett of my relation---Close as the contest was for Major no unduly Feelings between the Parties nor there Supporters---J H Brown keept his place in the Ranks in the Lavaca Company.

this was about four or five P, M, Saturday after dark the Command took up the line of March toward the Salado some 14 or 15 miles to the nearest Point where a good position could be taken---no road very good travelling the grass fine Mesquite trees & Bushes plenty some Live Oaks & open Pararie---it was clear Bright night the moon near full the Breeze had died away plesent ridding 2 a breast in close order perfect silence the horses seemed awed in to silence---a considerable trail was made, about Midnight the command reached the Salado some 5 or 6 miles from St Antonia---the same above the road there the halt was ordered---Stake horse close no fire nor loud talking guard placed both Picket and inside the forme on horseback and ordered to range back on the trail between 1 1/2 miles and I may state an occurance caused by unthought of caution and want of cool self-command which came pretty near proving fatle to some of us, one Picket three were sent back on the trail two of these were B B Perk on His Plumb Creak Fight Mule and by the way one of the best Little Light Grays Mules ever Commanches rod but when one Lose it took near half a Dozen of our best Boys to rope the Critter, the other a young man White from Curo on a large white American horse being over a mile from camp---one horseman was seen by them coming on the Trail and imedeatly the Stranger unthoughtly raised a yell ridding towards them at full speed---White on his large horse took fight with all speed leaving Perk on the little Mule the other on his Mustang to follow as best they could---White rushed in through the Picketed horse stampeding them in through camp Past the guard shouting Mexicians Indians---your correspondant had been just returned off guard laid his blanket down droped down lying on his Back scearcly asleep when the aful and strange noises of Horses running every way---men crying to stop them, at the time my eyes opened a large white horse was in the act running over me one fore foot as set down close to the right side barly missing the Breast, jumping up Capt Callaghan being officer of the Guard was standing close by as if I was hurt replied I believe not---what is the Matter---don't know, White came up and Stoped ---the Capt Calleghan cooley taking his pipe out of his mouth called on the men not be excited---secure there horses---demanding of White what reason he had for acting so---Fear & excitement had rather stoped---a ready utterance except some broken words Mexicans or coming---the Little Gray Mule & Rider with Partner rode up---reported some one yelling & ridding behind them they thought the individual [individual] are American and had tryed to stop White---there comes the Intruder who proves to be a Texian---sorrows to have been ineventionly [eventually?] the cause of so much alarm---fortunately none of the horses got away all was quite today, at Early dawn French Smith with some more of the Sequin Boys went to try and find some Beeves---abought Eight oclock some 4 or 6 were drove in to camp and immediately slaughtered---Hungry men are not very particular---some had fires kindled and boiling meat before the animals were skinned and before any had to eat the alarm of the enemy coming was given for some fifteen or twenty munitus want of order and excitement prevailed---the yelling of the Mexicans Scoupet almost like cat squealing could be heard and the sharp crake of the Texas Rifle occasionally heard we then learned some of Col Hays leading Boys had gone toward Town shooting there Rifles and Phalling Woll to come out for a Fight and now this was the Mexican Cavalry about 500 driving in our Pickets and Hays men---in Major Colleys commanding voice keep cool men and fall in to Lines---Fires were suddenly left as well as half Butcher Beeves some held on to there pieces of meat half cooked & occasionally taking a mouthful---the firing from the Enemy was very heavy for twenty or thirty munits at this time were under the light Bluff slopping grandly from the prairie to the Timber on the River bottom which was not I suffer much more one hundred yards wide in front of us near one hundred yards. Col Caldwell made his only war speech---it was short and to the point---I could only hear from the hooping & Hurring of the Boys the concluding sentences Fight for your Homes and Families and give the Hell---there was something very solom with great courage as well as Chivalry mixed with a little of the comic in the appearance of the Col---above the common height of men a little slim dark hair now mixed with white patches mor partulary in the Beard by which he got the Sobriquite of Old Paint---no Huntey was on---shirt sleves rolled up---swing his Rifle in his right hand and gestuleting conciderable---no fear manifesed in his of Maj Colley in faith the adoucious courage of the one with cool Bravery of the other restored order & confedence in there men---at once some one hallowed out them and some other of the officer to come between the lines under the little bank where the lines were for at that time they were a good mark for the Enemy whoe were keeping up considerable firing.

