EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. 1041.
 |
The English, on the death of Hardicanute, saw a favourable opportunity for recovering their liberty, and for shaking off the Danish
yoke, under which they had so long laboured. Sweyn, king of Norway, the eldest son of Canute, was absent; and as the two last kings had died without issue, none of that race presented
himself, nor any whom the Danes could support as successor to the throne. Prince Edward was fortunately at court
on his brother's demise; and though the descendants of Edmond Ironside were the true heirs of the Saxon family,
yet their absence in so remote a country as Hungary appeared a sufficient reason for their exclusion to a people
like the English, so little accustomed to observe a regular order in the succession of their monarchs. All delays
might be dangerous; and the present occasion must hastily be embraced; while the Danes, without concert, without
a leader, astonished at the present incident, and anxious only for their personal safety, durst not oppose the
united voice of the nation. But this concurrence of circumstances in favour of Edward, might have failed of its effect, had his succession been opposed by Godwin, whose power, alliances, and abilities, gave him a great influence at all times, especially amidst those sudden opportunities which always attended a revolution of government, and which, either seized or neglected, commonly prove decisive. There were opposite reasons which divided men's hopes and fears with regard to Godwin's conduct. |
The popularity which Edward enjoyed on his accession
was not destroyed by the first act of his administration - his resuming all the grants of his immediate predecessors;
an attempt which is commonly attended with the most dangerous consequences. The poverty of the crown convinced
the nation that this act of violence was become absolutely necessary; and as the loss fell chiefly on the Danes,
who had obtained large grants from the late kings, their countrymen, on account of their services in subduing the
kingdom, the English were rather pleased to see them reduced to their primitive poverty. The king's severity also
towards his mother, the queen-dowager, though exposed to some more censure, met not with very general disapprobation.
He had hitherto lived on indifferent terms with that princess; he accused her of neglecting him and his brother
during their adverse fortune: he remarked, that as the superior qualities of Canute, and his better treatment of
her, had made her entirely indifferent to the memory of Ethelred, she also gave the preference to her children
of the second bed, and always regarded Hardicanute as her favourite. The same reasons had probably made her unpopular
in England; and though her benefactions to the monks obtained her the favour of that order, the nation was not
in general displeased to see her stripped by Edward of immense treasures which she had amassed. He confined her,
during the remainder of her life, in a monastery at Winchester; but carried his rigour against her no further.
The stories of his accusing her of a participation in her son Alfred's murder, and of a criminal correspondence
with the bishop of Winchester, and also of her justifying herself by treading barefoot, without receiving any hurt,
over nine burning ploughshares, were the inventions of the monkish historians, and were propagated and believed
from the silly wonder of posterity.
The English flattered themselves that, by the accession of Edward, they were delivered for ever from the dominion
of foreigners; but they soon found that this evil was not yet entirely removed. The king had been educated in Normandy;
and had contracted many intimacies with the natives of that country, as well as an affection for their manners.
The court of England was soon filled with Norman's, who, being distinguished both by the favour of Edward, and
by a degree of cultivation superior to that which was attained by the English in those ages, soon rendered their
language, customs, and laws, fashionable in the kingdom. The study of the French tongue became general among the
people. The courtiers affected to imitate that nation in their dress, equipage, and entertainment's: even the lawyers
employed a foreign language in their deeds and papers: but above all, the church felt the influence and dominion
of those strangers: Ulf and William, two Norman., who had formerly been the king's chaplains, were created bishops
of Dorchester and London. Robert, a Norman also, was promoted to the see of Canterbury, and always enjoyed the
highest favour of his master, of which his abilities rendered him not unworthy. And though the king's prudence,
or his want of authority, made him confer almost all the civil and military employment's on the natives, the ecclesiastical
preferment's fell often to the share of the Norman's; and as the latter possessed Edward's confidence, they had
secretly a great influence on public affairs, and excited the jealousy of the English, particularly of Earl Godwin.
