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By Marcel Thach
Hideyoshi
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Following the 150 years of civil conflict known as the Sengoku-jidai,
(best translated as "The Age of War") Japan entered the Azuchi-Momoyama-jidai
which is better known to the West as the War of Unification. To the Japanese,
the Azuchi-Momoyama period is a period of reverence and heroism. It was a
time when 'inferiors overthrew their superiors' (Perdue, 23.) Three daimyo
(feudal lords) are known to history as the Unifiers: Oda Nobunaga,Toyotomi
Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa Ieyasu. However, 'the most significant of the Unifiers,
as far as the Japanese are concerned, is Toyotomi Hideyoshi. Even in his lifetime
he was considered one of the greatest of the Japanese and was made a Shinto
deity shortly after his death' (Hooker, 3.) To the Japanese, he embodied a
true hero; born of a peasant, Hideyoshi rose through the ranks of Nobunaga
and became a general. Shortly after Oda Nobunaga's death in 1582, Hideyoshi
took up Nobunaga's task of unifying Japan. In 1592, he started what would
be the greatest of his military improprieties: the invasion of Korea. Despite
being a brilliant general and a skillful daimyo, Hideyoshi did not invade
Korea for the purposes of strategic gain. Instead, Toyotomi Hideyoshi invaded
Korea in 1592 and again in 1597 because he was mentally unstable. Japan's
inability to make war, Hideyoshi's inability to recognize Korea's military
capability, as well as China's growing economy, the mission's lack of strategic
gain, and his growing irrationality towards the end of his life prove this
statement to be true.
While there certainly was a possibility that the Hideyoshi invasions
of Korea could have been successful, the chances of a successful invasion
were slim. First of all, Hideyoshi had to confront the famous Korean general,
Admiral Yi Sun Sin. Although Korea had very few ships in the late 16th century,
the Korean navy was quite powerful. Admiral Yi Sun Shin was a brilliant Korean
admiral who employed the use of Kobukson, or 'turtle ships.' (About.com) The
Kobukson were formidable ships. They were some of the world's first ironclad
warships, preceding the American Civil War by almost 250 years. They possessed
iron overhead coverings which had large spikes and blades which discouraged
any boarding attempt. As well, they had multiple iron rams and cannons. Furthermore,
onboard were numerous archers who fired explosive arrows at the sails and
rigging of enemy ships. Finally, the skill with which Admiral Yi Sun Shin
utilized the Kobukson was incredible. After Admiral Yi defeated the Japanese
successively in the battles of Pusan and Ungch'ont'ae, Hideyoshi's fleet had
been completely eradicated from the southern coast of Korea. (About.com) Iron
clad ships, however, were not new to Japan and Hideyoshi; Oda Nobunaga, in
fact, had many iron clad ships in his fleet. With them, Oda's navy was virtually
invincible (Sansom, 309.) Hideyoshi, however, did not employ the use of iron
clad ships in his navy during the invasion of Korea, further proving that
he was not thinking clearly when he invaded Korea. The usefulness of iron
clad ships was further demonstrated to Hideyoshi when, during the second invasion
of Korea, Admiral Yi, having a fleet of only 16 ships, defeated a Japanese
fleet of 133 vessels (Seal, 13.) Had Hideyoshi been sensible, he would have
employed the same iron cladding around his ships which Oda Nobunaga used for
the invasion of Korea. Yet, instead, he chose to ignore the lessons of the
past and impetuously continued his invasion without the use of iron clad ships.
Admittedly, at the time, no nation in the world possessed more
weapons than Japan; by the late 16th century, Japan was manufacturing large
quantities of guns and cannons (Sansom, 309.) The fact must be pointed out,
however, that Japan, in a social and political sense, had not the capacity
for war. A task as large as an invasion of the entire Asian continent would
have been nearly impossible for Japan for two reasons. Although by 1592 most
of Japan's feudal estates had been taken over by either the Toyotomi house
or the Tokugawa house, the fact remains that Japan, at that time, could not
invade mainland Asia; it had just been racked with nearly 250 years of civil
conflict. Its people desired peace. After Toyotomi Hideyoshi died and Tokugawa
Ieyasu became Shogun, Japan experienced its longest era of peace ever (Sansom,
406.) Secondly, the Unifiers' success-specifically Oda Nobunaga's-in unifying
Japan was directly related to their use of ji-samurai and ashigaru.. The ashigaru
were farmers who had taken up arms for a feudal lord. The ji-samurai, known
as the 'samurai of the land,' were warriors who were not in active service
during times of peace (Beasely, 118.) In the twenty two years spanning from
the Battle of Okehazama in 1560 to Nobunaga's death in 1582, Oda Nobunaga
subdued most of his major rivals in Japan, thus bringing the state near unification.
