By 1980, ADTEN (the Australian Down To Earth Network) which consisted of groups in nearly all states, had emerged. In a letter to the 'National and State Co-ordinators and DTE Council' dated 5/1/79, Jay Guru Dev (George Schmidt) stated that the 'brainchild [of Cairns] has now multiplied itself into a number of "twins" [each of which are] growing up into self-contained individuals', trusting that 'each state engenders its own group/membership and maybe subdivides itself again and again like a living organism'. Though loosely structured and lacking the strength of unitary purpose, a 'movement' consisting of several diasporic 'families' or 'clans' became increasingly apparent. Each were committed to their own events and projects, yet connected through their rejection of the central values of dominant culture, a sense of commonality inspired by Cotter and the national objectives prescribed by Cairns: 'to help the development of consciousness', 'to draw people together', and, 'to show and demonstrate what alternatives really are' (Cairns 1978). Regional co-ordinators in the growing network met at Earth Haven (Sherbrook, Vic) on 28-30 July 1978 where the Down To Earth Council or so called 'council of elders' (or 'the 12') formed.10 The Council was designed as a 'think tank' group to gauge and reflect opinion on matters within the alternative movement - to channel the ideas and visions of the dispersed 'clans'.

In Western Australia, festivals were held at Cambray (1978), Nanga (1979) and later at York (1982), newsletters were printed and the Steinerian influenced Moontime School of Alternatives emerged as 'the child of our DTE association in WA' (DTE Canberra 4, March 1980:31). There were DTE festivals in Queensland such as at Beaudesert in September 1980. DTEQld (later DTENEA) produced newsletters from 1977 and Dik Freestun enabled small independent events (All One Family Gatherings) from 1986.11 In South Australia, news sheets were produced from November 1978. In New South Wales, a drop-in-centre at Paddington in Sydney was run by DTE during 1977/78, and, at Easter 1979, a 'one day Confest' (FutureFest) was held in The Domain. In Tasmania the first Jackie's Marsh forest festival was held in February 1979 (now a major forest/activist festival). Victoria, as I document below, boasted the largest 'clan'.

By the early eighties, ADTEN had dissipated. One possible reason can be identified in an unpublished critique in which Peter Lee (c.1979) asserts that the DTE movement had failed to develop a 'unified theory' - by which he meant a Marxist critique. Failing to take Cairns' ideas seriously, DTE had become dominated by an 'irrational right-wing mystical element' (ibid:1), and possessed by a 'philosophy of meaninglessness' promoted by the likes of Stephen Gaskin (ibid:2). The 'predominance of style over content', an emphasis on peace, love, comfort and consensus, and the creation of an environment where 'the personal rules over the political', is interpreted as 'a refusal to come to terms with the contradictions of the capitalist system'. Lee claimed DTE - whose members were 'fleeing from the industrial productive process' - had created a non-critical, non-dialectical 'ghetto mentality' (ibid:7). Furthermore, he argued that DTE faced 'absorption' if it failed to develop a dialectical approach (ibid:12).

That DTE did not embrace the socialist ideals of the New Left is a sound reason why many alternates avoided DTE and ConFest. Yet, I have reservations about Lee's interpretation. From the beginning it was clear that the type of 'unified theory' Lee espoused was antithetical to the 'unity in diversity' approach adopted by DTE. The movement's unique attraction was its tolerance for a multiplicity of alternatives to dominant culture. This attitude was derivative of the experiences at the first ConFest, an ALE which became a celebration of diversity in the thought and practice of alternative culture.12 Though it is probably the case that many disheartened by the absence of a strong political voice and critical praxis in DTE itself, gave up on it for this reason, an in-depth examination of this period is required for a comprehensive understanding of ADTEN's demise.

In the period up to and including 1980, there were several contingent factors heralding a major crisis in DTE. Eventually a rift developed between Cairns and ADTEN, and there was ultimately a dispersal of 'energy' as many became involved in the more permanent experiments in the Rainbow Region and other areas. Cairns' apparent 'autocratic' style was an ongoing concern. The first signs of rupture followed Cairns' opposition to a popular call for a Rainbow Region gathering in 1977/78. At a DTE meeting in Canberra in September 1977, those present (representing several states) indicated a strong preference for the forests of the Rainbow Region as the site for 'the second plenary gathering'. Since Aquarius, this region had experienced the development of various experiments, the most notable being the Tuntable Falls Co-operative near Nimbin. Yet, since this call was reputedly 'vetoed' by Cairns who thought it too early in the movement to identify strongly with an existing commune (DTE Canberra 4, March 1980:18; Rawlins 1982:44), many of the strong Rainbow Region contingent, along with hundreds of others, withdrew from the process. The second ConFest - organised and controlled by Cairns, Morosi, and her husband, David Ditchburn (who controlled finances) - would occur in December 1977 on the banks of the Murrumbidgee at the much maligned semi-arid Bredbo (Mt Oak) site near Canberra instead.