This powerful nobleman, besides being duke or earl
of Wessex, had the counties of Kent and Sussex annexed to his government. His eldest son, Sweyn, possessed the
same authority in the counties of Oxford, Berks, Gloucester, and Hereford; and Harold, his second son, was duke
of East-Anglia, and at the same time governor of Essex. The great authority of this family was supported by immense
possessions and powerful alliances; and the abilities, as well as ambition, of Godwin himself contributed to render
it still more dangerous. A prince of greater capacity and vigour than Edward would have found it difficult to support
the dignity of the crown under such circumstances; and as the haughty temper of Godwin made him often forget the
respect due to his prince, Edward's animosity against him was grounded on personal as well as political considerations,
on recent as was more ancient injuries. The king, in pursuance of his engagements, had indeed married Editha, the
daughter of Godwin; but this alliance became a fresh source of enmity between them. Edward's hatred to the father
was transferred to that princess; and Editha, though possessed of many amiable accomplishments, could never acquire
the confidence and affection of her husband. It is even pretended that, during the whole course of her life, he
abstained from all commerce of love with her; and such was the absurd admiration paid to an inviolable chastity
during those ages, [1048,] that his conduct in this particular is highly celebrated by the monkish historians,
and greatly contributed to his acquiring the title of Saint and Confessor.
The most popular pretence on which Godwin could ground his disaffection to the king and his administration, was
to complain of the influence of the Norman's in the government; and a declared opposition had thence arisen between
him and his favourites. It was not long before this animosity broke into action. Eustace, count of Bologne, having
paid a visit to the king, passed by Dover in his return: one of his train being refused entrance to a lodging which
had been assigned him, attempted to make his way by force, and in the contest he wounded the master of the house.
The inhabitants revenged this insult by the death of the stranger; the count and his train took arms, and murdered
the wounded townsman; a tumult ensued; near twenty persons were killed on each side; and Eustace, being overpowered
by numbers, was obliged to save his life by flight from the fury of the populace. He hurried immediately to court,
and complained of the usage he had met with: the king entered zealously into the quarrel, and was highly displeased
that a stranger of such distinction, whom he had invited over to his court, should, without any just cause, as
he believed, have felt so sensibly the insolence and animosity of his people. He gave orders to Godwin, in whose
government Dover lay, to repair immediately to the place, and to punish the inhabitants for the crime: but Godwin,
who desired rather to encourage than repress the popular discontent. against foreigners, refused obedience, and
endeavoured to throw the whole blame of the riot on the count of Bologne, and his retinue. Edward, touched in so
sensible a point, saw the necessity of exerting the royal authority; and he threatened Godwin, if he persisted
in his disobedience, to make him feel the utmost effects of his resentment.
The earl, perceiving a rupture to be unavoidable, and pleased to embark in a cause where it was likely he should
be supported by his countrymen, made preparations for his own defence, or rather for an attack on Edward. Under
pretence of repressing some disorders on the Welsh frontier, he secretly assembled a great army, and was approaching
the king, who resided, without any military force, and without suspicion, at Gloucester. Edward applied for protection
to Siward, duke of Northumberland, and Leofric, duke of Mercia, two powerful noblemen, whose jealousy of Godwin's
greatness, as well as their duty to the crown, engaged them to defend the king in this extremity. They hastened
to him with such of their followers as they could assemble on a sudden; and finding the danger much greater than
they had at first apprehended, they issued orders for mustering all the forces within their respective governments,
and for marching them without delay to the defence of the king's person and authority. Edward, meanwhile, endeavoured
to gain time by negotiation ; while Godwin, who thought the king entirely in his power, and who was willing to
save appearances, fell into the snare; and not sensible that he ought to have no further reserve after he had proceeded
so far, he lost the favourable opportunity of rendering himself master of the government.
