Footnotes (chapter three)

1. A mother of three at eighteen, the 'exotic' (Kelly 1978:13) Morosi was born in Shanghai, studied English literature and psychology in the Philippines and later worked in marketing and public relations. She became the 'best known "non-public" figure in Australia' as a result of her appointment as secretary to Cairns (Morosi 1975) and in the ensuing media generated 'Morosi affair'.

2. As Ormonde relates, Morosi introduced Cairns to the work of American psychiatrist Wilhelm Reich who held the view that mental health was linked to sexual expression and that sexually repressive societies were prone to totalitarianism (Ormonde 1981:196).

3. His philosophy is compacted in a phrase from the October '76 leaflet: 'will to be that self which one truly is'.

4. The alternative Cairns sought would not come about by way of a political-economic revolt. Cairns stated to me himself that what he desired was an:

alternative to so called democracy, to operation of the means of production by capitalists, and to what had been seen as a way out, revolution. Revolution represented no change, because it wasn't a cultural change. It was only a change of those in power. They were patriarchs before, and they were patriarchs afterwards. Unless there is a cultural change, there can be no real change.

He therefore pursued a cultural 'revolution'.

5. Another 'form of alienation', that which green movement adherents may posit to be a result of modern humanity's detachment from, and ownership of, the natural environment, is not incorporated in Cairns' human centred approach.

6. From the personal archives of Ewen Richards.

7. A 'news bulletin' was printed daily promoting workshops and activities. Themes also included primal therapy, acupuncture, natural childbirth, Jungian analysis, magnetic grid lines and sacred geometry, women's liberation and alternative communities. Daily newsletters and programs were also produced and distributed at Bredbo and Berri.

8. Handbooks had, especially in the eighties, become a popular means of communicating relevant information concerning ConFest to participants - especially the need for co-operation.

9. Cotter was a powerful catalyst. There, for instance, Terence Plowwright (who had set up a New Awareness bookshop in Sydney), and others, met members of the Santosha Community (near Mildura), who were searching for a place to build a 'light centre' they called Findhorn Australia. The two groups merged to found a community in Upper Thora - Homelands (Marchant circa 1978).

10. The meeting was significant. Subsequently, many of 'the 12' were committed to share their feelings and visions in writing. For instance, in a letter dated 11/9/78, Chris Aronsten from Adelaide wrote: 'Dear friends. After that beautiful weekend at Earth Haven, and sharing so much with you all, I know more positively than ever before, that we can fill each other's cup to overflow, and join each other in a drunken orgy of loving and sharing, and learning, but we will wake up every morning clear-headed and excited about each new and very special day' (from Ewen Richards' archives).

11. AOF gatherings have usually been held at Magic Garden in the Bilambil Valley NSW or Auravale Healing Camp in far north Qld. They include sweatlodge, medicine wheel, 'tribal feasts' and 'humming bees' (Uroo).

12. Lee's document is almost entertaining in its absurdity. Drawing favourable comparisons between the German Youth Movement and DTE, he intimates that the latter is a potential juggernaught of the right, paralleling Nazism no less! His approach typifies the positivist left's intolerance for spirituality. Mysticism is rejected out of hand as right wing, and meditation, the occult, Hari Krsnas and Ananda Marga are condemned as 'religious lunacy'. Lee, nevertheless, seeks to convert readers to his own religion, Marxism. His attitude to religiosity and new spiritualities is reminiscent of Bookchin (1995) and other socialists (cf. Jagtenberg and McKie 1997:109-11).

13. 1A situation which had roused suspicion and has been the subject of allegations of fraud and embezzlement since: the $59,000 was considered 'double the property's value'; Cairns had announced 'break even point' half way through the festival, and; Ditchburn, who did not turn up to co-ordinators meetings to report on his province, festival finance (Kelly 1978:13), later told investigating detectives that all records had been lost (Beyond the Law 1988:3).

