*****An Invitation from TSS*****
Sociological Concepts
by David H. Kessel
Berger's Mechanisms of Social Control
Critical Corollary to The Looking Glass Self...by David H. Kessel
Classes
by Alexander Liazos
Is Sociology Common Sense?
by Alexander Liazos
Common Sense Sayings Matching Quiz
Class exercise...in class or written
Conflict and Equilibrium: Mega-Sociological Theories
Fiscal Crisis of the State
A blank "working" outline of O'Connor's main thesis...intended for students for note taking during lecture
Gender Allocation in 224 Societies
General Issues in Science & Research Methods
Health as a Virtue...by Ivan Illich
Labor and Alienated Labor in Capitalist Society
An outline of Marx's concept of Alienation...by David H. Kessel
Notes on Manifest and Latent Functions
Mills' Structural Model of Society
Political Economy: Various Definitions
Sociological Theoretical Perspectives
The Logical Song
Critical and Sociological lyrics from Supertramp (1979)
Three Moments of Dialectical Process of Society
Twenty Statements Test (TST) and Guidelines
What is Social Action?...by Max Weber
Articulated by W. I. Thomas...this is what has come to be called the "Thomas
Theorem." It is one of the simpliest but yet most
profound social psychological concepts yet. It
is..."If men define situations as
real, they are real in their consequences."
The implications of this are far-reaching. It
represents an immense power we have, individually and
collectively. In essence, it really doesn't matter if something is "true" or not...if we
define as such...and then live as if it were...then it "becomes true." Ask any black man...or woman...who
has been defined to be a certain way by others and
then treated as if it were true about them.
For a short excerpt of Thomas' original writing about it go here
On p. 87 he says..."Institutions provide procedures
through which human conduct is patterned, compelled to
go, in grooves deemed desirable by society. And this
trick is performed by making these grooves appear to
the individual as the only possible ones."
In other words, institutions (meeting the various
needs of humans such as health, mating, education,
meaning, food/shelter, etc.) relate to individuals as
regulatory agencies which
channel human actions and thinking. Further, when we
are not made aware that institutions are patterns of
behavior over time and constructed by previous humans,
they take on a kind of inevitability which as Berger
says, seem like our own "inner" voices...they provide
a kind of "institutional imperative" which we more
often than not blindly follow.
Thus, in the absence of this awareness institutions
involve a large degree of
deception...what is in fact
voluntary and historical seems like it is necessary
and given. Believing this is what Berger calls bad faith.
Berger goes on to explain that institutions
(especially the ones we follow in bad faith) give us our scripts,
answers, and solutions...they shield us from quandry.
They devalue other options...even barring other
options or alternatives from our consciousness. They
provide formulas for living...thus creating an ignorance. For instance, the
desire for love becomes the desire for marriage, the
desire for meaning becomes the desire to believe, the
desire for education becomes the desire for a good
job, and so forth. In short, institutions channel us
to behave according to
type...making us role-players that our current
societal arrangements need to maintain itself.
The implications of Berger's portrayal of
institutions are fundamental. Their "root" is the
defining process of people deciding that a certain
need or even want should be fulfilled in a certain way
or pattern. Their surface-reality fits nicely with a
structural portrayal of society as "what ought to be."
Their essential reality is that they imprison us and
at the same time, show us the way out of those
controlling prisons.
These three levels are...the Micro, the Meso, and the Macro. These names are, of
course, very familiar to a variety of
disciplines...especially economics. Likewise, of
course, they mean and refer to particular realities in
Sociology. Each, while on the one hand, are fairly
separate. Each, on the other hand, blend into one
another. I will provide the substance for each...the
categories belonging to each.
However, before detailing each level, a few general
and organizing observations need to made. First,
although after what has been just said about a Levels
approach, it just as surely needs to be said that
"levels" really don't exist as a lived-experience. In
other words, as individuals we don't live on these
levels, we live life as a "whole"...all at once and at
the same moment. We are, in effect, all the levels at
the same time. We are micro beings, meso
fellow-beings, and macro-creators all at the same
time. We don't have micro parts, meso parts, and
macro parts...we live life as a unity...starting with
our biological existence in space and time. In other
words, a Levels of Reality approach is an
epistemological approach...that is, levels are
"knowing devices" that help us tap into that
differentiated reality mentioned above. AS such
devices, they aren't "true"...but rather, are either
more or less useful in understanding social life.
Second, although as Ritzer points out...and is
evident in the work of sociologists, concentration on
the phenomena of each level is possible...quite
likely, in fact. Some people focus on varying aspects
of each level. However, the problem...as Ritzer
says...is when these preferred concentrations result
in conclusions which don't take into account the
phenomena of the other levels...when the levels are
considered separate and distinct without recognition
of their dialectical relations. A holistic study of
society must ask the questions which link the levels
one with another...elsewise, a partial view will
result. Concentration on a preferred level is
fine...but exclusion of the other levels from one's
analysis and conclusions isn't so fine.