The English, though they had no high idea of Edward's
vigour and capacity, bore him great affection on account of his humanity, justice, and piety, as well as the long
race of their native kings from whom he was descended; and they hastened from all quarters to defend him from the
present danger. His army was now so considerable, that he ventured to take the field, and marching to London, he
summoned a great council to judge of the rebellion of Godwin and his Sons. These noblemen pretended at first that
they were willing to stand their trial; but having in vain endeavoured to make their adherents persist in rebellion,
they offered to come to London, provided they might receive hostages for their safety: this proposal being rejected,
they were obliged to disband the remains of their forces, and have recourse to flight. Baldwin, earl of Flanders,
gave protection to Godwin and his three sons, Gurth, Sweyn, and Tosti; the latter of whom had married the daughter
of that prince; Harold and Leofwin, two other of his sons, took shelter in Ireland. The estates of the father and
Sons were confiscated: their governments were given to others: queen Editha was confined in a monastery at Warewel:
and the greatness of this family, once so formidable, seemed now to be totally supplanted and overthrown.
But Godwin had fixed his authority on too firm a basis, and he was too strongly supported by alliances, both foreign
and domestic, not to occasion further disturbances, and make new efforts for his re-establishment. The earl of
Flanders [1052] permitted him to purchase and hire ships within his harbours; and Godwin having manned them with
his followers, and with freebooters of all nations, put to sea, and attempted to make a descent at Sandwich. The
king, informed of his preparations, had equipped a considerable fleet, much superior to that of the enemy; and
the earl hastily, before their appearance, made his retreat into the Flemish harbours. The English court, allured
by the present security, and destitute of all vigorous counsels, allowed the seamen to disband, and the fleet,
to go to decay; while Godwin, expecting this event, kept his men in readiness for action. he put to sea immediately,
and sailed to the Isle of Wight, where he was joined by Harold, with a squadron which that nobleman had collected
in Ireland. He was now master of the sea; and entering every harbour in the southern coast, he seized all the ships,
and summoned his followers in those counties, which had so long been subject to his government, to assist him in
procuring justice to himself; his family, and his country, against the tyranny of foreigners. Re-enforced by great
numbers from all quarters, he entered the Thames; and appearing before London, threw everything into confusion.
The king alone seemed resolute to defend himself to the last extremity; but the interposition of the English nobility,
many of whom favoured Godwin's pretensions, made Edward hearken to terms of accommodation; and the feigned humility
of the earl, who disclaimed all intentions of offering violence to his sovereign, and desired only to justify himself
by a fair and open trial, paved the way for his more easy admission. It was stipulated, that he should give hostages
for his good behaviour, and that the primate and all the foreigners should be banished: by this treaty, the present
danger of a civil war was obviated, but the authority of the crown was considerably impaired, or rather entirely
annihilated. Edward, sensible that he had not power sufficient to secure Godwin's hostages in England, sent them
over to his kinsman, the young duke of Normandy.
Godwin's death, which happened soon after, while he was sitting at table with the king, prevented him from further
establishing the authority which he had acquired, and from reducing Edward to still greater subjection. He was
succeeded in the government of Wessex, Sussex, Kent, and Essex, and in the office of steward of the household,
a place of great power, by his son Harold, who was actuated by an ambition equal to that of his father, and was
superior to him in address, in insinuation, and in virtue. By a modest and gentle demeanour, he acquired the good-will
of Edward; at least softened that hatred which the prince had so long borne his family: and gaining every day new
partisans by his bounty and affability, he proceeded in a more silent, and therefore a more dangerous manner, to
the increase of his authority. The king, who had not sufficient vigour directly to oppose his progress, knew of
no other expedient than that hazardous one, of raising him a rival in the family of Leofric, duke of Mercia, whose
son Algar was invested with the government of East-Anglia, which, before the banishment of Harold, had belonged
to the latter nobleman. But this policy, of balancing opposite parties, required a more steady hand to manage it
than that of Edward, and naturally produced faction, and even civil broils, among nobles of such mighty and independent
authority. Algar was soon after expelled his government by the intrigues and power of Harold; but being protected
by Griffith, prince of Wales, who had married his daughter, as well as by the power of his father Leofric, he obliged
Harold to submit to an accommodation, and was reinstated in the government of East-Anglia. This peace was not of
long duration: Harold, taking advantage of Leofric's death, which happened soon after, expelled Algar anew, and
banished him the kingdom: and though that nobleman made a fresh irruption into East-Anglia with an army of Norwegians,
and overran the country, his death soon freed Harold from the pretensions of so dangerous a rival. Edward, the
eldest son of Algar, was indeed advanced to the government of Mercia; but the balance, which the king desired to
establish between those potent families, was wholly lost, and the influence of Harold greatly preponderated.
