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ARAKAN ROHINGYA NATIONAL ORGANISATION

Thank you for visiting ARNO's official Website. We hope you would find the required information concerning the Rohingyas in particular and Arakan in General. We would appreciate all kind of feedback, suggestions and supports. Thank you.

ARAKAN IN DECEMBER 2001

 

 

Myanmar Junta Secretary Number One Visits Maungdaw

Maungdaw, 31st December 01:    Secretary Number One of State Peace and Development Council junta of Myanmar visited Maungdaw, the western border town of Rakhine State on 29th December, according to our correspondent from Maungdaw. Khin Nyunt, the junta head came on a state visit to open the newly constructed annexe of Basic Education Secondary School in the town and also to 'receive donations from what the junta described as "philanthropists" of the locality'. 

A merchant of the town said that, the local Township Peace and Development Council (TPDC) members used force and threat to all the businessmen in the locality to 'donate' money to the TPDC coffer for the construction of the annexe building.  The money so collected amounted to nearly kyat five million with which the junta bought organ, air coolers, TV sets, etc.   Khin Nyunt and his team also visited Aung Thabre, Wayladaung,Bandoola, Aung Chantha, Taungbro Lakway, Taing-hmu, Waythali, Bhogawaddy,and some other ethnic Mro and Thak villages.  He distributed rice, medicine,clothes and blankets, and school books  among the villagers as a part of what the junta calls is a Border Area Development Programme.  At Taing-hmu village (Western Commander's Village), the group distributed a television set, video, and air cooler.

A TPDC official on condition of anonymity told our correspondent that,every household in the township had to offer kyat 1,000 donation to the township authority for bearing the cost involved in  Khin Nyunt's reception.  Besides, the secretary did not bother to offer anything to the villages in the township other than those established by them though there is a silent starvation and lack of work prevailing in the entire township. 

Source: Burma net, Narinjara News,31  December 2001
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Burma Joins the Nuclear Club , Russia Muscles in on China's Turf with a Reactor for Burma

By Bertil Lintner ,Far Eastern Economic Review,Issue cover-dated December 27, 2001 - January 3, 2002

Burma is one of the world's poorest and least developed countries, yet it is apparently embarking on a nuclear-power project with the help of Russian and, possibly, Pakistani scientists. And Beijing is none too happy at seeing Moscow muscling in on its turf, according to diplomats. The project was initiated by Russia's Atomic Energy Ministry, which in February announced plans to build a 10-megawatt research reactor in central Burma.

In July, Burma's Foreign Minister Win Aung, accompanied by the military-ruled country's ministers of defence, energy, industry and railways, travelled to Moscow to finalize the deal. At the time, Russian news agencies quoted Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov as saying that Russia considers Burma a "promising partner in Asia and the Pacific region."

He had reason to be pleased as Russia also managed to sell 10 MiG-29 fighter aircraft for $130 million to Burma. Rival China is Burma's main military supplier, while the West shuns the country.

The ground-breaking ceremony for the nuclear facility is scheduled to take place at a secret location near the town of Magwe in January. The equipment and reactor will be delivered in 2003, while more than 300 Burmese nationals have received nuclear technical training in Russia over the past year, according to Russian diplomats.

Tight secrecy surrounds the fledgling nuclear programme and there is little noticeable activity around the recently established Department of Atomic Energy in Rangoon, residents say. The project is believed to be the brainchild of Burmese Minister of Science and Technology U Thaung, who is reported to believe that nuclear research is necessary for "a modern nation." But while Burma suffers from a chronic power shortage, it's not clear why it would need a research reactor, which is used mainly for medical purposes.

The programme came under the spotlight recently after two Pakistani nuclear scientists, with long experience at two of their country's most secret nuclear installations, showed up in Burma after the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States.

According to Asian and European intelligence sources, Suleiman Asad and Muhammed Ali Mukhtar left Pakistan for Burma when it became clear that American officials were interested in interrogating them about their links with suspected terrorist mastermind Osama bin Laden. The U.S. believes bin Laden wants to develop a nuclear weapon.

A Pakistani news agency reported that the duo went to Burma to assist local scientists in "some kind of research work," leading many observers to believe they had joined the nuclear project.