Third, this leads to the question of just where
does the Macro level come
from? It's the level that seems most apart from the
lives of individual human beings...and its the one
which seems most unchangeable. As Durkheim said, it
seems external to, prior to, and
coercive on individuals. He was certainly
correct as it relates to each of us being born into a
given existing society. However, Durkheim's
observation was one-sided and really had to be given his time and the
tone of academia then. He was carving out a niche or
a turf for the new discipline of sociology and thus,
couldn't allow the slightest entry of psychologistic
determinism "in" if he was to establish the viability
of the new disciplline. Yet, today, a Levels of
Reality approach must inherently contain this
reciprocal or dialectical relation between the levels.
Thus, the concept of emergence is absolutely essential.
So, as a FIRST
PREMISE...analytically-speaking, the Macro must emerge from the Micro. Emergence, though, is not
a deterministic phenomena or process. Rather,
emergence is the result of what people DO...in
creating and recreating society. If this first
premise is not correct, then we're left with assuming
that the Macro just "is"...or simply is "there" or is
"eternal" or is "unchanging" or was "created" from the
"outside. Another option, one which reductionist
psychologists like, is that the Micro is all there
is...just us "egos"...so to speak. I and others find
these alternative explanations a bit
wanting...emergence of the Macro from the Micro
through the Meso (with continual and complicated
feedback loops within) is the fait accompli of
a Levels of Reality approach.
Now, what do each of these levels consist of?
There are many portrayals of the different levels of
analysis...the one I use is, I think, a very good one
(but its not the only one...choose your own if you'd
like). Mine goes like this:
MICRO
-----Individuals (attitudes, thoughts, beliefs,
self, etc.)
-----Interactions (communications, taking each
other into account)
-----Organizations (patterns of interaction, roles,
institutions beginning)
MESO
-----Organizations (our daily lives)
-----Institutions (patterned solutions)
-----Community (upclose scenes of living)
-----Community (our immediate locations)
-----Society (sharing our language, etc)
-----Culture (our shared total way of life)
-----Civilization (as defined by rulers)
-----Global (slow but sure-forming today)
These are the large-scale structures of
institutional webs
It should be evident that these levels blend into one
another. They are separate in word only...again, we
live them all as a whole.
Ritzer's Levels of Reality (LOR) Models
Birds of a feather flock together
Opposites attract
Absence makes the heart grow fonder
Out of sight, out of mind
Look before you leap
He who hesitates is lost
Familiarity Breeds Contempt
To know her is to love her
Women are unpredictable
Isn't that just like a woman?
You can't teach an old dog new tricks
It's never to late to learn
Above all to thine own self be true
When in Rome, do as the Romans do
Variety is the spice of life
Never change horses in midstream
Two heads are better than one
If you want something done right, do it yourself
You can't tell a book by its cover
The clothes make the man
Many hands make light work
Too many cooks spoil the broth
Better safe than sorry
Nothing ventured, nothing gained
Haste makes waste
Strike while the iron is hot
Work for the night is coming
Eat, drink, and be merry for tomorrow you may die
There's no place like home
The grass is always greener on the other side
Institutions
The most instructive explanation of institutions I
have found is by Peter L. Berger in Invitation to Sociology. I
believe this because he enables us to understand how
they come about, how they are maintained, and how they
change. This is in contrast to a static approach which
treats them as "merely existing." His inherent
historical/processual portrayal fosters a critical
understanding about change. His explanation also
links institutions to our human nature by contrasting
them with "instincts" (essentially substituting for
them). Further, he connects institutions with "roles"
and then the ultimate subjective activity...defining
situations and reacting on the basis of those
meanings/definitions.
Levels of
Analysis/Reality
I owe much of my understanding of levels of reality/analysis to
George Ritzer, a contemporary sociologist at the
University of Maryland. Building upon the substantial
work of others...as well as the tradition in sociology
about levels, Ritzer presents levels as a very useful
and reciprocal concept which as he says, helps us
obtain a "differentiated view" of the social world
instead of its seemingly monolithic nature from a
structural perspective. A levels approach helps us
break down this monolithic appearance by linking the
three major levels together in a dialectical or
reciprocal relationship...resulting in the "whole" of
society, itself.
MACRO
For a more detailed portrayal of this typology, go HERE
Commonsense
Sayings
The following list of "commonsense sayings" is from
Eitzen/Baca Zinn's In Conflict &
Order. They represent a small but powerful set
of examples of the types of commonsense sayings that
people use as "absolute" guides to live by. They are
presented as absolute and thus, as a substitute for
real thinking and analysis of situations. The fact is
that all of them are accurate at some times, some places, about some
things, etc.. They are relative, not absolute.