The death of Siward, duke of Northumberland, [1055,]
made the way still more open to the ambition of that nobleman. Siward, besides his other merits, had acquired honour
to England, by his successful conduct in the only foreign enterprise undertaken during the reign of Edward. Duncan,
king of Scotland, was a prince of a gentle disposition, but possessed not the genius requisite for governing a
country so turbulent, and so much infested by the intrigues and animosities of the great. Macbeth, a powerful nobleman,
and nearly allied to the crown, not content with curbing the king's authority, carried still further his pestilent
ambition: he put his sovereign to death; chased Malcolm Kenmore, his son and heir, into England; and usurped the
crown. Siward, whose daughter was married to Duncan, embraced, by Edward's orders, the protection of this distressed
family: he marched an army into Scotland; and having defeated and killed Macbeth in battle, he restored Malcolm
to the throne of his ancestors. This service, added to his former connexions with the royal family of Scotland,
brought a great accession to the authority of Siward in the north; but as he had lost him eldest son, Osberne,
in the action with Macbeth, it proved in the issue fatal to his family. His second son, Waltheof, appeared, on
his father's death, too young to be entrusted with the government of Northumberland; and Harold's influence obtained
that dukedom for his own brother Tosti.
There are two circumstances related of Siward, which discover his high sense of honour, and his martial disposition.
When intelligence was brought him of his son Osberne's death, he was inconsolable; till he heard that the wound
was received in the breast, and that he had behaved with great gallantry in the action. When he found his own death
approaching, ho ordered his servants to clothe him in a complete suit of armour; and sitting erect on the couch,
with a spear in his hand, declared that in that postures the only one worthy of a warrior, he could patiently await
the fatal moment.
The king, now worn out with cares and infirmities, felt himself far advanced in the decline of life; and having
no issue himself, began to think of appointing a successor to the kingdom. He sent a deputation to Hungary, to
invite over his nephew, Edward, son of his elder brother, and the only remaining heir of the Saxon line. That prince,
whose succession to the crown would have been easy and undisputed, came to England with his children, Edgar, surnamed
Atheling, Margaret, and Christina; but his death, which happened a few days after his arrival, threw the king into
new difficulties. He saw that the great power and ambition of Harold had tempted him to think of obtaining possession
of the throne on the first vacancy, and that Edgar, on account of his youth and inexperience, was very unfit to
oppose the pretensions of so popular and enterprising a rival. The animosity which he had long borne to earl Godwin,
made him averse to the succession of his son; and he could not, without extreme reluctance, think of an increase
of grandeur to a family which had risen on the ruins of royal authority, and which, by the murder of Alfred, his
brother, had contributed so much to the weakening of the Saxon line. In this uncertainty he secretly cast his eye
towards his kinsman, William,
duke of Normandy, as the only person
whose power, and reputation, and capacity could support any destination which be might make in his favour, to the
exclusion of Harold and his family.
This famous prince was natural son of Robert, duke
of Normandy, by Harlotta, daughter of a tanner in Falaise, and was very early established in that grandeur from
which his birth seemed to have set him at so great a distance. While he was but nine years of age, his father had
resolved to undertake a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; a fashionable act of devotion, which had taken place of the pilgrimages
to Rome, and which, as it was attended with more difficulty and danger, and carried those religious adventurers
to the first sources of Christianity, appeared to them more meritorious. Before his departure, he assembled the
states of the dutchy; and informing them of his design, he engaged them to swear allegiance to his natural son,
William, whom, as he had no legitimate issue, he intended, in case he should die in the pilgrimage, to leave successor
to his dominions. As he was a prudent prince, he could not but foresee the great inconveniences which must attend
this journey, and this settlement of his succession; arising from the perpetual turbulency of the great, the claims
of other branches of the ducal family, and the power of the French monarch: but all these considerations were surmounted
by the prevailing zeal for pilgrimages; and probably the more important they were, the more would Robert exult
in sacrificing them to what he imagined to be his religious duty.