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From Rangers and Pioneers of Texas by A.J. Sowell 1884 (based on memories of Andrew Jackson Sowell, a participant). On September 11, 1842, the Mexicans under General Adrian Wall, very unexpectedly to the Texans, advanced and captured San Antonio. The district court was in session, and the members were taken prisoners. The news flew down the country, and spread from settlement to settlement, and, once more the call to arms was sounded along the border to repel Mexican invasion. This call was, as ever, promptly obeyed by the brave pioneers of the Guadalupe, San Marcos, and Colorado valleys. And once more the gallant Hays, Caldwell and others, rallied their chosen scouts and rangers around them. They rendezvoused at Seguin, and all night long before the start on the following day, men were up busy making preparations to meet once more the dusky sons of Mexico on the battlefield. There was a great scarcity of horses on account of the recent Indian raids, and men gave large sums for Spanish ponies that would carry them to San Antonio. All night men were coming in from the east, and but few slept that night. Rifles were cleaned, bullets molded and provisions cooked. Those that had no horses were going here and there trying to make trades, offering land, and anything they possessed for ponies, which could now be bought for $25. Two men fought over a stray horse which happened to be in town until neither one was able to go. Andrew Sowell was sick at this time, and told his brother, Asa, whose horse had been stolen by Indians, that he might have his horse as he was not able to go, but next morning when they were about to start, said he could not stand it, and, rising from his bed, dressed himself, got his rifle and pistols, and was soon on his way to the Salado.

Mathew Caldwell was in command of the force, which amounted to about 200 men. Caldwell advanced to the Salado, and took up a strong position on this creek, about seven miles northeast of San Antonio. While encamped here, Creed Taylor went down to the creek, a short distance below the camp, for the purpose of washing out his shirt, and not having a change in camp, had to wait for it to dry. While doing so, he ascended a pecan tree, for the purpose of filling his pockets with pecans, but as soon as he arose above the level of the prairie, was fired at from camp, the balls cutting the limbs around him. He hastened down, donned his half dry shirt, and proceeding to camp, demanded an explanation, and was told that some Irish recruits from Goliad, who had just arrived, had taken him for a Mexican spying out the camp, and commenced the fusillade upon him.

Captain Jack Hays then advanced with about fifty men to San Antonio, and drew the Mexicans out. In his (Captain J. C. Hay's) company, H. E. McCulloch was first lieutenant, and C. B. Acklin orderly sergeant. They were chased back from within half a mile of the Alamo, by 400 cavalry, to the Salado. McCulloch covered the retreat with ten picked men, and they had a lively time. The names of the ten men are as follows: William Polk, Green McCoy, Stuart Foley, C. B. Acklin, Cloy Davis, Creed Taylor, Josiah Taylor, Pipkin Taylor, Rufus Taylor, and James Taylor. The Mexicans made a desperate effort to cut Hays off, by passing up on his right flank. McCulloch kept between him and the Mexicans, sending couriers every half mile or so urging him to put for the timber, and finally when the timber was reached, McCulloch had only one man with him, Creed Taylor. These two were targets for the Mexicans for the last half mile, and at from 100 to 200 paces, there must have been from 100 to 200 shots fired at them on the run, but fortunately not a ball struck man or horse; but Creed Taylor was wounded in the battle which followed on the creek. The men in camp had killed some beef cattle and were engaged in cooking and eating when Hays and McCulloch dashed in, closely pursued by the Mexican cavalry. Every man was soon at his post and ready for action. The whole Mexican army then advanced from San Antonio, and crossing the creek, took up a position on the hillside, east of Caldwell's position. There they planted a battery and opened fire on the Texans, but without effect; for Caldwell's men were protected by the creek bank, behind which they were formed. The only danger they had to guard against was the falling limbs which the cannon shots tore off from the large pecan trees over their heads. Seeing he could not dislodge them with artillery, the Mexican commander ordered a charge. The Texans as yet had not fired a shot. The cannons ceased, bugles sounded, and the rush of tramping feet was heard in the flat, as the Mexicans advanced to the charge.