14. Adopting permacultural practices and influenced, in part, by Kibbutzim in the Negev desert, Mt Oak has experienced successful efforts at revitalising arid, overgrazed land upon which hundreds have lived for short periods (Conway 1988:10). According to Michael Conway, 'the architect of this agricultural wonder', a few residents have planted 7,000 trees, built channels and drip irrigations systems to arrest major soil erosion and transform part of the land into a 'highly productive garden' (Jesser 1985:1).

15. Including the major contributor, Alex Eunson. It was revealed by ABCs Four Corners in 1986 that while Eunson gave the money on the understanding that it was a donation to the Foundation, Cairns claimed it was a personal gift to him!

16. After Bredbo, Cairns had approached Aboriginal rights activist Burnam Burnam to act as trustee for the Mt Oak land. Burnam Burnam agreed. In 1984, he inquired of Cairns in a letter about the trust, but no reply ever came from Cairns (from added commentary to document: 'Recent media coverage of the Mt Oak situation' - 1985).

17. According to Griffiths, Cairns clearly intended to transfer the property title to Morosi and her community, Wyuna. In October 1985, the Morosi family and affiliates, terrorised community members and visitors committing assault, breaking and entering and theft at Mt Oak - apparently with Cairns support (Griffiths, B. Green Alliance Network Newsletter Oct. 1985.)

18. The new settlement was seemingly marred from the outset. According to Simon Freidin, as the intention to purchase the land was not passed on to those setting up the festival, the infrastructure was temporary. For example, the swimming pools purchased to act as holding tanks for water supply had collapsed by the end of the festival.

19. Explained in a letter to the author from Barrie Griffiths (16/8/98).

20. Similar problems have been reported at Rainbow Gatherings. The Family promotes 'an egalitarian vision of a world without leaders' (Niman 1997:202): 'with no one in power, no one is out of power'. Yet, as Niman contends, this apparent power vacuum attracts those hungry for it. De facto hierarchies form and 'power trippers' emerge among groups like 'the Gate crew' or Rainbow Peacekeepers who negotiate with authorities like the Forest Service (ibid:48).

21. Berry wrote a large marketing assignment, submitted as part of an M Admin at Monash University analysing the publicity campaign for Berri.

22. One planning meeting (3/9/79) was held at the base camp of Australia's first anti-logging blockade - Terania Creek (Spain, Maggies Farm 7, March 1980:15).

23. A feat achieved by the media tools and production workshop, the participants in which produced The Gumboot Gazette (edited by Pip Wilson - who edited Maggies Farm and initiated the Rainbow Archives).

24. Though DTEQld remained, and still remain as DTENEA, they are few in number.

25. To which I shall refer interchangeably as the 'Co-operative', the 'Society' or just 'DTE'.

26. Now, the Victorian Co-operatives Act 1996.

27. The purchase of five $2.00 shares makes an individual a member, and thereby a shareholder, in the Society.

28. The Universal Workshop was a renovated three-storey factory housing a cinema, live theatre, media resource centre, restaurant, roof garden and cafe, twelve shops including a bookshop, bulk food store and bakery, an art gallery and a natural healing school (Cock 1979:33).

29. There would only be two other urban events like these organised by DTE - the Annual Exhibition of Alternatives in August 1981 and July 1982 at the Collingwood Education Centre.

30. 'Loving Action' was also the guiding praxis of the Communiversity at Geregarrow near Grafton NSW.

31. A complex sociological phenomenon (cf. Prince [1989], whose polythetic classification incorporates a vast diversity of people/subcultures beliefs and practices). As a 'meronymy' - where a range of distinguishable phenomena are cast into a single category - Possamai advocates an unpacking of New Age Spirituality into sub-types (1998).

32. No doubt such a 'New Age' remained sufficiently ambiguous to invite a plurality of interpretations from participants (e.g. alternative spirituality, personal philosophy, communitarianism, eco-consciousness).

33. DC gives this a different lens by stating 'ConFest was born in 1976, the father a conference and the mother a festival' (DTE News 80 Nov.1994:5).

34. For instance, in its second phase, ConFest inspired intentional communities at Murrindal (Vic) and Om Shalom (NSW), and a seasonal festival community at The Grove (NSW - from 1992). Earthcore (from 1993), promoted as an 'electronic music and lifestyle festival' at Easter 1999 (2.5 km from ConFest), possesses ConFestian derivations.