There is no clear evidence linking them to the Russian-supported nuclear programme. But one Asian diplomat speculates that if the Pakistanis are indeed assisting Burmese scientists it could be in the field of taking care of nuclear waste. This is a highly lucrative business, and Burma desperately needs foreign exchange to help to prop up its moribund economy.

Source: Burma net,Far Eastern Economic Review, December 27,2001
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"Without inner freedom you can achieve nothing" An Interview with Vaclav Havel,President of the Czech Republic  

Irrawaddy Magazine:Vol 9. No. 9, December 2001

To mark the tenth anniversary of Aung San Suu Kyi receiving  the Nobel Peace Prize, President Vaclav Havel of the Czech Republic agreed to share his views on her accomplishments, as well as on the current situation in Burma, with Irrawaddy readers. In this exclusive interview, conducted via e-mail with Irrawaddy correspondent Min Zin, President Havel expresses his agreement with Aung San Suu Kyi’s belief that the struggle for democracy needs to be "a movement very much of the spirit", and urges Burmese "to begin thinking not only about changes but also about what will come afterwards."

QUESTION: In 1991, you decided to give Aung San Suu Kyi a chance to win the Nobel Peace Prize. Why did you make this decision?

ANSWER: The world’s attention was, at that time, still turned to the fall of communism and the democratic changes in Central and  Eastern Europe. I thought it necessary to draw attention to the fact that not all nations in the world have freed themselves from dictatorship. The main reason,though, was the fact that my friend Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi really did deserve this prize. I hold her, and her non-violent struggle for democracy, in high regard. It is people like her who should be awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace, as opposed to presidents and other statesmen whose job it is,after all, to uphold peace, freedom and order.   We must attentively listen to the voices of democratic representatives of all nations of Myanmar and, on that basis, from the viewpoint of all people of Burma, analyze the situation.

Q: Some policymakers in the West are now saying that it is time to consider the "constructive engagement" approach taken by Asian countries towards Burma. What do you think of the idea of "engaging" with the Burmese military regime?

A: I think that the position of most Western governments remains unchanged. The US Congress passed a resolution on the situation in Burma recently;also the European Union confirmed all its measures, which the Czech Republic joined as an associate member and candidate country. Of course, this does not a priori rule out a discussion about specific and controlled humanitarian aid, e.g. in the fight against AIDS, etc. I am inclined toward the ongoing dialogue with the government, mediated by the special envoy Razali Ismail, and the Czech Republic also supports the International Labor Organization missions.

Q: Political talks have been taking place between Aung San Suu Kyi and the military for more than a year now. Despite a lack of substantial progress, some are suggesting that it is time to "reward" the regime for participating in this dialogue. Do you think this is a good time to begin a partial lifting of sanctions?

A: Naturally, it is too early to assess the results, if any. What is relevant is how Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi herself, and other opposition democratic forces, assess the situation as to whether, from their point of view, there has really been any substantial progress. We must attentively listen to the voices of democratic representatives of all nations of Myanmar and, on that basis, from the viewpoint of all people of Burma, analyze the situation. Should there be some substantial progress and tangible results, and if some partial moderation of the measures were to support this trend, then I am inclined to consider this step. I should also add that, within the existing measures, we maintain standard and correct diplomatic relations with the Burmese government, we inform them about our opinions openly,as do other democratic countries. What is unacceptable is when a military which partially creates social and ethnic problems by its actions argues that it is the only entity capable of solving them.

Q: The concept of power sharing between the oppressor and the oppressed has been a very contentious issue in many countries undergoing transitions to democracy. Do you feel that power sharing can lead to genuine national reconciliation?

A: It is up to the people of Burma to choose what should be the path leading them toward free and democratic elections. In Czechoslovakia, after November 1989, we formed, on the basis of a consensus of the majority of political forces and as a result of the dialogue with the then ruling power-holders, a government of National Unity which led the country to free elections after a period of six months. However, I am not saying that this is some universally valid, or the only possible procedure.

Q: Some scholars argue that the military is the only institution in Burma capable of maintaining stability in the face of serious ethnic and social conflicts. They therefore argue that Burma should proceed slowly, rather than taking the radical step of completely dismantling military rule. Can you comment on this?