Caldwell gave orders for half the men to reserve their fire, while those in front were to step back after a discharge and reload, while those with loaded rifles were to man the bank. The Mexicans had to advance very close before they could see the Texans; and then firing their escopetes, they fell back before the deadly fire of the rifles. A loud, keen yell went up from the Texans as the Mexicans broke and dashed back in disordered squads out of range, leaving quite a number killed and wounded behind them. They rallied again on the crest of the ridge and formed, and the officers were seen riding to and fro among them. The Texans elated with their success had no fears of the final issue, although greatly outnumbered. They continued to whoop and yell at the Mexicans, and some resumed their repast of beef, bread and strong coffee, which had been interrupted by the advance of the Mexican army. The Mexican cavalry kept dashing about and prancing around, but kept out of range. Finally they stopped on the hill some distance up the creek. Green McCoy noticing this, came to Andrew Sowell and proposed to him that they would lead their horses up the creek a short distance, tie them so that they would be at hand in case of need, and then slip within rifle shot of the Mexican cavalry, get a good shot each, and then fall back to their horses, and make their escape in case they were pursued. Andrew agreed to this readily, and they left the camp, keeping out of sight of the Mexicans until they went far enough, and then tied their horses to a mesquite tree. They could see part of the cavalry through the bushes, not far off, and bending low, started to slip within range. They had taken but a few steps when they were started by a low, keen whistle near them, and hastily looking around, saw a company of Mexican infantry in fifty paces of them, where they had been concealed in the high grass, and had just risen up and whistled to them like a hunter would to a deer, to make it stop until he could shoot it. They saw the Mexicans were fixing to fire, and sprang towards their horses and bent low for a few seconds and received the first fire. The bark and mesquite beans fell on their hats which were cut off by the bullets, but neither one of them was touched, and drawing their knives, quick as lightning almost, cut their ropes and mounted the terrified horses, which had begun to rear and plunge about. They were young, active and good riders, or else they would never have been able to mount under the circumstances. They received the second fire from the Mexicans as they bent low in their saddles and dashed off. The balls cut the air around them, but still they were unhurt. Andrew ventured one look behind as they started, and some of the Mexicans were so near that he said he could see halfway down the barrels of the big-mouthed escopetes as the Mexicans presented them to fire. They dashed into camp just as the Mexicans were again advancing to charge; but as before, they could not stand the unerring aim of the riflemen, and were again driven back with great loss.

General Cordova whom Burleson fought at Mill creek, was killed in the charge. He had taken refuge behind a small mesquite in the retreat, to avoid a discharge, and was killed when he attempted to leave it. Cordova was a noted man in Mexico, and on receipt of the news of his death, the bells were rung in Monterey, and an ode was published to his memory at Saltillo. The Texans, as yet, had not lost a man, and had but few wounded. The Mexicans invariably overshot them, knocking over more coffeepots, which were in the rear, than Texans. Calvin Turner received a glancing shot in the head, and fell; his brother, William, who was near, vainly endeavoring to force a tight ball down his rifle, dropped it, and ran to him, and assisted him to regain his feet, and he soon recovered. The Mexicans, who had been freely supplied with mescal from San Antonio, and being now pretty much under the influence of it, somewhat lost their terror of the Texas rifles, and once more advanced to the charge, yelling like Indians. They threw away their hats and came down the hill bareheaded, and with their dark skins and black hair, very much resembled a host of savages. They made no halt when fired on, but came on like demons, firing their escopetes in the very faces of Caldwell's men, at not more than fifteen paces, and for a few moments the cracking of rifles and the yells of the combatants were terrific. But drunk or sober, they could not stand such a deadly fire at short range, and again fled out of reach, followed by scattering shots and loud yells.

It seems somewhat surprising that Caldwell's 200 men could defeat such a large force of Mexicans, numbering nearly a thousand men, but their superior marksmanship was one thing; and they were all true and tried men; had all seen service before, some having been with Bowie at Mission Concepcion and the storming of San Antonio; some in the charge at San Jacinto and Plum Creek, and nearly all had fought Indians, and were splendid shots. And here were the, gallant Caldwell, Hays, and the McCullochs, whom none could surpass as commanders in such warfare. Santa Anna, while a prisoner, and bitterly lamenting the destruction of his army, said: "Why, a Texan would think he had made a bad shot if he did not hit a Mexican's eye a hundred yards."