35. Walwa III was a showcase of renewable energy sources for a small community. The Nimbin based Rainbow Power Company set up 6,000 watts of solar panels and a steam engine to power the lights, hot water and cool rooms (Hulm, 1990:10; 90/91 Handbook:10). Rainbow Power was formed by Peter van der Wyk. Otherwise known as 'Peter Pedals', he gave workshops at Berri back in 1979 after riding his solar powered bike there from Sydney (Martin's Bend Newsletter 2, 12/4/79).

36. Built by the international industrial sculpture group, Mutoid Waste Co., who initially formed in Britain in 1984. Their post-apocalyptic 'carhenge' dates back to Glastonbury, 1987 (Earle et al. 1994:25-6).

37. The latter had formed at Pine Gap where the 'Women for Survival' encampment was initiated in 1983 drawing inspiration from the efforts of women struggling for a nuclear/patriarchy free planet at 'Peace Camps' like Britain's Greenham Common (cf. Roseneil 1995:101-2), and Seneca in New York State (Krasniewicz 1994).

38. I began attending meetings in April 1994. These meetings were small (on average 10-15 people), attended predominantly by males and, I thought, remarkably aggressive. It was clear that the Society was wracked by internecine conflict and ongoing disputes over rules and regulations. Factions began to emerge. The meetings often degenerated into slanging matches.

39. It should be made clear that the spectrum of allegations I have received over the course of my research remain largely unsubstantiated.

40. Several important additions and/or amendments to the Society's constitution were pushed through over this period. They included rules for : 1) open directors' meetings; 2) testing for consensus in the decision making process; 3) the delegation of powers to special subcommittees effectively distributing power, responsibility and generating a horizontal structure; 4) preventing directors personally appointing people to vacant directors' positions; and 5) limiting the power of directors to spend the Society's money without consent of the members.

41. This is ostensibly to prevent groups with commercial aspirations from appropriating the name. As an iconic tag, 'ConFest' or 'Confest' has, otherwise, entered alternative lexicon as an apposite designation of a desirable convergence of Apollonian and Dionysian dimensions. Some examples are: The National Lesbian Confest (Annual, since 1989), Women's National Incest Survivors Confest (1992), World Environment Day Rally Committee Confest, and the Visual Voice Confest (on community access media - Durban, South Africa, 1985).

42. The view that past directors attempted to highjack ConFest for their own personal gain is strongly supported by the facts (other than Earth Haven's use of the name 'ConFest'). Current members have much to feel sour about since: a) the directors pulled out just weeks before a ConFest; b) they used the DTE newsletter to promote their commercial event; c) they erased the DTE shareholder/mailout list from the computers (since retrieved), and; d) used and continue to use DTE mailing lists to advertise their event.

43. The first Earth Haven (Australia Day weekend 1996) coincided with DTE's ChatFest (held on the tense Birdlands 95/96 site), planned as a free weekend of discussion on, amongst other things, 'commerce and community at ConFest, volunteerism, yobbos, future directions' (from poster). A large crop of vegetables was planted to be harvested for the following Easter event (Toc IV).

44. Attendance at meetings has, in the five years from April 1994, increased significantly from about 10-15 to 25-35 on average. Weeks prior to ConFest, attendance of around 60-70 people at meetings is not uncommon.

45. The Winter Solstice Gathering ground to a halt in 1996 when a strong faction in DTE acted on their perception that the dance party energy would taint ConFest's image as a 'family' gathering (see Chapter 8).

46. After situated in Victoria St Fitzroy and then Stephenson St Richmond in the early eighties, and Lt Lonsdale St from 1984-87, from 1987 the Society was housed in The Environment Centre in Flinders Lane, then at the FOE warehouse in Brunswick St Fitzroy in 1992 before moving to a schoolhouse at CERES from June 1993 to mid '96 and again from 1997 to the time of writing (1999), with an interval (from 1996-97) at the Organ Factory in Clifton Hill.

47. Which was even pre-empted in advertising in the December 1996 FOE Newsletter (15).