there is no god, masculine, separate and transcendentally aloof, but rather an ancient divinity immanent in the world ... the natural landscape becomes a map for human feeling and aspiration, an environment for spiritual odyssey.This view is endorsed by Cedar who declared that contemporary Pagans 'define themselves as different from New Age with its emphasis on transcendence ... For the Pagans that I've known it has been much more going into and inhabiting the world'. Not necessarily proponents of eschatology, Neo-Pagans consent to Bey's immediatist cause for 'presence' as they celebrate 'being at home in [their] bodies and in nature' (Harvey 1997:141). As a celebration of one's physical presence in nature, Neo-Paganism is an expression of 'sacred ecology' (Harris 1997), or that which Harvey calls 'somatic ecology' (1997:131).
Neo-Paganism might then be interpreted as a celebration of ecology, an eco-centric resacralisation of the world - an 'ecological spirituality' (Taylor 1995c). Thus according to Adler:
If ecology studied the interrelatedness of all living things and their environment, Neo-Paganism seemed to be a religion that would celebrate those interrelations, that would heal into synthesis all oppositions: primitive and civilized, science and magic, male and female; spirit and matter. (in Hume 1997:1)It is apparent that Neo-Pagans subscribe to a system of correspondences within which all is believed to be profoundly related. They are deeply aware of the need for re-enchantment, for humans to acknowledge through symbol and action their connection to nature. It is, then, also apparent that adherents are determined to 'return to', 'live in balance with', 'defend' and 'heal' the Earth (Gaia). Take the philosophy of Australia's Pagan Festival Group:
The common bond that links all pagans is their vision of Earth as a sacred living being, the sanctity of all life, and the Oneness of both ... [And] we hold the responsibility for creating and nurturing the wellbeing of our society. (DTEQLD May 1986:15)It is characteristic of practitioners and sympathisers that they accept responsibility for their own actions, which for many means taking particular precautions to avoid dishonouring the natural world. Indeed, as it promotes a respect and reverence for the Earth, pantheism is uniquely qualified to lend support to environmental ethics (Levine in Crowley 1998:178). Harvey (1997:126-42) argues Neo-Paganism evidences a nascent 'Green Spirituality'. Practitioners express this attitude: Paganism is the 'spirituality of the ecological movement' according to one witch interviewed by Adler (in Roszak 1979:41). For one of Hume's (1997:44) informants, ecological awareness is 'a religious duty'. Sensing the emergence of 'eco-Wicca', which she ties to the kind of terra-ist activism I discussed in Chapter 5, Crowley (1998:177) conveys the common perception amongst young Wiccans that 'to be at one with nature in one's innerself is no longer enough'. There is no denying the nascent popularity of eco-spirituality given the insurgence of environmentalism. Indeed, this nature oriented movement, argues Spretnak (1986:65):
is completely in keeping with Green principles of private ownership and cooperative economics, decentralisation, grassroots democracy, non-violence, social responsibility, global awareness and the spiritual truth of oneness.It should be pointed out, however, that, though Paganism may be the 'spiritual arm' of the ecology movement, contemporary Paganism may also involve anything from eclectic shamanism to outright hedonism (Hume 1997:56).
Over the past two decades, Paganism has experienced growing popularity in Australia as the appearance of events designed to celebrate nature oriented spirituality indicate (cf. Hume 1995:7; 1997:36-9; Rodgers 1995:34).16 Attracting a large contingent of Pagans (individuals and groups), ConFest 'trades' in the kind of eco-spirituality intrinsic to Paganism.17 At Baringa II (1984/85), the shamanic group Dolphin Tribe and members of Dark Circle banded together under the sign 'Pagans - Wicca, Shamanism, Magick' (Tim 1985:18). Afterwards, Ennelle, in Kindred Spirits Quarterly (a zine collective which had set up in the Market's 'alternative media sector'), reflected upon the potentials for using:
the euphoric burst of energy we all received ... to recharge the batteries of our own little Earth Aware communities and organisations, who need all the love and encouragement they can get in their efforts to help Mother Earth. (Ennelle 1985, unpaginated)The Pagan village has (at least since Baringa) accommodated ad hoc occultism. Here, and elsewhere around the site, full moon, seasonal and Earth rites, and rituals like 'wild women' (see below) have been performed. Workshops on 'Celtic mythology', 'meditation for pagans', 'survival as a modern witch' and 'men's and women's mysteries'18 have also transpired.