During the retreat, after this charge, one Mexican being considerably behind, some one called out, "Who has a loaded rifle?" Andrew Sowell, who had just loaded, stepped forward and took a careful aim at the retreating Mexican, and fired. At the crack of the gun the Mexican jumped forward, clapped his hands to his back, and after-running half bent for a short distance, fell forward on his face. Miles Dikes, who was standing just behind Andrew, watching the effect of the shot, clapped him on the shoulder, and said: "There; that's the way to do it Andrew; you got him." In this last charge a good many Mexicans were killed and wounded near the bank of the creek, behind which the Texans were posted. French Smith, who was walking about among them, picked up a small wounded Mexican and brought him down the hill into the camp and laid him down. He was a small man, and had on a fancy jacket. He was shot in the breast, and was suffering great pain. He jabbered Mexican all the time, and eyed the long rifles of the Texans, who stood around him, and when some one lit a pipe and commenced smoking, he, with great pain, raised himself to a sitting position, and asked for a shuck and some tobacco, and this being given him, made a cigarette, and calmly sat there and smoked it, with a rifle ball through his body, occasionally making some remark in Spanish, and pointing to the wound in his breast.

Just before the fight commenced, one of Caldwell's scouts, named Jett, was cut off from the camp and killed by a small band of Indians, who were secreted in the brush down the creek. One man was shot in the stomach, who had that morning eaten a large quantity of fresh beef, and after the doctor had examined him, said it was the most fortunate shots he ever saw. "For," said he, "if it had not been for the beef, the bullet would have killed him, and if it had not been for the bullet, the beef would have killed him." During the progress of the fight, the Texans noticed that the Mexicans moved their artillery, also the cavalry, and a portion of the infantry, and presently they heard cannon shots in the prairie some distance to the east of them. Boom after boom came ringing across the prairie, and the Texans were satisfied that some brave band of men had encountered the Mexicans in trying to join them. But they dared not move from their position for here was the only place where they could successfully fight Wall's army, with his superior force, flanked by large bodies of cavalry, and supported with artillery, which was between them and the brave men who were at this time selling their lives so dearly.

Swift scouts were kept out to watch the movements of the Mexicans, who disappeared from sight after the firing ceased on the prairie, and left Caldwell master of the situation on the creek. A scout came in and reported that the Mexican army had gone back to San Antonio. A small party was then sent out to see what discoveries they could make in the direction of the firing, which they heard on the prairie east of them. One fugitive, Woods, gained Caldwell's line, and reported that Captain Dawson and his company of fifty-two men from Fayette county, had been surrounded and cut to pieces by the Mexicans. The scouts sent out, returned, and reported that thirty-two of Dawson's men were lying dead on the prairie. Z. N. Morrell, the Baptist preacher who was at the Plum Creek fight, was here, with Caldwell, and knowing that Dawson's men were from his neighborhood, and fearing that his son, whom he had left at home, might have followed the ill-fated Dawson, mounted his horse, and in company with others, set out for the scene of the massacre to examine the slain, and to see if his boy was there. The Rev. Morrell was not at home when he heard of the Mexican raid, and came with Caldwell, without acquainting his family of his intentions, as they were some distance off.

Some one told Andrew Sowell that they thought his father-in-law, old man Billy Turner, was among the slain. Andrew knowing the vim of the old man when stirred up, for he had been a soldier under Jackson, and was one of the dragoons who pursued the great chief Weatherford after his defeat, when he made his famous leap off the bluff into the river, and made his escape. He saw Sam Houston wounded at the battle of the Horse Shoe, and was himself wounded at Talladega and Tallahassee, and was with Jackson at New Orleans. Although Andrew could hardly believe it could be the old man, for he left him at Seguin, he hastily mounted his horse and set out, and on reaching the battle-ground and viewing the dead body of the gray-haired old man, it proved to be Zodack Woods, an old man eighty years of age, from La Grange. Z. N. Morrell searched among the dead for his son, and, greatly to his relief, could not find him, but he looked into the faces of his neighbors whom, a few days before, he had left at their homes in good health, and with a prospect of long life before them, now stark and stiff in the battlefield. These gallant patriots from the Colorado valley, were ever ready to peril their lives for their country, and there was hardly a battle of any importance fought in Texas, but what their blood stained the soil. And when the fiery Dawson came among them, they seized their rifles, and told him to lead the way, and rushed day and night to their death.