Sociological thinking/analysis is about studying
these realities...determining the correlates and
conditions in which they hold and do not hold. So,
which of these statements do you
use instead of assessing things?
General Issues
in Science & Research Methods
Issues about
Science
What IS science?
What is the nature of know(ledge)(ing)?
---Accumulation?
---Changing?
-------Kuhn's Revolutions
Falsification and Verification
---Do we ever "prove" anything?
Correlation vs/and Causality
---What is the difference?
Empiricism/Positivism
---Dangers of...
-------The Ant Complex
-------Spider's Complex
-------Drunkard's Search
Objectivity?
Ethical Issues
----Zimbardo's Comments on Stanford Prison Experiment
Informed Consent
Observer Effect/Reactivity
Operationalization
Generalizability and Sampling
Replication
Reliability and Validity
Money
Methods of social control will vary with:
1. the social situation
2. the purpose and character of the group
1. VIOLENCE
---physical force
---threat of violence
------"restraining influence of the generally known
availability of the means of violence"
2. ECONOMIC PRESSURE
---both the fear of being fired and the fear of not
being hired
3. VERBAL/MENTAL PRESSURES
---Persusasion
---Ridicule and Gossip
---Ostracism
---Fraud (fraudulent claims)
4. MORALITY, CUSTOMS,
MANNERS
---some are legal sanctions, most are informally enforced
---"adjustment-oriented groups" can define some
people as "sick"
5. OCCUPATIONAL CONTROLS
---Formal Controls
------licensing
------professionalism
------being in trade unions
------formal rules and regulations of employers
---Informal Controls
------from colleagues and co-workers
---Both: "Codes of Conduct"
6. FAMILY AND PERSONAL
FRIENDS
---carries "far more serious psychological weight"
---Home as the "sphere of the intimate"
------our major source of "self-definition"
---Likely to maintain as much harmony as possible
so our sense of ourselves is maintained
Research ethics
And what about research institutions?
Zimbardo still has mixed emotions about the ethics of
his experiment. His experiment has been criticized by
some social scientists, as was the obedience
experiment of his high school classmate Stanley
Milgram, for its treatment of human research subjects.
In Milgram's 1965 experiment, the subjects were led to
believe that they were delivering ever more powerful
electric shocks to a stranger, on the orders of a
white-coated researcher. Most were distressed by the
situation, but two-thirds delivered the highest level
of shock labeled "danger - severe shock." Like some
of Zimbardo's guard subjects, some of Milgram's were
anguished afterward by the revelation of their dark
potential. When asked about the ethics of such
research for a 1976 magazine profile, Zimbardo said
that "the ethical point is legitimate insofar as who
are you, as an experimenter, to give a person that
kind of information about oneself. But my feeling is
that that's the most valuable kind of information that
you can have and that certainly a society needs it."
He told Stanford Report that he believes the pendulum
now has swung too far toward protecting research
subjects at the expense of new knowledge that could
help society. "Our study went though the human
subjects committee then because they didn't know in
advance, nor did we, that anything would happen. . . .
Now [review committees] assume everybody is so
fragile, that if you propose to tell a research
subject he failed a test, it will damage his
self-esteem forever. So most research now is paper and
pencil tests. We ask people things like 'Imagine you
were a guard, how would you behave?' "
He would prefer, Zimbardo said, that human subjects
review committees at universities "allow some
controversial things to be done but in a highly
monitored way. Videotapes should be checked every day,
and there should be the option of an independent
overseer blowing the whistle at any time."
He told the Toronto symposium audience last summer
that the prison experiment was both ethical and
unethical.
It was ethical, he said, because "it followed the
guidelines of the Stanford human subjects ethics
committee that approved it. There was no deception;
all subjects were told in advance that if prisoners,
many of their usual rights would be suspended and they
would have only minimally adequate diet and health
care during the study," which was planned to last two
weeks.
It was also ethical for him to continue, he said, in
that more than 50 people came to look at the study in
progress and did not register any objections before
Maslach registered hers. Among those who did not
intervene were parents and friends of the students who
came to see them on the prison's visiting nights, a
Catholic priest, a public defender, and "professional
psychologists, graduate students and staff of the
psychology department who watched on-line videos of
part of the study unfold or took part in parole board
hearings or spoke to [the study subjects] and looked
at them."
But it was unethical, he said, "because people
suffered and others were allowed to inflict pain and
humiliation on their fellows over an extended period
of time."
"And yes, although we ended the study a week earlier
than planned, we did not end it soon enough."