Cuba's New Communism
Since June 1995, Castro's world tour has scooped up more than
US$3B in foreign investment .. and more reforms are in the pipeline
to keep the cash flowing
After remaining in the safe haven of his homeland for more
than a decade, the recent worldwide tour by Cuban President Fidel
Castro has not only attracted new political interest in the communist
state, but also several billion dollars worth of investments
from around the world.
His success also highlights the ineffectiveness of the 36
year old US trade embargo against the island.
Contrary to its purpose, the embargo has provided a windfall
for other western nations which use the situation as an opportunity
to get a foothold into to the only market in the region where
the United States' economic influence is still minimal.
In just a few years, Cuba's economy has experienced significant
transformations as compared with the late eighties, says Carlos
Lage, Vice President of the Cuban Council of State.
Lage describes Cuba's economy as a corporative sector which
represents agriculture, a highly respected private farmers sector,
a sector of self- employed workers, active in a broad range of
products and services and a growing sector of companies involving
foreign capital in various forms of association.
"These all co- exist with a state owned sector,"
he adds. "We don't deceive anyone," he says. "We
are not offering our foreign partners a transition to capitalism.
Cuba is, and will continue to be, a socialist country.
"What we offer for the future is stability and continuity,
and a more reasonable use of all resources available, including
our labour force."
American businesses impatience of "just looking on"
at the windfall profits being taken by other western businessmen,
are also becoming more vocal about their country's current trade
policy with Cuba.
They argue that it simply takes business opportunities away
from them, while the rest of the world continues to trade normally
with Cuba.
Hard Currency Needs
Despite the need for hard currency to finance the nation's
economic restructuring, international interest in Cuba as a destination
for investment funds is increasing rapidly. So much so that the
Castro administration is only allowing investment into targeted
segments of the economy.
Competing with locals is not allowed, especially if it involves
an industry that already exists within Cuba, says Garvin Creg,
a Trade Official of Trinidad and Tobago's Industrial Development
Corporation (TIDCO).
Investment is only allowed in sectors where there is no local
substitute, says Creg, who formed part of a trade mission to
Cuba in late 1995.
The Government's whole focus is on acquiring foreign currency
to finance its economic adjustment program. Therefore, the Cuban
Foreign Investment Ministry will only accept projects which are
skewed in that direction.
Projects with high foreign exchange revenue earning capacity
are favoured and this has prompted the existence of two parallel
economies.
"One for foreigners. They can buy anything in Cuba with
US dollars. They even receive their change in US currency. A
second economy exists for Cubans who use local currency for purchases
and everyday trade."
Controlled Labour
In its deliberations on reforming the previous trade and investment
policies, the National Assembly denied a request by foreign businesses
to be allowed to hire and pay their workers directly, rather
than through a state agency.
Foreign businesses pay workers' salaries in US dollars to
the state, which pays the workers a peso salary worth far less
than on the free market. It works out to be the same dollar to
peso rate.
For example, if the worker's salary is US$500 per month, this
is paid to the Cuban Government, which gives the worker a salary
of 500 pesos. "This is much less when you consider the exchange
rate is about 25 pesos to the US dollar.
Some employers pay supplemental under- the- table dollar bonuses
to workers and hope to eliminate the middle man altogether.
From the perspective of a regional grouping such as Caricom,
Cuba represents a vast market that is easily accessible and much
larger than Caricom, Creg explains.
The Cuban Government is also taking steps to foster closer
ties with their regional neighbours- even if the Cubans plan
to use the new level of corporation to soften the hard line taken
by the US over the past three decades.
Cuba has also seen the importance of belonging to some political
or trade grouping. Improving its ties with Caricom, and particularly
the Association of Caribbean States (ACS), will provide some
lobbying power against the will of the US.
Softening US Policy?
In anticipation of a softening of US policy over the next
few years, many US firms have been taking steps to establish
links or set out the procedure for doing business indirectly
with the communist state.
In dealing with Castro himself, the reaction in the US has
been the same as around the world.
There were literally hundreds of American business executives
lining up to meet him when he addressed the UN in September last
year, says John Kavulich, president of the US-Cuba Trade and
Economic Council in New York.
Drawn toward a market of workers and consumers more than twice
the size of Caricom, within less than an hour's flight from Miami,
scores of American businesses have started to establish links
for future joint ventures in Cuba, the last totalitarian state
in the Western hemisphere.
Cuba's potential is attracting everyone from the top of the
Fortune 500 all the way down to individual entrepreneurs, says
Kavulich, whose group works closely with American businesses
and Castro's government.
Trade Potential
The frustrating thing for American executives, however, is
that their missions to Havana are mostly exploratory.
With few exceptions, U.S. companies remain shut out of Cuba
under an embargo the Kennedy administration began at the height
of the Cold War to try to starve Castro out of office.
After 36 years, Castro is still around and so is the embargo.
I know North Americans and Cubans (in the United States) who
rack their brains thinking of ways to invest, Castro said during
a televised speech last September in Havana, but they can't.
To add to the embargo, last September, the US Congress voted
to tighten the noose on Cuba's staggering economy. The House
approved, by a 294-130 margin, a bill that would strengthen the
embargo and penalize other countries that do business in Cuba.