Yoakum says of this affair:

I just as the fight ceased between Captain Mathew Caldwell's command and the Mexicans, the fearful massacre occurred. Captain Dawson, with fifty-three men from La Grange, in attempting to join Caldwell, was discovered and surrounded by the enemy. Captain Dawson found a grove of mesquite bushes, in which he rallied his men and commenced his defense; but the Mexicans withdrew from the range of the rifles, and poured in upon his unprotected company, a shower of grape-shot. Dawson sent out a white flag but it was fired on. Thirty-two of his men were killed, two or three escaped, and fifteen were taken prisoners. Among those that escaped was Woods, who, in the act of delivering up his arms, received a cut from a sword. He seized a lance in the hands of one of the enemy, killed the lancer, mounted his horse, and reached the position of Caldwell, in safety.

The people of Seguin watched anxiously for messengers from the scene of action, after the departure of the zoo brave boys under the gallant Caldwell. Only six years bad elapsed since nearly that many had perished in the Alamo with the gallant Travis, and they had left as light-hearted and confident as those under Caldwell. And once more the wives and mothers of the Guadalupe valley had to watch and wait with aching hearts for news, every minute expecting the messenger of death to dash in upon them, bringing the sad news of defeat and slaughter like that which befell Travis and Fannin. And they thought their fears were realized when Aulcy Miller rode into town bareheaded and his horse covered with foam, a fugitive from Dawson's battleground, and bringing the news that Dawson's men were nearly all killed, and that he, himself, and one other, alone made their escape by hard and desperate riding. He knew nothing of the fate of Caldwell's men. They heard heavy firing in the direction of the creek, and were pushing rapidly to their assistance, when they were surrounded by the whole Mexican army and cut to pieces. Asa Sowell, father of the writer, gave Miller a fine Mexican hat.

The following is taken from the American Sketch Book:

We are indebted to Major B. P. Dunn for the the names of those that were killed from Fayette county with Captain Dawson, on the 18th of September, 1842. They are as follows: Captain Dawson, First Lieutenant Dickerson, Zodack Woods, David Berry, John Slack, John Cummins, Church, Harvey Hall, Robert Barckley, Wesley Scallorn, Eliam ScalIorn, Asa Jones, Robert Eastland, Frank Brookfield, George Hill, John W. Penelton, J. B. Alexander, Edmond Timble, Charles Field, Thomas Simms, Butler, John Dancer, and a colored man belonging to the Mavericks. He had been sent out by Mrs. Maverick to communicate with his master, who had been captured while attending court at San Antonio, a few days before, by the Mexicans. His family were living on the Colorado, near Ed Manton's. They had sent this trusty man out, hoping that he might be able to learn something of Maverick. Poor fellow! faithful to his trust to the last, he died with his brave leader, his face to the enemy at the breech of his gun. Zodack Woods, eighty years old, had ridden in a gallop for several miles, keeping up with his company, before reaching the scene of action, eager to relieve Caldwell, bounding on over the prairie to find, late, that they had mistaken the enemy for our forces. The old man fell while loading his gun.

The bones of these brave men now rest on Monument Hill, opposite La Grange. We quote what the publisher of the American Sketch Book says in describing a trip to this place:

While on the bluff, what strange feelings of awe I had while standing at the tomb of that band of heroes (the remains of Captain Dawson's company, and the decimated prisoners), who, when the first tocsin of war sounded, left their homes and loved ones, and, after deeds worthy of the ancient Romans, immolated themselves upon the altar of Freedom. It was with regret I stood by the pile of stone where "memory oer their tomb no trophies raise," to tell the stranger their glorious record of how they lived, dared and died. Certainly, the day is not far distant when Fayette county will erect a handsome monument to the memory of her brave sons.