Attracting about 15,000, mostly young people whose lives had been 'dominated by a nuclear world, the horrors of the Vietnam war, and the repressive social policies of successive Liberal governments' (Griffiths 1988a:4), Bredbo was a grandiose attempt to achieve a 'Findhornian transformation' on a large, affordable tract of land (1,100 hectares) which was at relatively equal distances from Melbourne and Sydney and that had no legal or other barriers to its development. The editorial in the daily newsletter and program, the Mt Oak Oracle (30/12/77), read:

We are uniquely privileged here in Australia in that we benefit from the geographical culture-lag between this place and other similar Western countries. In the States and Europe, the hippies are largely a dying race. There are only a relative handful who have made it on the land. We will face the same bleak future, socio-economic slavery, or be the victims of an insidious minority genocide - similar to that of the Aboriginals but more subtle ... [if] we dont break loose from the military-industrial monstrous tentacles ... [and create an] alternative community.

Envisioned as a land reclamation project and model self-sustaining eco-community which would support hundreds, export food to the Third World (Bacon 1986:16), and host future ConFests, the land was to be purchased (price: $59,000) from festival subscriptions and donations to the DTE Foundation/trust. Despite the festival's apparent loss of money,13 the purchase of the land was made possible by the contributions of up to 100 people (including Alex Eunson's life savings of $32,000).

At Bredbo, Bill Mollison spoke about his groundbreaking permaculture experiment Tagari in Stanley, Tasmania. Architect Derek Wrigley gave a workshops on solar heating. Neville Yeomens outlined his keyline irrigation technique. Communitarians and spiritual teachers Stephen and Ina May Gaskin extolled the virtues of 'The Farm' in Tennessee where, taking a 'vow of poverty', 1,000 'voluntary peasants' co-existed. Anti-uranium mining protesters travelled to, and demonstrated naked in front of, Parliament House in Canberra. Jonathon Daemion introduced the Native American Indian inspired medicine wheel and talking circle, and there was a three day 'vision circle' (Simon F) - features imported from Rainbow Gatherings.

Despite this activity, in relation to the event's communitarian purpose, though a small number of permanent residents had built a 'sustainable power-autonomous community' (Collective editorial 1986:30) and 'a model for the use of other semi-arid land throughout Australia' (Conway, in Jesser 1985:1),14 the Bredbo ConFest and Mt Oak were, for more than twenty years, regarded as a 'black hole', a menacing blight on the landscape of the Australian alternative movement. As Griffiths remarked '[s]omething nasty happened there ... [it is] a place to keep away from' (1988a:5).

According to Griffiths, events at and since Bredbo contradicted statements made by Cairns at the event, and, moreover, belied fundamental tenets of Cairns' philosophy, ultimately marking the end of his credibility in the ACM. Cairns clarified his intentions in his 'welcome statement' and morning sharing talks at Bredbo: Down to Earth would be registered as a Foundation/Trust to hold title to the land, there would be no 'influence, power or control' accorded the Trustees over the land or the community (their ownership would be 'nominal' only), 'active participation' would be encouraged, and control and decision making would rest with the basics of 'self-regulation' and 'self determination' (Cairns quoted in Griffiths 1988a:4). Griffiths states, quite astutely, that 'this was to be the demonstration, the "down to earthing", of the Cotter manifesto'. It was to be 'land for The People, controlled by The People, and in a sense owned by The People'. In this participatory democracy, the residents were to be free people, 'unhindered by outside ownership, control, manipulation, interference. Free from all the oppressive and alienating forces Cairns spoke and wrote about so prolifically' (Griffiths 1988b:15). It was to form a precedent for, to use Cairns' words, how we can 'get rid of the capitalist principle of ownership', and, Griffiths continues, 'the primary constraints would derive from "ecological guidelines", the needs of the earth; and from a commitment to personal growth and group harmony, the needs of the people' (ibid).