Though Pagan has not appeared after Toc III, Paganism is pervasive. Many participants approximate what Luhrmann (1989:76-85) has called 'non-initiated paganism'. As Orryelle remarked:
Probably almost everyone at the festival is 'pagan' in some manner or other. Definitely nature religions are a major focus at Confest. People there seem generally more connected with their roots and ancestry than in mainstream society.While not necessarily members of Wicca groups, there is evidence that 'pagan's' polysemy presents a winning formulae for a rather eclectic constituency. Under this polysemous rubric one finds 'heathen' or 'a person of no religion', and 'one who sets a high value on sensual pleasures', residing with 'polytheistic', 'magic' (the 'Craft') and 'non-Christian' associations. The latter denotation makes for an especially attractive affectation. Moreover, sympathies are aroused by the sense of responsibility commonly associated with the identity, one translated as an ecological 'duty'.19 Also, 'pagan's' etymological roots in the Latin paganus ('villager', 'rustic') and pagana ('of the land') (Moore 1986:6) illuminate the centripetal attraction Paganism holds for many (e.g. ferals).
Goddess rites were performed at Baringa II. There, members of Dark Circle and The Dolphin Tribe performed the Star Ruby ritual. That is, they 'cast the Circle' with the purpose of 'drawing down' the Goddess:
The Dolphin Tribe danced in the four quarters using the forms of the Eagle, Fire Lizard, Dolphin, Wombat & at the center a Spider Shaman. After, lead by the pagan women in the center, we drew down the Goddess into the collective unconscious of the circle as the men danced around. (Tim 1985:19)In an engaging ritual conducted at the Toc III Fire Circle, over one hundred women danced in a circular formation, chanting a series of mantras to a steadily advancing djembe rhythm. Called 'wildwomen - a celebration of the Goddess', the ritual signaled several themes: each participant's physical attachment to the world (and each other); their responsibility as nurturers, and; the empowering consequence of internalising the Goddess. Initially the women pulsated toward the centre and out chanting:
We all come from the Goddess and to her we shall return. Like a drop of rain falling to the ocean.The chant affirmed the worldly presence of each participant (symbolised as a 'drop of rain'), who all come from and return to the same source, anthropomorphised as Mother, or she who gives life to and reabsorbs all: the Goddess.20 That knowledge of such kinship engenders reciprocal obligations was transparent in another 'wildwomen' chant:
The Earth is our Mother, we will take care of her. The Earth is our Mother, she will take care of us.This chant signified the women's view of 'themselves and the Earth as nurturers of humankind' (Hume 1997:235).
Participants were also reminded that a 'divine spark' of the perennial Goddess lay within, empowering them. Thus 'wildwomen' also involved a repetitive chant, sung as the women circled and then merged in a clamorous throng to complete the ritual:
We are the old women We are the new women We are the same women Stronger than before.Myall relates the affirmational effect of this:
It's empowering for me. It feels good to do that sort of thing. To say 'hey, I'm a woman and I appreciate being one'. It's really nice to be a female, to be feminine. I like being a woman.As Hume clarifies, internalising images of female divinity within the context of a body-affirming theology 'gives women the strength to effect change in their personal lives and in the social and political climate' (Hume 1997:235). The Goddess is thus 'a symbol of self-transformation - she is seen to be constantly changing and a force for change for those who open themselves up to her' (Greenwood 1998:103). This includes males, as the 'drawing down' rite performed at Baringa II demonstrates. Yet, as Greenwood states, the Goddess 'represents an avenue to authority for women which has been denied in mainstream orthodox religions' (1998:101). 'Wildwomen' was thus an empowering expression of eco-spirituality.