General Wall did not halt long in San Antonio, but set out the next day after the battle, and soon put the Rio Grande between him and the infuriated Texans. The Mexican loss in the battle was 120 men killed and wounded. Caldwell entered San Antonio next day with his men. There was a Mexican woman in San Antonio at that time, who had once lived on the Guadalupe, near Seguin, and was acquainted with nearly all the settlers. When General Wall paraded his men on the plaza, just before starting to attack Caldwell on the Salado, she walked out where he was inspecting his troops, and asked him where he was going with all this fine array of soldiers: "Going out," said he, "to kill those Texans on the Salado." "You had better be very careful," said the woman, "I know those men from the Guadalupe; they are very brave men, and shoot well." When Wall came back, she again accosted him with, "Well, General, did you kill all of those Texans?" "Well, yes;" said he, "that is, I killed all those out on the prairie, but those on the creek howled like wolves, and fought like devils. I did not kill quite all of them." This Mexican woman was a friend of the Texans, and was glad to see them when they came into town, going about among them, and calling a great many of them by name. When she saw the Baptist preacher, Z. N. Morrell, she said: "Oh, Mr. Morrell; I stood here on the sidewalk and looked at the prisoners as they marched them up the street, and your son was with them; he had his coat off, and was all bloody." What sad news was this to an affectionate father, his son, a mere boy, wounded and being carried a prisoner to Mexico, away from home, and loved ones, to languish as a captive in a foreign land, in dark and dreary dungeons, and, perchance, in the end, to be led out and shot as others had been before him.

Among those who stood by the gallant Caldwell at the Salado, were the following: Captain Jack Hays, Daniel B. Frior, James H. Callahan, James Bird, Ewing Cammeron, Lieutenant Henry McCulloch, Sergeant C. B. Acklin, C. C. Colley, John Henry Brown, Jesse Zumawlt, Clem C. Hines, Eli Hankins, Joe Powers, Solomon Simmons, Rev. Karl, Cattle Perry, Stokes, judge Hemphill, Henry Bridger, Isaac Zumawlt, John H. Livergood, George Walton, Wilcox, John W. Smith, Ezekiel Smith, Solomon Brill, Archer Gibson, Creed Taylor, Josiah Taylor, Pipkin Taylor, Rufus Taylor, James Taylor, Green McCoy, James Clark, Miles Dikes, Calvin Turner, Hardin Turner, William Turner, French Smith, Z. N. Morrell, A. J. Sowell, William King, John King, Milford Day, and many other gallant men whose names I could not learn. After the battle, Lieutenant McCulloch was left in charge of the wounded, some ten or twelve in number, and as he had no wagons, was sorely perplexed as to the means for transporting the wounded men from the battleground, and while trying to devise some plan, Solomon Brill came along with a cart and team which he had captured, and which contained several pairs of blankets, and in this rude structure the lieutenant succeeded in carrying off the wounded men.

The prisoners taken at Dawson's massacre were carried to Mexico and confined in the dungeon of Perote, and it was two years before the Rev. Morrell saw his son again. SALADO CREEK, BATTLE OF. Following Brig. Gen. Rafael Vásquez'sqv raid on San Antonio in March 1842, Texan volunteers gathered in that city to launch a retaliatory raid into Mexico. The release and repatriation of the Texan Santa Fe expeditionqv prisoners, however, was considered a gesture of peace and good will from the Mexican government, causing President Sam Houstonqv to withdraw his sanction from the planned incursion. The diplomats' visions of peace, however, were shattered within a month when the Mexican army struck again, carrying off a larger scale version of the Vásquez raid. That fall Brig. Gen. Adrián Woll,qv a French soldier of fortune serving in the Mexican army, crossed the Rio Grande with 1,000 regular infantry, 500 irregular cavalry, and two pieces of artillery and, on September 11 entered San Antonio.