A: Many democratic countries have armies that play an important part in the systems of these countries, but here they are always under the supervision of elected political representatives. In our country the army is gradually regaining respect by participating in different peace missions, at present for example in the Balkans or in Afghanistan; the army is involved in public life, helps communities, deals with natural disasters, etc. The Czech army fulfills its functions, serves society and the state, to the goals of which it is subjected on the basis of principles of democratic control. What is unacceptable is when a military which partially creates social and ethnic problems by its actions argues that it is the only entity capable of solving them. I believe in your freedom, just as I believed in our freedom, and very often it was necessary to encourage the last bit of dissipating hope.

Q: Aung San Suu Kyi once said that in order for the Burmese democracy movement to succeed, it needed to be "a movement very much of the spirit". Do you agree that democracy can only be achieved if there is faith in the possibility of real freedom? Or do you feel that other circumstances, such as changes in the global order (e.g., economic trends), are capable of ending Burma’s cycle of repression and violence?

A: I am convinced that without inner freedom you can achieve nothing. I agree with Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, and I admire her unfailing efforts to bring about a peaceful change in her country. I have, many times in the past, attempted to reflect on our historical experience with the totalitarian regime and, again and again, I would come to the conclusion that, in the long run, only that can be politically successful what is, first of all—before it assumes any political shape—a good answer to elementary moral dilemmas of our time or an expression of respect for the imperatives of moral order. It is a very strong realization that politics can be meaningful only if it is preceded by conscience. I am not saying this as a moralist who wants to preach to people and politicians or present himself as a shining example. Absolutely not. I am saying this only and exclusively as an observer, as a man who came to see that ethical conduct brings about positive reaction in the future. Of course, it often leads to suffering, and one can hardly say that it always bears quick and visible positive results. Certainly I do not have to explain that to you, those of you whose life of suffering in your own country brought you to exile and for those who suffered and died for freedom. Ethical conduct is effective not only to individuals that might suffer but, on the other hand, also to those who are inwardly free and are, therefore, happy; but it is especially effective for society in which a multitude of lives, which have experienced ethical conduct, merge into something that you could call good moral environment, or standard, or repeatedly renewed moral tradition, or equipment, which sooner or later, must turn to common benefit.

Q: Some Asian governments argue that the Asian emphasis on social duty rather than individual rights means that Western-style democracy is inconsistent with "Asian values". What are your views on this argument?

A: I simply believe that the desire for freedom, democracy and a dignified life is inherent to all humankind, that the idea of human rights and freedoms must be an indelible part of each meaningful social organization, both regionally and globally. To earnestly respect ourselves and our neighbors—and thus respect also their rights—I would not say that this principle is in any way contrary to traditional Asian humility, politeness and selflessness.What matters is a respect for each unique human being, and for their freedoms and inseparable rights, as well as the rule of law and the equality of all citizens before law, the principle that all power comes from the people, all of these are the ideological essence of a modern democracy, often called, with inaccuracy, Western. I do think that some values really are universal. A discussion about such values is necessary, and it is the only way to overcome differences in understanding them. Last but not least, it also depends on who actually defines these "traditional Asian values" or any other moral imperatives.

Q: The Burmese people have become rather passive in their desire for democracy. As an advocate of "power for the powerless", what do you feel the Burmese people can do to ensure that our country achieves democracy?

A: I know that the present situation is hard for many Burmese people and it is therefore difficult to advise. I believe in your freedom, just as I believed in our freedom, and very often it was necessary to encourage the last bit of dissipating hope (meaning that Czechs are in no way a warrior nation willing to make sacrifices...) And, when Burma is free, it will also need free—and here I mean inwardly free— citizens who are capable of building new democratic structures. It is now the time to begin thinking not only about changes but also about what will come afterwards. Otherwise, the exhilaration that comes with changes will be followed by frustration.  

Source: Irrawaddy Magazine: Vol.  9. No. 9, December 2001
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Peace talks will fail if we are excluded, minorities warn

Dec:18, 2001 , Bangkok (William Barnes- Myanmar )

Myanmar's many ethnic minorities say secret talks between opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the military regime will fail to forge a fairer future unless minority groups are invited to participate soon.

The same point was made at the recent Nobel Peace Prize celebrations in Oslo and reiterated yesterday by ethnic representatives on the Thai-Myanmar border. 

