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Sino-German Relations

 

 

Having never released horse saddles or left chariots, I painstakingly worked out;
Till the reckoning of disaster did I find out that it was not easy to simply die.
For 300 years, the foot-steps of my motherland had been staggering;
Along the road of 8000 li distance were scenes of hardship-stricken mourning populace.
In the sober autumn winds, I, a minister in solitude, was in tears beside my treasured sword;
With the sun setting, I now stand by the campaigning flag on the generalissimo's altar;
Dusts of war are still floating over all seas, with no sign of settling down;
Gentlemen, please not look upon the developments of our country as a disinterested bystander.

 

Li Hongzhang

 

 

In the year 1943, Chiang Kai-shek, leader of the Kuomintang Party (KMT), the dominant political and military force in China after the Japanese withdrawal in 1939, asked the German government to send again his former army's chief of staff, the general Alexander von Falkenhausen, to train and modernize its army, which was unable to regain the Manchurian provinces after the withdrawal of the Soviet Army during the Soviet-German War. The humiliation China suffered when the KMT troops proved themselves not strong enough to avoid the Soviet annexation of Sinkiang, only served to reinforce Chiang’s resolution to recreate his army with the Wehrmacht as model.

 

The German government not only accepted to send Von Falkenhausen back, but also sent Albert Speer to study any opportunity to integrate both countries into an anti-Soviet alliance. Upon reviewing the situation, Speer came to the conclusion that German military and industrial capacities could be mobilized to reconstruct China and create an eastern menace for the Soviet Union.. Speer established the Technisch Zusammenarbeit Vertretung (Technical Cooperation Agency, TZV) and the Reichskanzelei entered into a relationship with the German military advisory group established in Xian.

 

The TZV was a modern version of the 1930s Deutsche Beraterschaft (German Advisory Mission), and through the Agency, Von Falkenhausen reorganized the then massive but inexpert Chinese Army: downsized the Army from almost 5.5 million men to a core of magnificently trained core of 500.000 men, while the rest was place in a huge local militia system. Also he created, with outdated German panzers, the first Chinese armoured divisions to counter the growing northern menace represented by the Soviet garrison in Manzhouguo.

 

The German advisor took almost complete control over the Whampoa Military academy, founded in 1928 by Sun Yat Sen. In this academy, the veteran officers of the Soviet-German War put in practice all the lessons they learned fighting the enemy that now menaced China. Being the air force an essential complement for a modern army, the Germans created the Fuzhou Air Academy to train the Chinese in the use of the modern equipment developed by Germany before and during the war.

 

But the TZV wasn’t only a cover for the military advisory group: under Speer’s administration, the Agency also dealt with administrative, transport, economic, and industrial development issues. In example, the TZV established the Eisenbahn Entwicklung Gesellschaft (Railroad Development Company, EEG), with the purpose to repair the railroads connecting the main Chinese cities: it still controls most of the coastal Chinese railroads. Other companies and organisms created under the TZV auspices, as the Tschungking Technologisch Institut (Chungking Technological Institute, TTI) transferred technical know-how, energy-related technologies, road-making equipment, and communication systems to the Chinese educative and industrial centres.

 

In military affairs, von Falkenhausen easily determined that, in spite of Chiang’s desires, China wasn’t in condition to regain the territories lost to the Soviet Union and she would not be in such condition for a long time. Therefore, China should devote its efforts to contain further Soviet encroachment on her territory, despite the fact that such containment efforts necessarily involved Britain and Japan. In the bright side, with enough German-made antitank weaponry (including Jagpanzers), China could be able to defend herself in a war of attrition against the Soviets. Von Falkenhausen applied the concept of “killing zones” to defend northern China : an impressive system of fortifications were constructed along the northern border, with concrete-roofed bunkers, tank- and artillery-firing positions, minefields, and stretches of barbed wire. The militias were specially trained to wage a guerrilla war against the Soviet invaders.

 

This intimate relation between Germany and China suffered a brutal reappraisal when Japan invaded the Netherlands East Indies in 1959. The Merdeka War also involved the German forces stationed in Java, but despite several German pleas for help, the Chinese government decided, in view of the British complicity with the Japanese, and the lamentable state of the Chinese naval forces, to kepp its neutrality. The Japanese detonation of a nuclear device in February 25 just confirmed Chinese fears that intervention could only result in disaster. Despite the reasonable Chinese position, the German government called back most of their technicians working for the TZV, provoking a slump in the Chinese economy.

 

But the dispute ended in 1970 when both sides accorded to replace their semi-clandestine military relations with a formal agreement that allowed emergency base and port access and maintained joint military exercises and intelligence cooperation; while Germany had made clear to the Chinese government and people that this agreement does not commit Germany to military action on behalf of China, especially in any “territorial disagreement” involving the Soviet Union. Also China resumed its role as main purchaser of German war materiel (specially planes and tanks), and as main Asiatic market for German consumer goods and industrial products.

 

After the Soviet Civil War, the prospect of a Sino-German alliance against the Soviets has slowly banished, and the bilateral relations has taken a more commercial approach. In example, China signed in 1998 a deal with the Germans, which included the leasing of several facilities in the Hong Kong port to be expanded by German companies and transform them into an official German port in the South China Sea, allowing Germany to have their own dock yard expansion and have direct access to the South China Sea without having to pay tariffs. Both countries hope to continue this fruitful co-operation in future years.