As a consequence of the civil war, about forty thousand young Hungarians left Yugoslavia. Because of the permanent crisis in the country, their return is very uncertain. There are also relatively more Hungarians among those who lost their jobs in state institutions or in enterprises which have not yet been privatised. It is especially painful for the Hungarians that the school principals, appointed by the Secretary of education, do their best in pushing out the Hungarian teachers from bilingual schools. In the present economic conditions, which are not free from the elements of mafiaeconomy, the Hungarian entrepreneurs are by nature at a disadvantage. Therefore, in the rather slow development process of the civil society, the Hungarians are more and more pushed into the background.

These are the reasons that those who left are trying to make their living in Hungary, but there are many who wish to move further to Western Europe, Australia and America.

The autonomy concept of the Democratic Community of the Hungarians of Vojvodina means a true basis for the survival of the Hungarians of Vojvodina. The concept, which is in accordance with the proposal 1201 of the European Council, and in which the autonomy concept has a dominant role, has a twofold significance. Within the autonomy, the Hungarians will be able to decide by themselves about the questions concerning education, culture and information. On the other hand, the Political Council is suitable to legitimately reveal, express and represent the political interests of all the Hungarians of Vojvodina. The legitimacy of the Political Council is granted on condition the principles of political pluralism are taken into account.

The autonomy concept of the Democratic Community of the Hungarians of Vojvodina has encountered resistance from the very beginning. The reason of attacks is the fact that by this model, the Hungarians of Vojvodina will become a political subject.

The Serbian nationalism, raised to state policy level, rejects even the thought of the autonomy.

The enlightened Serb nationalists, dominated by the officials of the autonomous Vojvodina before 1988, gather around the Vojvodina Club as well as the Democratic Reform Party of Vojvodina. Though this grouping has no political support manifested by votes, however, by the support of the Serbian authorities and the minority press which is being under its control, this grouping is more and more spectacularly concerned about the questions of autonomy.

The representatives of the enlightened Serbian nationalism admit the fact, that more than one third of the population of Serbia is not Serb, but in their opinion, the character of the minority as a political subject, urged by the Democratic Community of the Hungarians of Vojvodina, jeopardises the Serb interests. Therefore, despite the fact that the great majority of Serbs living in Vojvodina has already voted against the autonomy three times, they still campaign for the autonomy of Vojvodina.

This is partly because the autonomy of Vojvodina as a model has already been justified: the minorities were dependent on the majority, thus this model greatly contributed to the process of assimilation, and once again the minorities were the losers, but at the same time the international judgement was positive. On the other hand, it is because the political grouping of Vojvodina, for instance the opposition promoting restoration rallying the officials of the period before 1988, or the influential leaders of the Hungarian Federation of Vojvodina fearing for their positions, adopt the concept of autonomous Vojvodina which is entrenched by liberal ideas.

The aim of the Serbian authorities is clear. Since the Serbian nationalist policy has not been able to win the Hungarian political groupings, the Serbian authorities are trying to break up and confuse the Hungarian autonomy aspirations by the concept of the autonomous Vojvodina.

The activities of the representatives of the enlightened Serbian nationalism is not dangerous for the interests of the Serbian authorities. The Serbian majority in Vojvodina would never vote for the autonomy of Vojvodina. At the same time, apart from the autonomy concept of the Democratic Community of the Hungarians of Vojvodina, as an alternative, the autonomy concept of Vojvodina may be presented to the international community, thus lessening the chances for the autonomy of the Hungarians of Vojvodina.

Therefore, it is clear that the Democratic Community of the Hungarians of Vojvodina and its autonomy concept is under political pressure from various directions. Since the Democratic Community of the Hungarians of Vojvodina does not have its own newspaper, it is logical that the political pressure is achieved through the press, above all through "Magyar Szó" which is a daily paper in Hungarian, controlled by the state.

How does it influence the autonomy aspiration of the 300 thousand Hungarians of Vojvodina?

It has been proved by the experience of about two thousand activists working in 14 district organisations and 90 departments that the political pressure has not been successful. The great majority of the Hungarians of Vojvodina supports the autonomy concept of the Democratic Community of the Hungarians of Vojvodina.

The Hungarians of Vojvodina want autonomy. They have already proved by votes several times that they want to decide by themselves on important matters concerning their self-identity, above all in education, culture and information. The enlightened Serb nationalists, as well as the “Magyar Szó" keep saying that the autonomy concept of the Democratic Community of the Hungarians of Vojvodina will lead to the assimilation of Hungarians, nevertheless, the great majority of the Hungarians of Vojvodina supports the autonomy concept of the Democratic Community of the Hungarians of Vojvodina.

The Democratic Community of the Hungarians of Vojvodina is the only political force which involves through its organisations all the Hungarian people in Vojvodina. This is the only organisation that may legitimately represent and fight for its autonomy concept both on domestic and international political stage,

In its aspiration for autonomy, the Democratic Community of the Hungarians of Vojvodina strives far dialogue and agreement with all Serbian political forces. At the same time, the political reality demands international support for its claims which are in accordance with democratic and international standards. It counts on understanding and support of the government of the Republic of Hungary as well as of the conductors of the Yugoslav peace process, that is, the international organisations.

May 27, 1995

The Presidency of the DCHV