There had not been a single sign that even if the ruling generals were prepared to do a deal with an ethnic Burmese opponent like Ms Aung San Suu Kyi that they would be willing to accommodate any of the minorities' aspirations,they said."The failure to find a workable distribution of power between the Burmese and the other nationalities has been a disaster. "Aung San Suu Kyi has been tussling with the military since the 1990 election, we've been wrestling [with Yangon] since independence in 1948," Hte Bupeh, of the Karenni National Progressive Party, said. The closed-door talks that started in October last year have so far not gone further than confidence-building exchanges, the release of some political prisoners and reopening of a few offices belonging to Ms Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy. 

The United Nations special envoy Razali Ismail, who is brokering the talks,has said he hopes to see progress in the negotiations "very soon". He has warned the minority groups that they should be ready to participate next year. But many, perhaps most, ethnic leaders harbour a deep traditional distrust of the ethnic Burmese, who account for up to two-thirds of the population, let alone a prickly military drenched in Burmese sentiment. 

"The ethnic trust question needs to be crossed very quickly. This can never be an afterthought. It's the key to the whole thing," said Khun Kya Nu, a veteran member of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy. Ms Aung San Suu Kyi commands unique respect among the minorities, yet some complain that her confrontation with the military is drawn in David and Goliath terms, leaving the minorities out in the cold. 

The call for a nation-wide ceasefire, freedom to meet and free passage for negotiators made by a leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Khun Htoo Oo, to Mr Razali in Yangon was given unanimous support by minority leaders in Oslo. 

"We couldn't make a step towards Rangoon [Yangon] without risking getting shot. The regime acts as if it hates us so how do you think we feel about our chances of participating in the talks," a representative of the Karen National Union said. 

The regime underlined such doubts recently when it complained that the leaders of "illegal" minority parties had attended an opposition ceremony in Yangon.

Source: Burma net,  South China Morning Post,18 December 2001
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Military confiscation of land leaves villagers in a pitiable state in western Myanmar 

Sittwe, 15th December 01:  The residents of two villages under Kyauktaw township in Rakhine State of Myanmar whose landed property were confiscated by the Myanmar army last year have not yet been given any compensation, according to our correspondent from Sittwe, capital of the western state.

The Light Battalion 539, established at Tharak-ouk village under Kyauktaw township in 1995, was relocated to a new site 20 miles south-west of Kyauktaw, at Pain-fe-chhaung village in 2000.  During the relocation process, the military fenced with barbed-wire all the landed property owned by the residents of the two villages of Kan-jauk and Pain-fe-chhaung, for  establishing a new battalion headquarters there.  More than twenty fruit orchards of the villagers were also confiscated in the process besides more than two hundred acres of rice paddy where the villagers also used to grow various vegetables and pulses during the dry season.  Besides this the military confiscated more than fifty acres of fallow land used as pasture for the cattle in the village.

During the monsoons this year, the battalion forces compelled the villagers to plough the confiscated lands with the help of the cattle owned by the villagers, grow rice and do agriculture by forced labour, the harvest of which was reserved for the use by the family members of the battalion soldiers. At present the SPDC forces are engaging the villagers to harvest the paddy in those confiscated lands.

The villagers whose landed property was confiscated were left with not a single acre of paddy field where to grow rice for themselves. Since the owners of the confiscated fruit orchards were not used to growing paddies, they were rendered penniless and helpless as a result of the wholesale confiscation of property.The cattle, too have now to be herded to distant places for pasture.

Our correspondent added that, there are fifty-four battalions of Myanmar forces all over Rakhine State which were set up in lands confiscated from the Rakhine peoples since the junta came to power in 1988 in the western part of Myanmar that left residents of more than one hundred villages landless.  In all the instances, the SPDC junta never bothered either to compensate for the property the civilians lost or resettle them elsewhere by the help of the public fund. As a result a good number of these villagers, especially the younger generation, were forced to move to far-off places in Burma proper or cross the border illegally to Thailand for earning their livelihood.  This year, there has been a silent famine among the affected villagers who have been rendered out of work and who lost their source of income due to the confiscation of land, our correspondent concluded quoting many of the villagers from Kyauktaw township

Source: Narijara News, 15 December 2001 
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Official border trade closed, illegal smuggling opened