Many participants contributed money, including the entrance fee, on the understanding that the land would be held in trust - on the basis of clear undertakings given publicly by Cairns before and during the event.15 Yet, Cairns and Morosi (and Wyuna Incorporated - Morosi's Canberra community), holding title and control of the community land through a company in which they both held shares - Research for Survival P/L - asserted ownership rights on the land and refused to transfer title to a trust body, as was originally conceived (Griffith 1988a:4).16 In a remarkable series of events, claiming the Mt Oak experiment a failure, its occupants 'squatters' and 'trespassers', Cairns, the Morosi family and their affiliates attempted to remove residents (via eviction notice, intimidation and assault: cf: Jesser 1985:1; Green Alliance Newsletter 1988)17 who lived in fear and frustration due to their uncertain status in relation to the land. Cairns had also agisted sheep on the property - a direct insult to those who were attempting to repair the land from the devastating environmental consequences of sheep grazing. According to Griffiths, the Mt Oak/Bredbo affair revealed the contrast between the 'dishonest materialism of the "old wave" ... [and] the youthful, idealistic naivete of the new - the "alternative lifestylers"' (Griffiths 1988a:4). It became a site of contestation between the principles of capitalist ownership and communitarianism.18

The Mt Oak community proved resilient. They began a newsletter in 1978, the Mt Oak DTE Community News, set up a constitution based around freedom and ecological responsibility - 'a land without owners' - and held a 10 year anniversary ConFest in 1988 which enabled the establishment of a Free Mt Oak fund needed to challenge Cairns and Morosi in the Supreme Court (The Mt Oak Time March 10, 1988). And, as a testament to the community's persistent struggle, claiming funds had been misappropriated and title vested fraudulently, in 1998, the Mt Oak Community mounted a successful Supreme Court action, in which, after more than 20 years of uncertainty, their claims were acknowledged and title became vested in a trust body nominated by the community.19

Further discontent arose when Cairns prepared to run a fourth national gathering on French Island in Westernport Bay, Victoria in January 1980. DTE was clearly dissatisfied with the arrangements as the contract proposed by the landowner (a Melbourne real estate agent and friend of Cairns) would secure him 50% of the profit, and give him power to veto decisions regarding the event. Many were nonplussed that DTE labour and capital were to be used to make improvements to private property (DTE Canberra 4, March 1980:16). Yet, what was most distressing about French Island was that the national co-ordinating body of DTE (ADTEN) were already committed to a national event in the Rainbow Region in May 1980, and felt that Cairns was railroading that effort once again. The state bodies who met to co-ordinate the national Rainbow Region event did not support Cairns' event which, they argued, would divert valuable resources and energy. Concerned with Cairns' proposal to use the 'Down to Earth'/'ConFest' name, ADTEN wrote to Cairns urging that he refrain from such usage in his promotion of the French Island event (King 1980:4). But Cairns, who had ceased attending DTE meetings from June 1979, went ahead with French Island using the DTE name anyway (advertising it as the 'DTE National ConFest') claiming, in a front page article in The Age (Jan. 14 1980:1) that 'it [Down to Earth] was a concept I brought into existence'. Bitterness was tasted all round as Cairns was said to have 'walked out' on DTE's democratic process and, somewhat pettily, withdrawing his invitation to DTE Vic to participate in his event (DTE Canberra 4, March 1980:19). Through the eyes of DTE Victoria's long time historian, George Schmidt, 'the French Island incident' had a positive effect: 'the fledgling sons and daughters served notice on the patriarch of the family of their independence' (Schmidt 1983:10).

Cairns' actions seemed to be motivated out of distrust. He argued that the declaration of a national organisation contradicted that which he believed DTE represented: spontaneity and freedom.

To me DTE is a coming together of people in all kinds of ways primarily aiming at liberation from sensory repression and then, at self determination; not more of the old forms of central control in the name of democracy or consensus. (Cairns in Peter White, Maggies Farm 7, March 1980:22)

It was considered that the demands of the 'national co-ordinators' (contemptuously positioned in inverted commas) and 'a few people elsewhere', was 'an example of the old form of central control masquerading as democracy'. He accused them of rapidly moving to become a State or Government within DTE (ibid) jeopardising his vision of 'many spontaneous activities each generating its own capacity for self-determination freely and autonomously' (in King 1980:4).

The dispute raised a debate over structure, one which has not been resolved, even at the time of writing. Many in DTE thought Cairns' position on structure naive. He wanted to move beyond politics. Others argued that there is no organisation without structure, without power, to which Cairns himself had been no stranger. The position taken in a post-Berri 'DTE Festival Planning' document (Fegan 1980) - which cited Freeman (1970) - was that the very idea of structurelessness, as a response to over structure, is in itself 'intrinsically ideological' and capricious. Eliminating structure triggers a leaderless group prone to insularity and internal strife. And '"structurelessness" becomes a smokescreen. It becomes a way of masking power and is usually advocated by those who are most powerful. The rules of how decisions are made are known only to a few'. Elitism, it is argued, thrives on the informal group structure or 'structurelessness', individuals in such a situation having 'no obligation to be responsible to the group at large'. When a movement or organisation does not choose spokespeople, 'the Star System' is a consequence (Fegan 1980:6).20 In contrast, ADTEN sought to harness structure, developing skills in co-operation, co-ordination and financial management.

