21.4.98
 
 
 

Beilin’s plan for withdrawal from the south

by Yossi Beilin

I am convinced that an Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon and keeping south Lebanon and
northern Israel quiet is in the joint interest of Israel and Lebanon.
I am aware of the fact that it is very difficult indeed for Lebanon to conduct negotiations with
Israel, separate from Syria, in order to reach an overall agreement or specific agreements
regarding security arrangements in the south pursuant to an Israeli Defence Force
withdrawal.
Nevertheless, Israel should know how Lebanon would behave following an IDF withdrawal,
even if this were not in the context of a formal security arrangement between the two states.
My plan for an IDF withdrawal from Lebanon includes parallel actions ­ back-to-back ­ on the
parts of Israel and Lebanon:
­ Israel will announce its intention to redeploy, within a few months, to the international border,
in accordance with UNSCR (United Nations Security Council Resolution) 425 and the
Grapes of Wrath Understandings of April, 1996.
­ Lebanon will commit to a third party (the US, France, or the UN) to fully comply with its part
of 425, while in the process effectively implementing its sovereignty in all its territory,
including taking decisive action to prevent violence from its territory directed at Israel.
­ The IDF will withdraw from south Lebanon and redeploy south of the international border.
­ The Lebanese army will deploy in those areas vacated by the IDF and in these areas will
prevent the establishment of a Hizbullah military presence.
­ Unifil will increase its forces, will deploy south towards the international border and will
assist the Lebanese army in its redeployment.
­ The Grapes of Wrath Understandings of April 1996 will be fully complied with.
­ Israel will view it self as being committed to the well-being of the SLA forces and will
undertake to find a satisfactory solution, both within and outside of Lebanon.
­ The United States, Japan and European States will clarify to the Syrians that in the event of
Syria encouraging or initiating violent action from Lebanese territory towards sovereign Israeli
territory and citizens, then Syria will face severe sanctions and be treated as a pariah state.
­ An Israeli concession regarding separate negotiations and formal security agreements with
Lebanon, alongside a Lebanese commitment to a third party to act according to 425, is
currently the only solution I see to the presence of the IDF in Lebanon.
Benjamin Netanyahu’s commitment to a unilateral withdrawal In my estimation, the
government of Israel, that conditions an IDF withdrawal on reaching security agreements
with Lebanon, is not about to decide on a unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon. However, I
hope that they will be satisfied with a Lebanese commitment to a third party regarding their
actions following an IDF withdrawal from south Lebanon.

The Syrian angle
I hope that an IDF withdrawal from Lebanon will provide an impetus and momentum to the
peace process, in particular on the Israeli-Syrian track. Syria should understand that it cannot
impose political settlements by means of violence, and in this respect, according to my plan,
this would be clarified to the Syrians by the international community. Personally, I was
disappointed that president Hafez Assad did not go along with the peace proposals of Rabin
and Peres who offered the Syrians all of the Golan Heights in exchange for security
arrangements and normalisation. Assad missed a real opportunity for peace when we were
in government and I hope that the window of opportunity has not yet closed.

Israeli public opinion
on the occupation
The price in blood that we are paying in Lebanon is a very dear one indeed. In Israel, more
and more people are convinced that this high price can be brought to an end, whilst also
understanding that there is a need to find a sensible way for the IDF to withdraw from
Lebanon and to defend the communities in the North. The real debate in Israel is how this can
be done. No one in Israel has a territorial claim on Lebanon, in contrast to the West Bank and
Gaza Strip, and no one takes any pleasure in the price we pay for the continued IDF
presence in south Lebanon. Over the years, Israeli society has proved its endurance in the
face of the different threats ranged against it. If it becomes clear to the Israeli public that a
withdrawal from Lebanon is possible, then a way will be found to convince the government to
implement such a withdrawal. Today, in light of statements coming from Lebanon and Syria,
only a part of the public believes it is possible to leave Lebanon and, at the same time, to
successfully defend the settlements of Northern Israel.

The South Lebanon Army
It should be clear to everyone that Israel is committed to the wellbeing of the SLA soldiers.
Beyond the financial support, the SLA people can choose between residing in Europe, Israel
or Lebanon. It is important to remember that the Israeli withdrawal will be based on 425. In
the context of the resolution, it is incumbent upon Lebanon to implement its sovereignty over
all the territory of the state, including the south. The imposition of Lebanese sovereignty
makes the Lebanese state responsible for the well-being of the citizens of Lebanon living in
the south. I do not believe that the government of Lebanon, which seeks to return Lebanon to
the “family of nations”, would allow any of its citizens to be harmed.

The Labour party option
The IDF presence in south Lebanon is not an issue that has been on the Israeli public agenda
for the last 20 years and it is not there now as a result of the Netanyahu government. In
Israel, there is a consensus that one should leave Lebanon. The question exists as to
whether this should be conditional on agreements with Syria and Lebanon or whether this
should be a unilateral act. We would all prefer this to be in the context of peace agreements ­
the question is whether such peace agreements are attainable. In 1992-1996, the Rabin and
Peres governments conducted serious negotiations with Syria and Lebanon, and the issue of
an IDF withdrawal from South Lebanon was part of the negotiations. If the Labour party
returns to government ­ and I hope this will happen in the very near future ­ we will return to
the point at which negotiations with Syria were frozen, with the intention of achieving peace
with Syria and Lebanon. But, it is important to remember that in the course of negotiations
with Syria, both Rabin and Peres were prepared to concede all of the Golan Heights in
exchange for a comprehensive peace ­ including normalisation and security arrangements,
but Assad was not ready for such a peace and, as such, a historic opportunity for peace
between the states was missed.
In the summer of 1995, I reached the conclusion that Assad was not prepared for peace with
Israel, and, as a result, I then proposed a unilateral IDF withdrawal from Lebanon. I sincerely
hope that Assad has realised the error of his ways but if it again becomes clear that Assad is
not ready to come to terms with normalisation between Israel and Syria, without which there
will not be peace, I would again propose a unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon.

Lebanese army deployment in the south
The government of Lebanon has in the past declared that it will fulfil its part of UNSCR 425,
that in effect includes the deployment of the Lebanese army to the international border, with
the assistance of Unifil. In advance of the IDF withdrawal, Israel should know, via a third
party, that Lebanon would fulfil its part of the decision. We are closely following developments
regarding the Lebanese army and we have the impression that the Lebanese army, under
the army commander Emile Lahoud, is capable of enforcing its effective sovereignty over all
Lebanese territory.

The Israeli withdrawal lobby
The Movement for a Withdrawal in Peace from Lebanon, which I lead, has thousands of
members. The public council of the movement includes ten members of the Knesset and
various well-known personalities and opinion leaders. urrently, we are witnessing a revolution
in Israeli public opinion, whereby a majority supports an IDF withdrawal from Lebanon, even
in the absence of agreements with Syria and Lebanon. This change has also been seen in
the Knesset and government, which strengthens my assessment that we have begun a
process where the end result will be an IDF withdrawal from South Lebanon.