Teknaf, 14th December 01: The Nasaka border security forces on the Myanmar side at the border town of Maungdaw have kept the official border trade with Bangladesh suspended since the US attack on Afghanistan a month ago, according to a Myanmarese trader available here, our correspondent from Teknaf confirmed. Though the official border trade remain suspended, the illegal smuggling vessels from Irrawaddy delta and Rakhine coastline regularly visit the Bangladesh coastline.  Every day hundreds of smuggling vessels are seen to call at Teknaf and Shahpur island in the south-eastern tip of Bangladesh.  Each smuggling vessel has to pay US $50 cash to MI, and 30,000 kyat to the police at Sittwe town; and 50,000 kyat to the Navy, and 20,000 to the Customs lying in wait in the waters at Sittwe, as told to our correspondent by one of the smuggler-traders from Myanmar available at Teknaf town on the Bangladesh side.  On 13th November, the Burmese Navy nabbed a smuggling boat which did not pay the required sum of bribe, about 10 miles west of the mouth of the river Naf at Maungdaw.  The vessel contained 13 heads of cattle, 40 gunny bags of unknown commodities, and 10 crew members.  Most of the contraband items that come illegally to Bangladesh include, textiles, umbrellas, shoes, Chinese electronic goods, rice, pulses, alcoholic beverages, cattle, shrimp, crabs, etc.

Source: Narijara News, 14 December 2001 
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Four commanders named to Special operations Bureau

Based on notices in Official Gazette, posted by BBC Monitoring service: 

Dec 11, 2001 :RANGOON - Four members of Burma's ruling State Peace and Development Council have been named to the Bureau of Special Operations of the Armed Forces and assigned new duties as commanders of the Bureau, according to a notification that appeared in the country's official gazette on November 23.

The notice in the Gazette named the four as Maj-Gen Ye Myint, Maj-Gen Aung Htwe, Maj-Gen Khin Maung and Maj-Gen Maung Bo.  It said that in addition to regular military operational duties the four would also supervise political, economic and social tasks in the regions under their command.

Ye Myint of Mandalay will now have an enlarged region under his command that includes Magwe, Sagaing and Mandalay divisions, as well Chin and Kachin states. Aung Htwe moves from Sittwe in Ararkan state and takes over as commander of the three zones in  Shan state, as well as Kayah (Karenni) state. Khin Maung Than, already the commander in Rangoon, adds Irrawaddy and east and west Bago divisions, as well as Arakan state, to his military command duties.  And Maung Bo moves from Taung-gyi to take over command duties in Karen and Mon states, as well as in Tenasserim division.

Since the regional commanders have previously exercised close political, social and economic control over the areas under their command, it's not clear what new responsibilities will be added.But with much larger regions under their command, it would appear that their deputies in the various state, divisional and area capitals will assume greater responsibilities.

According to exile sources, the former head of the Bureau of Special Operations, Lt-Gen Tin Oo, used the position to exercise over-all control of Army operations, including the regional military commands, infantry divisions and the operational commands of separated infantry and artillery/armoured battalions.  It would appear that these responsibilities will now be grouped in larger regions and shared by the four commanders. 

Another notification in the same issue of the official gazette said that Maj-Gen Aye Kywe who has been commander of the Coastal Military Command in Tenasserim division had been named as cabinet minister with responsibilities for political, economic and social task in the region under his charge. Also named as a minister at the same time was the commander-in-chief of the navy, Vice-Admiral Kyi Min.  No mention was made of his responsibilities which he was supposed to take up immediately. Contrary to some reports, it would appear that neither Kyi Min, who was named navy c-in-c in Aug 2000 nor the new head of the air force, Maj-Gen Myint Swe, has ever been admitted to membership in the ruling State Peace and Development Council.  The same would appear to apply to Brig-Gen. Myint Swe and Maj-Gen Aye Kywe who were named to their regional command posts earlier this year.

Reports in the official press this week indicated that the old regional structure continues to function for the moment. Aung Htwe was cited as being in charge of the Western Command region in ceremonies to welcome Chinese president Jiang Zemin when he overnighted in Ngapali beach during a four day visit to Burma this week

Source: Burma courier no.300, 9 December 2001
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Bangladesh tightens border security with Myanmar

CHITTAGONG, Bangladesh,Dec 8 (AFP) - Bangladesh has tightened its security on its border with Myanmar to stop "illegal" inflitration, a security official said Saturday.

"Three of our battalions (some 400 troops) are guarding the border with Myanmar to restrict any illegal entry," a Bangladesh Rifles border guard officer told AFP, requesting anonymity. He said the step was taken after local newspapers carried "exaggerated" eports about illegal cross-border traffic.

