Letter to Slobodan Milosevic, President of Republic Serbia, April 14, 1992.

Mr. President!

The latest affirmative acts of some of the influential political factors on the international scene, as well as the decisions and the positions taken up by these, for us very important international tribunals, makes it necessary that we ask you, that based on our constitutional mandate and your political authority, initiate a dialogue between the appropriate representatives of the government, and the DCHV centring on the position of Hungarian ethnic population in Serbia. Having in mind that their situation is left open, and it is unsolved up to this date.

The talks should be started on subjects that are the most pressing as of now. In the following, I wish to enumerate a few of these:

1. The psychological warfare and the grave war propaganda that is being waged against the DCHV, its leadership, and against the Hungarians in Voivodina in general

The agents being the media, especially in Voivodina, and mostly the Serbian language media, as well as the politicians and other leading figures from the ruling establishment. The topmost false declarations consist of the following: The DCHV follows orders from the Republic of Hungary, and its final aim is secession.

DCHV calls on evading the conscription. DCHV instigates quarrels between Hungarians and Serbs and with it undermines the good relationship between Serbs and Hungarians. The DCHV presents a false picture abroad, about the situation of Hungarians in Voivodina, ignoring the fact that the Hungarian minority in Voivodina has more rights than any national minority in the world.

With regard to these allegations it may be noted in general, that they are not based on any facts, or documents. The DCHV as a grass root organization has acquired its political profile and it had created the political conditions for expressing its legitimate interests, hence it does not feel that it has to accept with a special gratitude, what the present government is offering to him.

Up till now, the DCHV did not react, since it was of the opinion that the war propaganda aimed against it, and against the Hungarians of Voivodina, was not achieving its primary aim: the people continue to support the DCHV, and it shows a readiness to publically proclaim its collective interests. The sole reason that l am reacting to the psychological warfare, and the war propaganda that we are exposed to, is, in the interest of proper information of the Serbian public.

The DCHV, as the legitimate political interest group of Hungarians in Voivodina, makes its decisions completely independently, having in mind the broadest possible interests of the minority group it represents. It has the appropriate ties, and it maintains the cooperation with the proper branches of the Hungarian government, and at the same time it wishes to establish and uphold the same relationship with the proper authorities in the Serbian government.

Our initiatives in this area, however, have remained without responses, or the responses were purely negative. It is a fact that the wish of Hungarians of Voivodina is that Hungary, as a state, be accepted into the European Community, and it does not wish to undertake anything that would hinder this process. We wish, however the same thing for ourselves, and for Serbia as well. We hope that this is clear and beyond doubt.

Based on these facts, Hungary does neither incite us on secession, nor do the Hungarians of Voivodina act at any time in a way that would support the these intentions. Hungary has recognized the existing borders with regard to all its neighbours. This has been a logical step, because with creating problems concerning its international borders, Hungary would jeopardize its chances to be accepted into the EC.

On the subject of the civil war in Yugoslavia (in order to avoid any disagreement regarding the terminology, may I point out the fact that the very same terminology is used by Jacques Delors, one of the foremost leaders of EC), the position of the DCHV has been from the beginning, to the present day unchanged on this subject. First and foremost, we have made our desire clear, the Hungarians in Voivodina do not wish to be involved in the historical disputes of Yugoslavian people that revolve around the questions of how they envisage their common existence in the future. When the war broke out, the DCHV has emphasized that in accordance with the Convention of Paris, which has been duty signed by Yugoslavia, it does not recognize any problem in Europe that could be solved only by war. Based on the above, our organization has taken a stand against the war and against the mobilization in general, and especially against the mobilization of ethnic Hungarians, who do not wish to participate in this war.

DCHV has emphasized that, in its view the mobilization is unconstitutional, and illegal. It was our conviction, and we adhere to it up to this day, that the decision of an individual, an how he/she will respond ta the conscription notice is, his/her unalienable right. We support those, who as an act of opposition to the civil war, after receiving the conscription notice, have fled the country, as well as those, who could not find any other way out, have consented to go to the war. And finally, we support those, who have accepted the conscription notices, had not gone to the war, but they haven't fled the country. I hope that it is clear that based on the above, the allegations that the DCHV is calling tor desertion is a logical nonsense. It has been made up for the sake of propaganda.

It is true that the representatives of DCHV travel abroad, and look for support in establishing the kind of autonomy, which will guaranty the preservation and the development of the national identity of Hungarians in Voivodina. One of the main reason for this being, that all our efforts to establish a dialogue with the Serbian government have failed so far.