the all night dance ritual is a memory that runs deep within us all, a memory that takes us back to a time when people had respect for our great Mother Earth and each other. A time when we came together as one tribe united in spirit. We understood the cycles of nature and the power of the elements. We danced around fires, we chanted and we drummed, invoking the great spirit to empower ourselves and our community.It thus ignited nostalgia for connectivity with nature and fellow humans, connections which are thought to have been severed or forgotten. There is little doubt about the causes of such a circumstance:
Then one day a new force began to take control and these great rites of community empowerment were suppressed. Our sacred sites where we once danced all night into ecstatic trance had been taken over by a new order of worship.Sympathy for the imagined ecstatic predilection of a beleaguered pre-Judeo-Christian religiosity is thus expressed. Yet, though a 'new order' had deflated 'the spirit of the people', history must run its course:
gradually the spirit of the people would return as they recognised the sacred power of trance, once again opening up the channels to the Great Spirit ... The temples may have changed but the sacred earth they dance upon is still the same.Sacralisation and remembering via 'trance' are possible again. Trance Dance, regarded as 'an ancient Shamanic practice which invites Spirit to embody us; to heal us through spiritual ecstasy,' is authorised as a practice employed by indigenous people worldwide 'for over 40 000 years' (and as a means by which 'significant memories of this life, lives past, even those of prehuman form' can be retrieved).21 And, Krusty and other 'techno-shamanic' conductors would use a sound system, electronic rhythm sampling, conceptual and ambient lighting, and artistic installations to create a sacred space for a 'modern day ritual':
where we can join as one tribe to journey deep into trance states just as our ancestors did long ago ... This will be a shamanic healing journey in the traditional sense, with people tuning in on mass to the dance energy: working from the physical to access the emotional transcending to the spiritual.Ultimately, the outdoor dance party is a grounding 'ritual' where participants are invited to 'revere ... natural habitat' (Shell 1998), and where the nature/culture boundary is effectively dissolved. According to Shell, the sunrise 'transition from footwear to barefeet' is a significant grounding indicator. Moreover:
[t]he separation between nature and culture becomes blurred especially once we're all covered in a light film of dust which has risen from the dance floor throughout the night. We are all able to feel that nature isn't something separate from us, we are a part of it. (ibid)In the 'futurist pre-modernism' (Rietveld 1998:261) of Trance Dance, an imagined past is 'reclaimed' such that meaning is assigned to the present - an all night dance ritual. A desire to connect with primal 'roots', 'the Great Spirit', 'nature' and fellow dancers is facilitated via modern technology - which perhaps makes them high-tech primitivists (and a source of some consternation as I demonstrate in Chapter 8). Like 'wildwomen', the ritual is personally empowering. And, also like the former ritual, it evinces the self-globe nexus: healing 'the self' and 'the planet' are inseparable paths. 'Wildwomen' and Trance Dance are manifestations of new spiritual networks which hold ecology as an 'ultimate concern'.
Finally, Krusty informed me that 'energy' located in and channeled from the Australian landscape is responsible for the ecstatic states associated with outdoor Trance Dance. To explain this he drew parallels with Aboriginal Australia:
I think there's a sense of the spirit of the land. This land we now call Australia has a real spirit to being stomped. And if you've ever watched Aboriginal dance, its very much about stomping the earth and they do the shake a leg or what ever you want to call it ... And if you watch techno ... It's very much about stomping the earth .... [It] brings energy into the body, Earth energy into the body.Thus, a dancer's body can 'become a conduit for energy'. Krusty stressed that with or without the use of psychedelics, ecstatic states are achieved as bodies and crowds become 'energised'. Therefore, a sense of presence is important. The 'voyage' of Trance Dance, he continued, depends upon moving into 'an Earth presence ... it's a special ritual being able to stomp the Earth'.