As for Cairns, it was considered that he had 'alienated wave after wave of good people by enforcing [his] own decisions' (B. Lavary, treasurer of ADTEN in an open letter to Cairns - 25 June 1980 - cited in Ormonde 1981:244). This was evident at both Cotter and especially Bredbo, where, contrary to the principle of "active participation", Cairns, Morosi and Ditchburn moved into the 'open situation they had created', assuming the vital functions of decision making (ie. selecting the site) and financial control (excluding others from such roles), running temporary, centralised and authoritarian autocracies (Griffiths 1988a:5). An unstructured organisation gave rise to financial mismanagement. Cairns had been the principal convenor of the first two events which ran at almost a 100% loss. Later at Berri, where the finances were controlled by a co-ordinating group (not including Cairns or Ditchburn), a surplus was obtained for the first time (Berry 1979).21 Indeed, Berri, a region with historical foundations in the 1890s utopian Berri Village Settlement (Metcalf 1986:101), was considered to be a model event. Co-ordinators meetings, initiated at Earth Haven in July 1978, were the key to success (Fegan 1980:9), and DTE were able to refund Cairns the money with which he backed Cotter.

In addition, many questioned Cairns' personal commitment to the alternative lifestyle ('voluntary simplicity'). Morosi had already dressed him down with the comment 'you espouse freedom for everyone but deny it to yourself' (in Ormonde 1981:196). At Berri, Cairns 'remained neatly attired and closely shaved throughout, departing daily to the Berri hotel for showers' (Horin 1979:31). Others, more to the point, challenged his commitment to the movement. For Griffiths, the involvement of Cairns (and Morosi and Ditchburn) with the alternative movement from 1976 to 1979 'highlighted the conflict between genuine alternative values and capitalist opportunism and power-seeking'. Further,

Cairns was not himself part of the alternative movement. He was not an inspiring leader. His speeches were long and boring, his vocabulary (academic Marxist) as foreign as his lifestyle. He was, after all, ex-Deputy Prime Minister, veteran of bullshit politics and powerseeking. He was an experienced and professional public speaker and debater. These young people respected Cairns; he inspired confidence in himself as a sincere person, however stiff and self important his manner. (Griffiths 1988a:4)

This indicates Cairns was not, in regard to ConFest, 'on the bus'. His conspicuous absence following Bredbo demonstrated that he was no longer on the DTE bus either. Cairns, says Griffiths, 'must take much responsibility for misdirecting the potential, by reinforcing the softness and relative impotence, of the "movement" he summoned' (ibid:6).

DTE's second (and last) serious commitment to a permanent alternative society, the 1980 Rainbow Region ConFest, was designed with the conference process foremost and separate from the festive aspect. In an attempt to prevent the repetition of the perceived superficiality in previous ConFests, a series of independent and intensive workshops (of 3-10 day duration), to be held in secret locations, were planned.22 It was proposed that each workshop group would collate, distil and communicate their results via written reports to the wider DTE community (a 'communiversity').23 Audio-visual records of workshops were to be shown to all participants at the ensuing festival held at the Wytaliba community. According to one of the co-ordinators: [t]hese workshops, which will be selectively taped, filmed and written up, are by far the most meaningful co-ordination of intelligence and balanced action towards social change ever to have been envisaged or organised in Australia, if not the world. (Spain, Maggies Farm 7, March 1980:15)

The event would inspire and assist people to 'permanently adopt and explore alternative lifestyles'. The preparations were undertaken with such an air of optimism it was deigned that the workshops 'will cover all the skills and knowledge necessary for actively implementing a viable alternative or (as some see it) "New Age" civilisation' (DTE SA 2, 1979:36-37). Indeed, the prime objective of the event was to 'resettle tens of thousands of unemployed upon cooperative owned farms' (Sunshine News 55, April 24 1980:10).

However, except for a small spontaneous gathering at Mt Warning (not Wytaliba), the event was marred by heavy and sustained rains flooding the region. ADTEN's moment had come and gone. The absence of a strong political praxis, internal rifts, financial mismanagement, wasted 'energy' and resources, communication problems due to the distances involved, and the attraction of the 'permanent festival' of Nimbin and numerous communal experiments in permaculture and building prototype hamlets there and elsewhere around the country, contributed to the demise of ADTEN and the disaffection of state 'families' (especially any potential NSW DTE). The Rainbow Region disaster was 'the beginning of the end' for DTE, or so Rawlins imagined (1982:46).

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