Recently, I had the pleasure of interviewing four young Black Americans about their views on race and racial inequality. I asked all four of my subjects the same questions, questions about their feelings toward their own race, their personal history of race-related incidents, their feelings about prejudice and discrimination, and their views on affirmative action and the future of the race struggle in our society. Naturally, some of the interviewees share similar feelings about a number of the topics; however, opinions differ substantially on many others. The results of these interviews and their sociological implications will follow.
The subjects of my interviews are all young college students, but aside from that, the only thing that they have in common is the color of their skin. The first interviewee is a twenty-one year old Black man from a lower socioeconomic class. He works two jobs and feels strongly connected to his African heritage. The second is a twenty-four year old woman who also comes from a lower socioeconomic class, and is working very hard to improve her economic situation. She works as a nurse and is putting herself through college. The subject of my third interview is a twenty-one year old Black man from an upper-middle class family. His father is a well known musician, and he is following in his father's footsteps, touring whenever he is not in class. The last interviewee is a twenty-two year old Black man who comes from a middle class background. Currently, he is in college on a full scholarship for his talents in the areas of music and sports. I specifically chose to interview four people with such vastly different life circumstances in hopes of attaining well-rounded and far-reaching results. My subjects impressed me even more than I had expected, however, with how greatly their opinions differed on some topics. That fact illustrates that no one person, or group of persons, can speak for an entire race. This leads me to my first point.
I cannot recall ever having been asked to answer questions or speak candidly about my feelings on my own race. Being White, I am exempt from many uncomfortable situations having to do with race. As Peggy McIntosh notes in her piece "White Privilege and Male Privilege," White people are not routinely asked to speak for their entire race, nor do others make judgements about Caucasians as a whole based on one White person's opinion or beliefs (366). The same cannot be said for Blacks. It is common practice for Black individuals to be singled out and looked upon as representatives of their race. In my interviews, all of my subjects noted that it was difficult to answer certain questions because they felt that they were not speaking only for themselves. They also noted other ways in which they felt that they had to represent their racial group. McIntosh mentions in her piece that Whites are privileged in that their style of speech and the clothes that they wear are not attributed to the moral or socioeconomic stereotypes placed on their race (366). Joe Feagin and Melvin Sikes, in their piece "Navigating Public Places," define "fronting" as having to dress or speak in a certain way in order to receive the same treatment as a White person (417). Subject number two specifically added during the interview, without my prompting, that she "fronts" by changing the way she speaks when she is around White people. She said that she articulates her words more carefully, uses less slang, and attempts to altogether omit profanity from her speech when addressing a White person. She does this because she does not want to seem "dumb," and does not want such a negative assumption attributed to her race. In fact, every one of my subjects mentioned something about appearing ignorant or stupid to other races. This seems to be a topic that weighs heavily on many Black people. Three of my four interviewees noted that they either avoided or feared coming across to Whites as less intelligent because of reflections on their race. Obviously, the feeling that they have to constantly represent their entire race is a very important issue to many Blacks.
One way that some Black men try to accomplish this, according to subject number two, is by dating White women. When asked about some things that she particularly did not like about her racial group, she specifically mentioned that she hates the way some Black men treat Black women. She feels that many Black men no longer think that Black women are good enough for them, and want to "prove themselves" by dating White women. In fact, interracial relationships came up in all four of the interviews. Subject number one mentioned that he feels that he has had relationship opportunities blocked in his life because of his race; he said that White women do not want to date Black men because of the stereotypes associated with the way Black men treat women. Subjects three and four are both currently romantically involved with White women, and both mention suffering because of it. Both are dating women whose parents are prejudiced against Blacks and highly disapprove of the relationships. This prejudice makes subject number three feel very uncomfortable at his girlfriend's home, whereas subject number four is not even allowed into the home of his girlfriend's parents. Subject number four also noted that very recently he had an experience in which a group of White men harassed and taunted him and his girlfriend in public because of their interracial relationship. Apparently, interracial relationships can be the cause of a great deal of conflict for all involved.