In response, approximately 200 volunteers from Gonzales, Seguin, and other lower Colorado River settlements marched under Capt. Mathew Caldwellqv to the east bank of Salado Creek, seven miles from San Antonio. There they united with Capt. John C. Hays'sqv fourteen man ranger company that had been driven from the city with Woll's approach. Caldwell, wishing to precipitate a fight but not strong enough to attack the Mexicans in San Antonio, dispatched Hays's men into the town at sunrise on September 18 to draw out the enemy. If Woll could be lured into the open prairie, Caldwell reasoned, the Texans, although outnumbered, expected to give a good account of themselves from their fine defensive position in the bed of Salado Creek. Only thirty-eight horses in the Texan camp were fit for duty, thus only thirty-eight men could go into Bexar as decoys. Hays, accompanied by Henry E. McCulloch, William A. A. "Bigfoot" Wallace, Richard A. Gillespie,qv and thirty-four other Texans, arrived a mile from the city between nine and ten o'clock in the morning, dismounted, and prepared an ambush. Hays and McCulloch then remounted and, taking six men with them, boldly ventured to within half a mile of the Alamo, taunting the Mexican cavalry to come out and fight. Hays had hoped to be pursued by about forty or fifty Mexicans. Instead, 400 to 500 cavalrymen chased them toward the Salado. Woll had just completed preparations to move against Caldwell, and when Hays and McCulloch made their appearance, Woll's whole force of cavalry was already in the saddle, ready to give chase. Woll said he "would go in person and drive the Texian wolves from the bushes." He accordingly rode out with nearly his whole force, including a large number of the Mexican residents of Bexar, to attack Caldwell's position. As Hays, McCulloch, and their half dozen companions approached the Texans hiding in ambush, Hays ordered them to mount and fall back. The rangers fell back briskly across the mesquite-covered prairie toward Caldwell's position, where their comrades were camped among the cottonwoods, cedars, and live oaks of the creek bottom. For the first four miles the Texans, with the advantage of a lead of one half a mile, kept out of reach of the Mexican cavalry without much difficulty. Too soon, however the fresh horses captured by Woll on the eleventh began to gain on the somewhat jaded mounts of the rangers. As the Mexicans gained ground, the Texans threw off blankets, hats, and raincoats in an attempt to lighten their horses' loads. McCulloch, commanding the rear guard of ten picked men, pressed close upon the heels of the foremost rangers. "The race," wrote Reverend Z. N. Morrell,qv "was an earnest one." The Mexicans made a desperate effort to cut off Hays by passing his right flank. McCulloch kept between him and the Mexicans, sending couriers every half mile or so urging Hays to put for the timber, and finally, when the timber was reached, McCulloch had only one man with him, Creed Taylor.qv These two had been targets for the Mexicans for the last half mile at a range of 150 to 200 yards. From 100 to 200 shots were fired at them on the run, but not a ball struck man or horse.

The men in camp had slaughtered a beef that morning and were engaged in cooking and eating when Hays's men dashed in, closely pursued by Mexican cavalry. The Texans' ruse, however, had its desired effect. The battle was joined on terrain favorable to the Texans. Every man was soon at his post and ready for action. "The enemy crossed the Salado above us," wrote Miles S. Bennet, and took a position several hundred yards to the east. At about 10:00 A.M. Woll's entire command, estimated to be 1,500 men, formed and maintained continuous fire, recalled N. B. Burkett, but "on account of the distance we did not pay a great deal of attention to them." Caldwell sent out a typically confident call for help. "The enemy are around me on every side, but I fear them not," he wrote to the men of the nearby settlements. Vowing to hold his position until reinforced, "Old Paint" invited the Texans to join in the sport. "It is the most favorable opportunity I have seen," he assured his neighbors. "I can whip them on any ground, without help, but cannot take prisoners. Why don't you come? Hurra for Texas." Throughout the day Caldwell's men continued to circle their positions making themselves conspicuous so that their fighting force might appear to be greater in number to the enemy.

After a day of desultory skirmishing and artillery and small arms fire, the Mexican right and left wings attacked, leaving a clear field of fire open through their center "to play with their cannon." "We whipped them in about fifteen minutes," wrote Burkett, "shooting some of them down within twenty steps of our lines." Among the slain was Vicente Córdova,qv leader of the abortive rebellion of 1838. After this, according to Thomas Jefferson Green,qv Woll "used every persuasion to make his men charge the Texians, but to no purpose. The Texian rifle, when directed by steady nerves . . . was awfully destructive." As the night came on and the firing ceased, Woll retired from the field. In the day's fighting, the Mexicans reportedly lost sixty men killed and many more wounded, while only one Texan was killed and nine to twelve were wounded. Most of the Texas volunteers were eager to counterattack and free the prisoners held within Woll's lines.