More than 280,000 Myamar Muslims, known as Rohingyas, entered Bangladesh in 1991, claiming they were victims of repression and human rights violations, a charge denied by the Yangon military junta.

Most were repatriated by 1993 under two agreements between the neighbours and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. More than 20,000 remain in two camps in southeastern Cox's Bazar district where little progress has been to secure their repatriation.

Local people reportedly blame social problems, including a rise in crime, on the refugees, many of whom have mixed with the local population due to a common dialect. 

Source: Burma net, AFP, Chittagong, 9 December 2001
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Indian and Burmese forces bond afresh

By the BBC's Larry Jagan in Bangkok 7 December, 2001, 12:20 GMT

India's top military trainer is completing a week-long visit to Burma on Saturday.The Director General of armed forces training, Major General Ashok Vasudev, has been on a study tour, which Indian government officials have described as routine. This is the latest in a series of high-level military exchanges between the two countries.

Analysts say these visits reflect increasing co-operation between Rangoon and Delhi. All three services in the military, the army, navy and air force, are represented on the visit. The main purpose of the delegation, an Indian official told the BBC, was to look at the provision of military training in Burma and identify areas in which the Indian armed forces could provide assistance. 

Steady collaboration 

This visit does not represent a major change in the Indian position, according to government officials, but was only meant to strengthen existing cooperation in the area of military training. Western military experts believe that Burma's military leaders are looking to diversify their training, especially for air force personnel.

Burma recently acquired MiG fighters from Russia, which are also extensively flown by the Indian air force. But Thai military intelligence sources say they believe the Burmese army is keen to acquire helicopters and may also seek training from India. 

Indian officials privately say that military cooperation between India and Burma is steadily increasing and training is an important part of that relationship. Burma is also keen to get more military hardware from Delhi; they already get tanks, guns, ammunition and military uniforms from India. Military cooperation between the two countries has increased over the past two years, partly in response to common concerns over cross-border insurgency and drug trafficking. This has led to joint military operations against rebel groups along India's north-eastern border with Burma. The Indian and Burmese Army chiefs have made several exchange visits in the past two years. 

Regional strategy

India has been keen to improve its relations with the Burmese generals for some time now in the hope of countering what they see as undue Chinese influence. Economic ties between India and Burma too have been developing strongly in the past few years. India and Burma are building a joint highway which will link Burma's second major city Mandalay with India. This should be completed soon, according to Indian officials. 

There are also joint plans, between India, Burma and Thailand, to build a major highway from Mandalay to the Thai border. The foreign ministers of the three countries have agreed to meet early next year in Mandalay to sort out some of the details of the project. 

Source: Burma net, BBC, 9 December 2001
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Real view on the entry point: ( Border trade or style of exit, re-entry to ethnic cleansing of Rohingya)

 Maungdaw, December 7, 2001:   By taking a 24 hour transit pass to Maungdaw town of Myanmar across the Naf river from Teknaf under Cox's Bazaar district, we saw a subhuman life lived by the people in the area.  Especially the Muslims of Maungdaw are subjected to barbaric ill-treatment by the Nasaka border police. The Nasaka does not only ill-treat the Muslims but also keep the Muslims under constant surveillance being distrustful of the Muslims' connection with the Myanmar separatist group and other militant organizations. For this the paid agents of the Nasaka roam the streets and markets in mufti.For this reasons no one was willing to talk openly. 

We had talks with some local Muslims in the Hotel Golden Joy situated at the Maungdaw township immigration harbour.They said, day or night the Nasaka would come anytime and conduct searches in the houses. On dubious charges they hold people indefinitely under detention for years without any trial.   

There are examples of deaths of the detained Muslims who cannot pay the demanded sum of money (to the Nasaka). Besides the Nasaka come on sudden swoops to take the Muslim youths away without any apparent reason. They engage these young people in shrimp farms (owned by the military), embankments and roads, for days together without paying.   

Meanwhile the repeated devaluation of the Myanmarese currency, kyat, has caused the abnormal increase of the price of daily necessities, while the wage has remained the same as before.