The representatives of DCHV travelling abroad, do not indulge in spreading propaganda, the likes that no other minority in the world has as extensive rights, as the minorities in Serbia. The world does not succumb to any propaganda, but formulates its positions based on experience. It is true that the representatives of DCHV continually point out those acts of the government, aimed at reducing or diminishing certain minority rights, which have previously existed. This is happening mostly in the areas of the use of our language, in the areas of culture, education, and in the domain of information. It is a fact that we had more that fifty contacts with the representatives of various governments, and top level individuals of different parties and political organizations.

The views and positions expressed towards our demands regarding the minority rights, judged by the way, they are reflected in the official documents that followed our presentations, seem to prove two things. That the world believes that we are telling the truth, and that it deems our demands realistic.

2. Forcible mobilisations, fleeing the country and loyalty to the state

It is my view that open and realistic political dialogue would lead to the overall calming of the situation, and most of all in the areas of solving the problems of Hungarian national minorities in Serbia.

I wish to bring to your attention, the two main problem areas that especially disturb the Hungarian community. The first one being that due to the ongoing forcible mobilization, and the heavy handed war propaganda, about 20,000 Hungarians of military age and their family members are afraid to return to the country.

On the other hand based on the already publicized very serious political intentions it must be stressed that there is the imminent danger, that by banning the return of Hungarians to the region, and by other means violence, will lead to the forcible change of the ethnic structure in the region, which is sanctioned in the Charter of United nations.

The other problem is that the Hungarians are being mobilized in disproportionate numbers in relation to their overall ratio of the population of Serbia. Based on the accounts of those who have returned from the battlefields, the Hungarians are being dispatched mainly to the first lines of the battles, and there are well founded indications that they are subjected to discriminations, and their individual and collective rights are being violated. It is regretful that the political actions aimed as counter-measured against these actions through demonstrations in Zenta, Ada, and in Moravica did not bear fruit. Despite of the above political actions, the mobilizations still continue.

It is further necessary that the subject of loyalty of citizens be addressed herein. The Hungarians of Voivodina are loyal citizens of this country. They are loyal in a sense, that loyalty consists of the duty and readiness of protecting the internationally recognized borders of one's country in the event that they are being attacked by an enemy from the outside.

Since in the present situation the question of loyalty does not present itself in this form, in the present civil war, one can not speak of loyalty, and holding one responsible for being disloyal, is regretfully nothing, but a very dangerous instrument in the psychological warfare aimed against the Hungarian community in Serbia.

The Hungarians in Voivodina find it extremely hard to bear the psychological pressure that is being applied in the process of mobilizations. In a society based an law and order, the fact of noncompliance to the conscription notice, may only provide a bases for initiating a legal action, and the appropriate judicial procedures for establishing responsibility, but never for violence. This holds for each particular case, irregardless of their numbers.

Since the views and positions of the appropriate international forums on this subject are completely clear and unambiguous, it should be beneficial for the State to consider the benefits of allowing the return without reprisals of all its citizens affected by the civil war. This problem is not indigenous only to the Hungarian community in Serbia, but it concerns all citizens who have left the country, because of the circumstances of the war, and due to the heavy handed war propaganda.

3. Certain clauses in the preliminary version of the constitution of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia contain flaws that make it, in the domain of international relationships incomplete and inadequate concerning the way that the rights of ethnic groups should be treated in a contemporary and democratic multinational country

The text of the working copy of the constitution is contrary to the reality that Serbia, as well as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, is a multinational community. This proposition, by itself indicates a non-democratic way in the process of lawmaking. Furthermore, the working copy of the text of the Constitution does not recognizes the collective rights of ethnic groups. They are not recognized as legal or political subjects either. These omissions constitute a direct violation of the Documents of 1-Hague, which shall serve as a basis for the upcoming peace process. ln conclusion, there is no mention of the autonomies, which prevail as obligatory models in the solutions to the problems of nationalities throughout the new European system.

All this points to the imminent need that the legitimate representatives of different nationalities should be involved in the process of drafting the new constitution of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Only through the free exchange of arguments, and based on the goad faith of the ruling authorities, can bring forth the democratic solutions for ethnic communities in this country.

I am aware of the present historical moment, and I know that the Serbian people and you personally have to make difficult decisions, that may directly affect the destiny of Serbian people in this region. I can assure you that the Hungarian community in Serbia does not wish to aggravate the situation of Serbian people. We have to live next to each other, we have many common ties. DCHV is also conscious of its historical responsibility, for it is well aware that the faith of the Hungarians in this region is being decided now, for the coming century.

This is the reason why this ethnic community is fighting by all possible means in order to gain constitutional and political status, as guarantees for the preservation and the development of its national identity. It is my impression that our activities, which are democratic and realistic, are fully in accord with the outlining principles of the peace process in Brussels, and the various peace initiatives of Lord Carrington.

With the hope that you are also open to dialogues with the representatives of DCHV concerning the position of the Hungarian community, with regards, András Ágoston, President of DCHV