These sanctions, however, go almost unnoticed by the rest
of the world. With trade flourishing between Cuba and countries
such as Canada, Mexico, Spain and Caricom, Cuba's foreign trade
is expected to top US$4 billion in 1996.
"Those dealings are pumping oxygen into Castro's crumbling
regime, says US Congressman, Jesse A Helms, who introduced the
bill to the legislature. Similar legislation is pending in the
Senate, with strong Republican support.
US President, Bill Clinton, has already stated his intention
to veto the measure if it reaches his desk.
Eyeing potential profits, analysts believe annual two- way
US-Cuba trade could rise from its current $300 million to more
than $15 billion by the end of the decade, if the embargo is
lifted.
Wrong Direction?
Many American executives also think the House vote pushes
U.S. policy in the wrong direction.
Despite this, the international trade and new investments
from the rest of the world, secured by Castro's regime, will
provide the communist administration with the leg- room to restructure
the country's ailing economy to face freer competition in the
future.
We think it should go the other way, said Thomas Polski, spokesman
for the Minneapolis-based Carlson Companies, who views Cuba as
a good spot for its Radisson hotels and TGI Friday's restaurants.
Coca-Cola, a big seller in Cuba before Castro nationalized
its facilities there, would be selling its soft drinks in Havana
in hours if the embargo were lifted, said Pedro Pablo Diaz, the
company's vice president for communications for Latin America.
When the government of the United States decides that it's
appropriate, said Diaz, we are going immediately.
Unequal Policy
Officially, the White House regards Castro's regime as too
repressive for partnership.
They cannot speak freely, they cannot organize to protest,
they cannot choose their own leaders, Clinton said at a business
meeting last June. Economic change remains slow, stubborn and
painfully inadequate.
However, similar concerns haven't kept the United States from
maintaining full diplomatic and commercial relations with other
countries at odds with U.S. human rights standards and political
values.
Easily recognizable examples are China and Vietnam. Both are
single-party, communist states, yet China enjoys preferred trading
nation status with the US.
What keeps Cubans from hosting guests at the Radisson may
have more to do with American voters than with Castro's ideology,
said former diplomat Ernest Preeg, author of Cuba and the New
Caribbean Economic Order.
This is more about domestic politics, than foreign policy.
Cuban-Americans comprise a powerful political force in Florida,
whose whopping 25 electoral votes get a presidential candidate
nearly a tenth of the way to the White House. Neither Clinton
nor his Republican opponents want to alienate Cuban-Americans,
the most vocal of whom back the embargo.
"There's no question where most people in my district
stand on this," says Republican Porter Goss, "and that
is Fidel Castro is the problem."
Goss who represents much of south Florida says that from the
responses he has been getting from his constituents, there isn't
much sentiment to deal with him (Castro). Social reform also
stands between Cuba and U.S. trade and investment, he adds.
It may still be unfair to compare the two countries says Tom
Cox, executive director of the US-Cuba Business Council, a Washington
trade group representing 40 large American companies interested
in doing business with Cuba - eventually.
"Cuba is light years behind Vietnam in terms of economic
reforms. So far, the necessary conditions for commercial activity
aren't there, says Cox.
Investors are also disappointed that Havana refused to loosen
its labour laws when the ruling party announced a new foreign
investment law last September. Under the law, the Communist Party
- not the foreign investor - decides who will work where and
how much they will earn.
Investors also fear for the security of their property under
a regime that in 1962 seized $2 billion worth of factories, offices
and other property. Nearly 6,000 American companies and individuals
have outstanding property claims in US Courts against Havana.
You still have to resolve this problem of confidence in the
political regime, said Cox, in order to jump start the Cuban
economy.
However, some analysts believe that Cuba's new law opening
the country to foreign investment is part the strategy by the
communist leadership to secure the survival of the one- party
state without risking pressures for political change.
But while old guard Communist Party officials may view the
law purely as a tool to secure communist rule, the younger, more
pragmatic generation may see it as a step toward further reform,
says Peter Hakim, President of Inter- American Dialogue, a Washington-
based lobbying group.
He predicts that as the market opens, the trend will have
to continue and it will be impossible to turn back. Actually,
the US blockade may be doing more harm than good to the opening
of the Cuban market, economy and society.
Investment Law
The New Investment Law, which attracted much publicity when
it was adopted last September, opens Cuba to foreign investment
in all areas of the economy, except defence, education, and health
care.
It permits foreigners to fully own businesses, their offices,
housing and other related buildings.
Previously, foreign investors were only allowed to enter joint
ventures with the Cuban Government. They were officially barred
from more than 50 percent ownership.
But Antonio Jorge, Professor at Florida International University,
down- plays the strategy as a ploy for the current Cuban regime
to keep their hold on power.
I think Castro isn't trying to convince the world that he
is in transition from a socialist economy to a market economy.
However, the new labour law will serve to re- assure investors
that Cuba will not turn away from its recent policies of liberalization.
Currently, ordinary Cubans are only allowed to own heavily
taxed, strictly regulated cottage industries and cannot acquire
business properties or conduct international trade says Jorge.
The Cuban Government estimates that foreign investors have
sunk US$4 billion into joint ventures, with the Spanish leading
in tourism, Canadians in mining and Mexico in telecommunications.
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