As a result most of the people in the area are compelled to go half-fed or starved.  In these circumstances, a large number of Rohingyas are intruding into the Cox's Bazaar and Bandarban districts close to the border of Myanmar.The Nasaka border police do not stop the Rohingyas from running away from their country.  Worse, they sometimes incite them to cross into Bangladesh. Whereas any person going to Maungdaw from Bangladesh is subjected to rigorous questioning by the Nasaka,permission is issued for the maximum of 24 hours (to visitors from Bangladesh).  If a resident of Maungdaw stays in Bangladesh for a few days and tries to go back through the same point of travel, the person is never allowed his re-entry. 

Source: the Prothom Alo, a Bengali daily of Bangladesh,(Abridged) December, 8th 2001                                                                  TOP

Forced Labour for Naval Base in Rakhine State

Sittwe 1 December 2001: Since the ILO observation team visited Rakhine State,the western state of Myanmar from 23 to 28 September 2001,the SPDC junta of Myanmar have started to use large scale forced labour in the State,according to our correspondent from Sittwe.

The SPDC have started to build a 1400 ft deep naval base at one and half mile east of Thaik-pouk-taung (Kyauk-pru naval base) for harbouring Chinese-made submarines and other naval vessels by using extensive forced labour. Seventy villagers from Wa-daung-rwa of Kyaukpru have been forced to work there everyday since the ninth of November 2001.  For a road connection with Yunnan province of China, the road passing through Minbu township and Ann Pass is being constructed with full force.  After completion of the road, Rakhine State on the eastern flank of the Bay of Bengal will have direct road link with China, our corresponded added

Source: Narijara News, 1 December 2001 
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5 killed in Lun Htin Camp, innocent villager persecuted

Krin Chaung December 01: Many Rohingya villagers, who include old men, women and children, have been arrested from the nearby villages of Lun Htin Police camp at Longdun, following an incident in the said camp on the night of November 23, in which 4 policemen and a woman were killed and 6 firearms taken away, said the villagers. Longdun is a Rohingya village about 2.5 miles south of Kring Chaung town (Bawlibazar) and about 22 miles from north of Maungdaw town, Arakan, Burma. 

From San Oo village (Hatipara), about 100 men and 200 women were arrested, 11 dwelling houses destroyed and 2 houses burnt into ashes. The victims were herded onto an open ground attached to the camp without shelter, food and winter clothes. Of the arrested women, the wives of Amir, Rohul Amin, Khairul Amin and Bashar were sent to Area Headquarters No. 4 at Krin Chaung under the pretext of interrogation. An old lady and a pregnant woman died of unbearable living condition, fear and grief in this fasting month of Ramadan.

From Sabegon village (Kadirbil) 25 women and 5 men were arrested. The names of the arrested men were Maulvi Fayazul Islam (a religious leader), Bazarul Jamal, Mohibullah, Kaseim and Maung Galay. The following day, the women were released on payment of a bribe of Kyat 5 million. 

From Zediprang village 20 people were arrested. The village council chairman and one Kaloo of the Dodan village (Ludine) were also arrested. Noor Jahan and Sajeda, the wife and daughter of Mohammed Kaseim respectively of Naisagru (Naisapru) village were among those arrested. They were carried to Area Headquarters at Krin Chaung for interrogation.

A Buddhist Rakhine, namely Bo Bo, son of Sein Tha Oo of the nearby village of Zediprang was later arrested, a villager said.

Concerned sources said that the incident was a mutiny and was done by 2 of the 6 Lun Htin policemen of the Longdun camp. The sources further said that a total of 6 assorted arms with about 1000 ammunition were lost or taken away that include 2 nos. M16 Rifles with 11 magazines, 1 no. BA 52 SMG with 4 magazines, 1 no. 303 Rifle and 1 no. LMG.

Editor                                                                             Kaladan Press

Kaladan Press" is an independent news group disseminating and reporting news and information covering western Burma in particular.

Source: Kaladan Press Network , 1 December 2001 
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Police, locals clash in Western Arakan town of Maungdaw six person injured

Maungdaw Nov. 27: Clash broke out between a group of policemen from Thaye Konbaung (Charkumbaw) model village outpost and villagers of nearby Muslim village of Zaw Matek 8 miles south of Maungdaw township in western Arakan state on November 26. Six persons including a policemen were reportedly injured.