In fact, a great deal of conflict can arise in any situation where Blacks and Whites mix. Though many people do not harbor any feelings of prejudice toward Blacks, enough do that all of my interviewees have had negative encounters because of such attitudes. The most commonly mentioned of these experiences have to do with the unwillingness of some White people to touch the hands of Black people when money is being exchanged. Three of the subjects that I interviewed reported having experienced such treatment. Feagin and Sikes also noted the prevalence of this act when they interviewed middle class Black citizens for "Navigating Public Places." They also note that the Black response is changing from withdrawing in the face of such discrimination to verbally confronting the person who refuses contact (416). This change can be seen in my interviews. While subjects three and four say that they have both "given up" because they are so accustomed to this practice, subject number one is more confrontational. He works two cashier jobs, and when he comes in contact with a customer who goes out of his or her way to avoid touching the subject's hands during the money exchange, he responds by giving the change back to the customer in the same manner that it was given to him. Sometimes, this has insulted the customer to the point of commenting about it; when this happens, subject number one responds by telling the customer, "You put the money in my hand and I'll put the money in your hand," and then turning to the next customer in line.
Such discrimination is certainly not confined to this sort of interaction, though. Three of the interviewees reported being the victim of what Stanley Eitzen and Maxine Baca Zinn refer to as "micro- insults" (307). These micro-insults are sometimes situations in which Blacks are targeted as criminals because of their race. This includes Whites specifically watching and following Blacks in stores because there is a fear of shoplifting, pulling Blacks over while driving specifically because of their race, and crossing the street when a Black person is walking toward them (307). Subject number three calls this a new kind of "closet" prejudice, in which he fears ignorance more than animosity. But these micro-insults can also be seen in the media. It is certainly an insult to Blacks that their race is overwhelmingly under represented in prime-time network programming. Eitzen and Baca Zinn report that, in 2000, only two percent of prime-time characters were Black, and those were also "depicted disproportionately as drug users, criminals, lower-class, and 'pathological'" (306). Peggy McIntosh notes that it is yet another form of White privilege to be able to see one's race represented positively and frequently in the media (366). Though this is true, only one of my interviewees commented on it. Subject number one said, "T.V. shows are aimed at White males, ages eighteen through forty-nine, but there's always a Black guy with a negative role, isn't there?"
Blacks are subject to discrimination in many social situations, public circumstances, and in the media. But Blacks are also subject to racial tension in school. Sometimes this comes in the form of a feeling of alienation, as subject number two reports. During the interview, she made it quite clear that she feels isolated attending Belmont University, a predominantly White college. She made a point to express that she feels alone in her classes, feels as if no one else understands where she is coming from, feels that it is a "treat" to see another Black person on campus, and "would never jump into that situation again." Sometimes this racial tension comes in the form of discrimination, such as the discrimination subject number one suffered during his first semester at college. He said that he had two prejudiced roommates, but the prejudice came out in subtleties, such as letting things slide for Whites that did not slide for him and not paying back favors. He eventually left the dorm because of the tension. Eitzen and Baca Zinn note that this alienation and discrimination causes more Blacks to drop out of college than Whites (311). While that fact is tragic enough, even more tragic is the problem of racial violence on college campuses. Eitzen and Baca Zinn comment on the trend of racial attacks on Blacks, which demonstrate the huge problem that is intolerance (316). Though none of the people whom I interviewed have experienced direct violence on campus, subject number four did mention that recently someone hung a noose in a tree outside of the library at his school. Though not undoubtably a race related incident, many people would symbolically associate the noose with lynchings; the noose was perceived as an indirect threat to the Black population at the school. Whether in the form of alienation, discrimination, or violence, racial tensions are posing a huge problem on college campuses, and, as noted by Eitzen and Baca Zinn, these incidents are reflective of the racial intolerance and unrest that is increasing in society as a whole (316).