This prince, as he had apprehended, died in his pilgrimage; and the minority of his son was attended with all those
disorders which were almost unavoidable in that situation. The licentious nobles, freed from the awe of sovereign
authority, broke out into personal animosities against each other, and made the whole country a scene of war and
devastation. Roger, count of Toni, and Alain, count of Britanny, advanced claims to the dominion of the state;
and Henry I. king of France, thought the opportunity favourable for reducing the power of a vassal, who had originally
acquired his settlement in so violent and invidious a manner, and who had long appeared formidable to his sovereign.
The regency established by Robert encountered great difficulties in supporting the government under this complication
of dangers; and the young prince, when he came to maturity, found himself reduced to a very low condition. But
the, great qualities, which he soon displayed in the field and in the cabinet, gave encouragement to his friends,
and struck a terror into his enemies. He opposed himself on all sides against his rebellious subjects, and against
foreign invaders; and by his valour and conduct prevailed in every action. He obliged the French king to grant
him peace on reasonable terms; he expelled all pretenders to the sovereignty: and he reduced his turbulent barons
to pay submission to his authority, and to suspend their mutual animosities. The natural severity of his temper
appeared in a rigorous administration of justice; and having found the happy effects of this plan of government,
without which the laws in those ages became totally impotent, he regarded it as a fixed maxim, that an inflexible
conduct was the first duty of a sovereign.
The tranquillity which he had established in his dominions, had given William leisure
to pay a visit to the king of England during the time of Godwin's banishment; and he was received in a manner suitable
to the great reputation which he had acquired, to the relation by which he was connected with Edward, and to the
obligations which that prince owed to his family. On the return of Godwin, and the expulsion of the Norman favourites,
Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, had, before his departure, persuaded Edward to think of adopting William as his
successor; a counsel which was favoured by the king's aversion to Godwin, his prepossessions for the Norman's,
and his esteem of the duke. That prelate, therefore, received a commission to inform William of the king's intentions
in his favour; and he was the first person that opened the mind of the prince to entertain those ambitious hopes.
But Edward, irresolute and feeble in his purpose, finding that the English would more easily acquiesce in the restoration
of the Saxon line, had, in the mean time, invited his brother's descendants from Hungary, with a view of having
them recognised heirs to the crown. The death of his nephew, and the inexperience and unpromising qualities of
young Edgar, made him resume his former intentions in favour of the duke of Normandy; though his aversion to hazardous
enterprises engaged him to postpone the execution, and even to keep his purpose secret from all his ministers.
Harold, meanwhile, proceeded, after a more open manner, in increasing his popularity, in
establishing his power, and in preparing the way for his advancement on the first vacancy; an event which, from
the age and infirmities of the king, appeared not very distant. But there was still an obstacle, which it was requisite
for him previously to overcome. Earl Godwin, when restored to his power and fortune, had given hostages for his
good behaviour ; and among the rest, one son and one grandson, whom Edward, for greater security, as has been related,
had consigned to the custody of the duke of Normandy. Harold, though not aware of the duke's being his competitor,
was uneasy that such near relations should be detained prisoners in a foreign country; and he was afraid lest William
should, in favour of Edgar, retain these pledges as a check on the ambition of any other pretender. He represented,
therefore, to the king, his unfeigned submission to royal authority, his steady duty to his prince, and the little
necessity there was, after such a uniform trial of his obedience, to detain any longer those hostages who had been
required on the first composing of civil discords. By these topics, enforced by his great power, he extorted the
king's consent to release them; and in order to effect his purpose, he immediately proceeded with a numerous retinue,
on his journey to Normandy. A tempest drove him on the territory of Guy, count of Ponthieu, who, being informed
of his quality, immediately detained him prisoner, and demanded an exorbitant sum for his ransom. Harold found
means to convey intelligence of his situation to the duke of Normandy: and represented, that while he was proceeding
to his court, in execution of a commission from the king of England, he had met with this harsh treatment from
the mercenary disposition of the count of Ponthieu.