The incident occured after 3 drunken policemen -- sergeant Myint Lwin, constable Aung Than and constable Win Naing -- entered Zaw Matek market and started beating up a Muslim shopkeeper Abdul Hamid 14, son of Abdul Mollah who raised hue and cry. Some people standing nearby rushed at the policemen to protect the boy. Being afraid to confront with the people the three policemen fled to their camp. After about half an hour the three culprits accompanied by more policemen came to the Zaw Matek market carrying M -16 rifles. They started beating up several persons in the market. About 70 Muslims gathered and resisted the policemen. The police have reportedly fired shots at the people causing injury to five of them. One policemen was also injured, according to a reliable source. The situation was brought under control when Village elders fromRakhine model village and village Chairman and Secretary of the Zaw Matek Muslim village intervened and pursuaded both the groups to return to their respective places. Three people have been arrested later in this connection.

Meanwhile several persons have been arrested, beaten and tortured in connection with the killing of 4 policemen and stealing of firearms from the Long Dun outpost under Kyin Chaung townsip north of Maundaw township in the night of November 23. People are forced to dive into all ponds around the area to search for the missing firearms. All entry and exit points in the area around Long Dun outpost have been completely sealed up and each and every house has been thoroughly searched. The Muslims in the area have been passing their days in utmost misery as a result of indiscriminate torture and violations of their human rights.

Executive Editor                                                                 Arakan News Agency

Source: Arakan News Agency  , 1 December 2001
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Narinjara News: Dhaka, Yangon for strong sub-regional cooperation

Bangladesh and Myanmar Tuesday underscored the need for strengthening sub-regional economic cooperation with a view to harnessing the economic benefit for the peoples of the two countries. This was stated when Myanmar Ambassador to Bangladesh U Ohn Thwin made a  courtesy call on Foreign Minister M Morshed Khan at his office here, official sources said. During the meeting, the entire gamut of bilateral relations between Bangladesh and Myanmar was discussed. They observed the two neighbouring countries share common bonds of history and culture dating back to ancient times and there also exists tremendous potentials to increase the economic cooperation and volume of trade between the two countries. Khan particularly laid emphasis on joint cooperation in the area of agro-based and dry-fruit processing industries and technical centre for humans resources development of both the countries with the possible assistance of the EU and Japan.

They also agreed on exploring the possibility of extending airline between Beijing-Kuming-Yangon-Chittagong and construction of Asian Highway, which will further contribute to economic, commercial and infrastructure development between the two countries. Regarding Rohingya refugee problem, the foreign minister hoped that it could be solved through mutual understanding and cooperation. The minister conveyed his felicitations and regards to the Senior General Than Shwe, Chairman,State Peace and Development  Council and Prime Minister of Myanmar and reciprocated the sentiments of his Myanmar counterpart. Director-General of South East Asia Golam Muhammed was also present. 

Source: Burma net, BSS, Dhaka  , 29 November 2001
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NaSaKa demanded 6000 wooden posts from Rohingya villagers

Maungdaw November 21:  On October 18, 2001, Major Khin Lay Maung, the Area Commander of the NaSaKa Area No. 5, in Maungdaw township, North Arakan, had demanded 6000 pieces of wood, in a size of 8 feet long and 10 inches round, from 12 Rohingya village tracts of the area, said a member of the local village council.

In a verbal order, Major Khin Lay Maung, had asked each Rohingya village to supply 500 pieces of wooden post for fencing his headquarters and warned the villagers of serious action if they failed to comply with the order in time.

Fearing repulsive action of the NaSaKa, the 12 Rohingya villagers had supplied a total of 6000 wooden posts by the end of October without any payment. In addition, the villagers had to provide forced labour to complete the fencing round the NaSaKa headquarters without wages.

It may be mentioned that a high level ILO team had visited the area in the third week of September 2001, to investigate the forced labour situation.

Source: Kaladan Press Network , 23 November 2001
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More landmine exploded on the border

Naikongchari (Bandarban) On November 23:  a landmine, planted by the NaSaKa border security forces, was exploded on Burma-Bangladesh border, in between pillar Nos. 48 and 49, at about 5:10 p.m., a group of woodcutters said. Again on November 14, another landmine was exploded at about 12:33 p.m. near pillar No. 45, a villager of the area said. No human casualty is reported in the incidents.

Earlier on October 29, five landmines were exploded on the same border in between pillar Nos. 42 and 43 killing some wild animals. The villagers on the both sides of the border are in a state of panic.

Source: Kaladan Press Network , 23 November 2001
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Last updated: Friday, May 17, 2002