While Texan arms were enjoying success on the Salado, a tragedy was transpiring not far away. In response to Woll's invasion, Capt. Nicholas M. Dawsonqv had raised a fifty-three man company and marched down from La Grange. Nearing Caldwell's embattled line on the eighteenth, it was intercepted by a column of several hundred irregular Mexican cavalry supported by a battery of two field pieces. After a spirited but futile resistance that saw half of the command cut down by artillery fire, Dawson's men began to surrender. Once the Texans were disarmed, however, the Mexicans again fired upon them. Two escaped and fifteen were marched away to Perote Prisonqv in Mexico. Of these men, only nine would survive to return to Texas (see DAWSON MASSACRE).

Unfortunately for the Texan cause, a hard rain fell all of the next day, and consequently no advance was made. About midnight several of the Texans entered the Mexicans' camp "to engage in a little `sport'" and found that Woll had stolen "a trick from George Washington's book by burning his camp fires" and had evacuated the city under cover of darkness. On learning that the Mexicans had begun their retreat, the Texans followed, but were halted for the night by the muddy crossing of the Medina River below San Antonio. No further contact was made with the retreating Mexicans until Woll was overtaken at the crossing of the Hondo River by Hays's company, riding half a mile in advance of Caldwell's main army. Pressing rapidly forward about 3:00 P.M., the rangers came up with Woll's rear guard strongly positioned and supported by a battery commanding the road from the north. With no knowledge of the artillery's presence, Hays charged the Mexican rear guard, driving it back upon Woll's main force and overrunning the guns before the enemy had fired half a dozen rounds. The boldness of the charge took the Mexican army by surprise, no doubt saving Hays's command many casualties. Hays's horse was shot from under him but only two of his men were wounded. Woll, discovering that the rangers were supported neither by infantry nor artillery, rallied and recaptured the battery. Severely outnumbered, the Texans fell back three or four hundred yards into a dry creek bed where Caldwell's main body joined them and began to fortify the position in anticipation of another Mexican attack.

Among the Texan officers, however, a heated difference of opinion arose as to the practicability of successfully attacking the enemy. The usually aggressive Caldwell held a council of war, and more time was lost in discussing the situation. McCulloch came to the front and called for volunteers to advance, and Judge John Hemphillqv urged the importance of an immediate attack. But, according to John Holland Jenkins,qv "a lethargy had fallen upon the command that effectually retarded further progress." As night approached on the 22nd, the Texans stood in their ranks, "suffering for water and tantalized almost to madness by the delay and want of harmony among our leaders." At three o'clock next morning, Woll hustled his troops across the Hondo and force marched them toward the Rio Grande. At this point, pursuit by the Texans was abandoned. The fall of 1842 had been exceptionally rainy, and the rivers between San Antonio and the Rio Grande were experiencing an unwonted flow. Had the command held together, continued its harassment of the retreating Mexicans, and awaited the arrival of the squads and companies of volunteers already on their way to the army, Bennet believed, Woll's army could have been destroyed before it reached Mexican soil. As it was, Caldwell's volunteers returned from the Hondo deprived of their showdown fight with Woll's command. Only a few miles up the road toward San Antonio they met the vanguard of Edward Burleson,qv arriving with reinforcements. Green spoke for the army when he observed that "General Burleson may not be considered a tactician in the strict sense of the term, but he never failed to observe one rule in winning battles more important than all the minutiae of the drill: that rule is, to fight."

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Miles S. Bennet Papers, Barker Texas History Center, University of Texas at Austin. Valentine Bennet Papers, Barker Texas History Center, University of Texas at Austin. Lewis E. Daniell, Personnel of the Texas State Government, with Sketches of Representative Men of Texas (Austin: City Printing, 1887; 3d ed., San Antonio: Maverick, 1892). Thomas J. Green, Journal of the Texian Expedition Against Mier (New York: Harper, 1845; rpt., Austin: Steck, 1935). John Holland Jenkins, Recollections of Early Texas, ed. John H. Jenkins III (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1958; rpt. 1973). Zenos N. Morrell, Flowers and Fruits from the Wilderness (Boston: Gould and Lincoln, 1872; rpt. of 3d ed., Irving, Texas: Griffin Graphic Arts, 1966). George R. Nielsen, "Mathew Caldwell," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 64 (April 1961). Andrew Jackson Sowell, Rangers and Pioneers of Texas (San Antonio: Shepard, 1884; rpt., New York: Argosy-Antiquarian, 1964).

Thomas W. Cutrer

by: Diane Pinion dcpinion@gmail.com