Before 1560, however, Oda Nobunaga was a minor power in Japan. Though his
victory against Imagawa Yoshimoto at Okehazama was a product of Oda's military
genius, he further reinforced his armies using ji-samurai and ashigaru. Because
most of the other warlords in Japan at that time were too prideful to use
any military force but traditional samurai, Oda managed to defeat most of
his rivals using numbers alone (Sansom, 282-290.) Furthermore, those warlords
which did not employ the use of ashigaru or ji-samurai often found themselves
at arms with them (Sansom, 201.) Toyotomi Hideyoshi's tactical brilliance
and his use of diplomacy would not have been successful had Nobunaga not quelled
most of feuding warlords in Japan. Hideyoshi, mindful of his own rise to power,
initiated the Great Sword Hunt in 1588, 4 years before the first invasion
of the Asian mainland. It banned any farmers from possessing any sort of weapon
and allowed only the warrior class of the samurai to possess weapons. Hideyoshi
brutally enforced this policy and followed it up with the Edict on Changing
Status. This document stated three things. Firstly, all warriors who had returned
to village life were to be expelled. Secondly, all villagers were forbidden
from becoming merchants or engaging in any sort of trade. Thirdly, the Edict
on Changing Status prohibited the employment of warriors who had deserted
their previous lords. Hideyoshi clearly drew a line between villager and warrior
status; one which he brutally enforced. In a single stroke, Hideyoshi had
destroyed social mobility and completely abrogated the concept of both ji-samurai
and ashigaru (Beasley, 127.) Had Hideyoshi acted as he previously had when
dealing with the Kanto Warlords, he would have held off the invasion of Asia
until Japan had enough time to recuperate from the 250 years of civil strife
that the country had faced. Furthermore, he would have permitted the use of
ji-samurai and ashigaru-by rescinding the Edict on Changing Status-for the
invasion of mainland Asia as they were instrumental in winning the War of
Unification. Though Hideyoshi would have lost face by rescinding the Edict,
it is clear that the daimyos' respect meant little to him for, he also failed
to enforce the Explusion Edicts imposed upon the Christian Jesuits. He did
not enforce the Explusion Edicts because he needed the daimyo who inhabited
Kyushu as allies. The Kyushu daimyo were Christian and, thus, resented having
the Christian Jesuits of Japan expelled. Thus, not only did Hideyoshi fail
to enforce the Edicts, but he also changed his policy towards the Christians
completely (Berry, 93.) He received the Franciscans so well, that their leader
reported, "While this King lives we can enjoy much security for he is
like a father to us: he has given food to us as the poor and also permission
to build a monastery and church" (Cooper, 73.) Therefore, two postulates
can be made: one, Hideyoshi had no reservations about rescinding Edicts as
he was quite amiable to the Kyushu Christians and thus, Toyotomi Hideyoshi
was not thinking rationally when he planned the invasion of Korea for he should
have repealed the Edict on Changing Status to allow for the use of ji-samurai
and ashigaru.
Aside from Korea, Hideyoshi planned an invasion against China;
one surpassing the potential invasion of Korea in absurdity. Although in the
late sixteenth century the Ming dynasty was in decline, it still had a much
better economy and military than Japan. When Hideyoshi made clear his intention
to dominate all of Asia, he then doomed his expedition, for Hideyoshi would
have never been able to dominate the Ming Dynasty of China. The Ming Dynasty
had just finished an agricultural revolution and was in the midst of a commercial
revolution, making it, by far, the strongest Asian power (Hooker, 4.) By the
late sixteenth century, China was trading actively with the Portuguese and
the Dutch, thereby strengthening its economy. The European demand for tea
had been growing steadily and China was Europe's largest supplier. All this
trade made China the leading manufacturing economy in the world (Hooker, 4.)
Militarily, their fleet rivaled that of any European power. They also actively
traded with the Spanish for firearms which were nearly as effective as Japanese
matchlocks. The Chinese made up for the small difference in quality with quantity,
however, as they possessed far more guns then the Japanese. When Hideyoshi
attempted the first invasion of the Asian mainland in 1592, he was stopped
by hoards of Chinese troops around Pyonyang (Seal, 13.) Obviously, invading
the entire continent of Asia was a foolhardy expedition, but Hideyoshi insisted
on attempting it not once but twice, and perhaps more had he not died during
the second invasion.