William was immediately sensible of the importance of the incident:
he foresaw, that if he could once gain Harold, either by favours or menaces, his way to the throne of England would
be open, and Edward would meet with no further obstacle in executing the favourable intentions which he had entertained
in his behalf. He sent, therefore, a messenger to Guy, in order to demand the liberty of his prisoner; and that
nobleman, not daring to refuse so great a prince, put Harold into the hands of the Norman, who conducted him to
Rouen. William received him with every demonstration of respect and friendship; and after showing himself disposed
to comply with his desire, in delivering up the hostages, he took an opportunity of disclosing to him the great
secret, of his pretensions to the crown of England, and of the will which Edward intended to make in his favour.
He desired the assistance of Harold in perfecting that design; he made professions of the utmost gratitude in return
for so great an obligation; he promised that the present grandeur of Harold's family, which supported itself with
difficulty under the jealousy and hatred of Edward, should receive new increase from a successor, who would be
so greatly beholden to him for his advancement. Harold was surprised at this declaration of the duke; but being
sensible that he should never recover his own liberty, much less that of his brother and nephew, if he refused
the demand, he feigned a compliance with William, renounced all hopes of the crown for himself, and professed his
sincere intention of supporting the will of Edward, and seconding the pretensions of the duke of Normandy. William,
to bind him faster to his interests, besides offering him one of his daughters in marriage, required him to take
an oath that he would fulfill his promises; and in order to render the oath more obligatory, he employed an artifice
well-suited to the ignorance and superstition of the age. He secretly conveyed under the altar, on which Harold
agreed to swear, the relics of some of the most reverend martyrs; and when Harold had taken the oath, he allowed
him the relics, and admonished him to observe religiously an engagement which had been ratified by so tremendous
a sanction. The English nobleman was astonished; but dissembling his concern, he renewed the same professions,
and was dismissed with all the marks of mutual confidence by the duke of Normandy.
When Harold found himself at liberty, his ambition
suggested casuistry sufficient to justify to him the violation of an oath, which had been extorted from him by
fear, and which, if fulfilled, might be attended with the subjection of his native country to a foreign power.
He continued still to practise every art of popularity; to increase the number of his partisans; to reconcile the
minds of the English to the idea of his succession; to revive their hatred of the Norman's; and, by an ostentation
of his power and influence, to deter the timorous Edward from executing his intended destination in favour of William.
Fortune, about this time, threw two incidents in his way, by which he was enabled to acquire general favour, and
to increase the character which he had already attained, of virtue and abilities.
The Welsh, though a less formidable enemy than the Danes, had long been accustomed to infest the western borders;
and after committing spoil on the low countries, they usually made a hasty retreat into their mountains, where
they were sheltered from the pursuit of their enemies, and were ready to seize the first favourable opportunity
of renewing their depredations. Griffith, the reigning prince, had greatly distinguished himself in those incursions;
and his name had become so terrible to the English, that Harold found he could do nothing more acceptable to the
public and more honourable for himself, than the suppressing of so dangerous an enemy. He formed the plan of an
expedition against Wales; and having prepared some light-armed foot to pursue the natives into their fastnesses,
some cavalry to scour the open country, and a squadron of ships to attack the sea-coast, he employed at once all
these forces against the Welsh, prosecuted his advantage with vigour, made no intermission in his assaults, and
at last reduced the enemy to such distress, that, in order to prevent their total destruction, they made a sacrifice
of their prince, whose head they cut off and sent to Harold; and they were content to receive as their sovereigns
two Welsh noblemen appointed by Edward to rule over them. The other incident was no less hononrable to Harold.
Tosti, brother of this nobleman, who had been created duke of Northumberland, being of a violent, tyrannical temper,
had acted with such cruelty and injustice, that the inhabitants rose in rebellion, and chased him from his government.