One topic that is currently the source of much racial tension is the subject of affirmative action. Affirmative action is a policy that promotes equal opportunity employment and the elimination of discrimination in the workplace based on gender, race, and ethnicity. Eitzen and Baca Zinn report that there is heated debate between Blacks and Whites over the justice of the affirmative action policy, which has resulted in political debate, as well (318). The main argument from Whites is that affirmative action policies put them at a disadvantage by giving jobs to Blacks simply for the purpose of fulfilling a quota. In other words, some White people feel that less qualified Blacks are getting the jobs that more qualified Whites deserve, based solely on skin color. As Peggy McIntosh notes, it is a White advantage to be able to get a job with a company that utilizes an affirmative action policy without others questioning the qualifications and merit of the hired individual (367). Each one of my interviewees recognized this problem when answering my question as to how they feel about affirmative action. Overall, the general consensus from my interviewees is that affirmative action is a necessary step, but that the most important criteria for hiring someone must be their qualification for the job. However, none of my interviewees completely feel that affirmative action is an entirely helpful policy. Subject number one mentioned that it has been stereotyped as another form of welfare. Subject number two feels that, though affirmative action is a necessary step, it has done its job and should now be eliminated because Blacks are doing so well on their own and the policy is now causing more harm than good. Subject number three feels that it has its place, but qualification is the most important criteria. Subject number four admitted that he felt that he had to be careful answering that question. He feels that, in one way, affirmative action is a positive and necessary step, but in another way it feels almost patronizing. He also feels that it is being misused and needs betterment. All of my interviewees, though, focused mainly on the necessity of qualification over skin color in hiring. Many Whites feel the same way; perhaps if more Whites would work together with Blacks to better the policy and ensure that it is being properly implemented, rather than pressing for its elimination, this racial conflict could be resolved.
But resolving racial conflict is not an easy task. All of the subjects that I interviewed commented on how far we have come already, and how far we have yet to go, on the topic of racial conflict and inequality. Subject number three feels that, currently, closet prejudice and ignorance are the biggest problems. Subject number four is distressed because, as Blacks have come so far in the battle for equality, a majority of people think that the problem is resolved and are no longer concerned with moving forward. So how do we move forward? When asked how they had overcome their own previously held stereotypes, each one of the interviewees credited a highly integrated group situation. Subject number one dispelled stereotypes when he went to college and made Japanese and Latino friends. Subject number two credits her high school band, which consisted of members of many races. Subject number three gives recognition to attending a public school in California, where he was constantly in the company of Asians and Latinos. Subject number four acknowledges his high school soccer team, which put him in constant contact with many people of other races. It seems that the best way to destroy stereotypes is to mix and mingle with other races in a highly integrated society with plenty of racial interaction and learn for oneself that, on the inside, people are always simply people, no matter what color skin they wear.
And people are always simply people, though some are more alike than others. But one of the major sociological points evidenced in my interviews is that a shared skin color is not necessarily a predictor of who will be more alike. While all of my interviewees agreed on at least a couple of points, a majority of the answers that I received were very unique and sometimes even surprising. Subject number one's most strikingly different comment is that, when he speaks of "Whites," he does not necessarily mean Caucasians in general, but instead the discriminating power that creates obstacles for other races. Subject number two shocked me a little when she corrected me when I used the term "African American." She hates that term, as she was not born in Africa, and feels that it does not accurately describe her race, personally. It is because of subject number two's stance that I have refrained from using the aforementioned term in this documentation of my interviews. Subject number three shocked me a little when he said that Blacks need to "get over the past" and move forward. And, perhaps most unusual to me, was subject number four's comment that he enjoys watching White people clutch their purses or cross the street when he approaches; he likes the power of knowing that he is feared. In fact, I was surprised often in the course of the four interviews, and I learned quite a bit from them; perhaps if more people would ask some of the questions that I did, it would lead to more understanding and tolerance, and might alleviate a little of the racial tension so prevalent in our society. I believe that subject number one sums things up best when he says that "White people need to start speaking to more people, get out of clicks, and grow up; you never know what you'll learn from someone else."
Sources Cited:
1. Eitzen, Stanley, Maxine Baca Zinn. Conflict and Order: Understanding Society. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2001.
2. Ferguson, Susan, ed. Mapping the Social Landscape: Readings in Sociology. Boston: McGraw- Hill, 2002.
Feagin, Joe, Melvin Sikes. "Navigating Public Places." Ferguson 409-419.
McIntosh, Peggy. "White Privilege and Male Privilege." Ferguson 363-373.
© jessica huby, 2003