Morcar and Edwin, two brothers, who possessed great power in those parts, and who were grandsons of the great duke
Leofric, concurred in the insurrection; and the former, being elected duke, advanced with an army to oppose Harold,
who was commissioned by the king to reduce and chastise the Northumbrians. Before the armies came to action, Morcar,
well acquainted with the generous disposition of the English commander, endeavoured to justify his own conduct.
He represented to Harold, that Tosti had behaved in a manner unworthy of the station to which he was advanced,
and no one, not even a brother, could support such tyranny, without participating, in some degree, of the infamy
attending it; that the Northumbrians, accustomed to a legal administration, and regarding it as their birthright,
were willing to submit to the king, but required a governor who would pay regard to their rights and privileges;
that they had been taught by their ancestors, that death was preferable to servitude, and had taken the field,
determined to perish, rather than suffer a renewal of those indignities to which they had so long been exposed;
and they trusted that Harold, on reflection, would not defend in another that violent conduct, from which he himself
in his own government, had always kept at so great a distance. This vigorous remonstrance was accompanied with
such a detail of facts, so well supported, that Harold found it prudent to abandon his brother's cause; and returning
to Edward, he persuaded him to pardon the Northumbrians, and to confirm Morcar in the government. He even married
the sister of that nobleman; and by his interest, procured Edwin, the younger brother, to be elected into the government
of Mercia. Tosti in a rage departed the kingdom, and took shelter in Flanders with earl Baldwin, his father-in-law.
By this marriage Harold broke all measures with
the duke of Normandy; and William clearly perceived that he could no longer rely on the oaths and promises which
he had extorted from him. But the English nobleman was now in such a situation, that he deemed it no longer necessary
to dissemble. He had, in his conduct towards the Northumbrians, given such a specimen of his moderation as had
gained him the affections of his countrymen. He saw that almost all England was engaged in his interests; while
he himself possessed the government of Wessex, Morcar that of Northumberland, and Edwin that of Mercia. He now
openly aspired to the succession; and insisted, that since it was necessary, by the confession of all, to set aside
the royal family, on account of the imbecility of Edgar, the sole surviving heir, there was no one so capable of
filling the throne as a nobleman of great power, of mature age, of long experience, of approved courage and abilities,
who, being a native of the kingdom, would effectually secure it against the dominion and tyranny of foreigners.
Edward, broken with age and infirmities, saw the difficulties too great for him to encounter; and though his inveterate
prepossessions kept him from seconding the pretensions of Harold, he took but feeble and irresolute steps for securing
the succession to the duke of Normandy. While he continued in this uncertainty, he was surprised by sickness, which
brought him to his grave, on the fifth of January 1066, in the sixty-fifth year of his age, and twenty-fifth of
his reign.
This prince, to whom the monks gave the title of Saint and Confessor, was the last of the Saxon line that ruled
in England. Though his reign was peaceable and fortunate, he owed his prosperity less to his own abilities than
to the conjectures of the times. The Danes, employed in other enterprises, attempted not those incursions which
had been so troublesome to all his predecessors, and fatal to some of them. The facility of his disposition made
him acquiesce under the government of Godwin and his son Harold; and the abilities, as well as the power, of these
noblemen enabled them, while they were entrusted with authority, to preserve domestic peace and tranquillity. The most commendable circumstance of Edward's government, was his attention to the administration
of justice, and his compiling, for that purpose, a body of laws, which he collected from the laws of Ethelbert,
Ina, and Alfred. This compilation, though now lost, (for the laws that pass under Edward's name were composed afterwards,)
was long the object of affection to the English nation.
Edward the Confessor was the first that touched for the king's evil: the opinion of his sanctity procured belief
to this cure among the people: his successors regarded it as a part of their state and grandeur to uphold the same
opinion. It has been continued down to our time; and the practice was first dropped by the present royal family,
who observed, that it could no longer give amazement even to the populace, and was attended with ridicule in the
eyes of all men of understanding.