The main problem Toyotomi Hideyoshi had in asserting his rule
as the Taiko (Retired Regent) was that he was not of Minamoto birth and, thus,
could not assume the title of Shogun (General.) By 1592, a few daimyo still
silently opposed the Toyotomi rule and sought to undermine his authority over
Japan (Seal, 12.) It could, therefore, be concluded that Hideyoshi invaded
Korea to bleed away the power of those that sought to defy him. This theory,
though popular in Japan itself, overlooks a few key facts. Firstly, the majority
of those who saw action in Korea were those who supported Hideyoshi; the Kato,
Mori, and the Konishi are three such examples (Seal, 12.) During his invasion
of Kyushu, all three aforementioned families played an active role in subduing
Kyushu. Moreover, two of his most skilled commanders were from the Kato and
Konishi families. Hideyoshi's trust in the Kato, Mori, and Konishi was further
displayed after his conquest of Kyushu; the Mori family was given most of
Northern Kyushu as a fief (Sansom, 322.) Hideyoshi clearly trusted those families
which he sent to Korea. The Kato family, under Kato Kiyomasa sent 10,000 soldiers-the
third-most amount of soldiers a single daimyo sent to Korea. Moreover, the
Mori family, under the leadership of More Terumoto sent 30,000 soldiers to
Korea-more than several daimyo combined (Sansom, 353.) On the other hand,
those families which Hideyoshi could not trust never set foot in Korea; notably
Tokugawa Ieyasu and Date Masamune. It is clear that Toyotomi Hideyoshi did
not trust Date Masamune. It is said that a general should, as the maxim goes,
'keep his friends close, and his enemies even closer.' While Hideyoshi knew
not of his maxim, he saw the wisdom of employing such a strategy. In 1592,
during the invasion of Korea, he ordered many daimyo to live near him in his
mansion in Kyoto. Those that lived closed to Hideyoshi 'were either political
confidants or potentially dangerous tozama' (Berry, 143.) Data Masamune was
included among the latter. Furthermore, he had even less trust for Tokugawa
Ieyasu. Ieyasu was the most powerful daimyo in Japan; with a fief of 2,400,000
koku, he made more revenue per year than Hideyoshi himself (Berry, 96.) At
the Battle of Nagakute in 1584, Tokugawa Ieyasu even took arms against Hideyoshi.
The two generals, however, reached an agreement, realizing that together,
with Ieyasu as Hideyoshi's vassal, they could conquer all of Japan (Turnbull,
98.) What should be noted now is the uneasy alliance which the two formed.
It is, therefore, conclusive to say that, when Hideyoshi invaded Korea, he
was not looking to disadvantage rival daimyo as those whom he did trust were
sent to Korea while those he did not never set foot in Korea.
Aside from the lack of rational reasons for the invasion itself, Hideyoshi's mental health was clearly affected by a number of traumas he faced at home. It is necessary to look at these traumas in order to prove that Hideyoshi was actually mentally unstable and not, as some may argue, an old general who had lost his reason. It is clear from many letters that Hideyoshi wrote to his mother that he dearly cared for her. He boasted such pride when he wrote to her, on July 14 1592 that 'Seoul will soon fall, and that by the autumn [I] will be able to receive [your] presents in the capital of China' (Sansom, 363.) When word came to Hideyoshi that his mother's health was fading, he left for Osaka on August 30. That day, however, his mother died. It is said that when he heard the news in Osaka, he fainted, stricken with grief (Sansom, 363.) While this tragedy in and of itself might not have been enough to destroy Hideyoshi's sanity, other events took place around the same time which proved to. Hideyoshi was obsessed with forming a dynasty; he wished to be remembered for all time. Thus, when his infant son Tsurumatsu died two years earlier, Hideyoshi did not take the news well. At the time of his mother's death, his nephew Hidetsugu was the heir to the Toyotomi dynasty (Berry, 218.) An infant son was born to Hideyoshi in 1593, however, and he could not have been more delighted. He celebrated his birth with festivities, Noh theater, and banquets. After Hideyori's birth, he rarely strayed far from his son. He showered him with gifts and was filled with pride for the young boy. At the same time, however, Hideyoshi also began to isolate his nephew, though he did continue to treat Hidetsugu with respect; he was allowed to participate in Hideyoshi's pilgrimage to Mount Koya where Hideyoshi further demonstrated his love for his mother. He was left at Kurakutei where he continued to be Hideyoshi's heir, possessing the title, Kampaku (Regent.) In September of 1595, however, Hidetsugu was ordered into exile at Mount Koyo and was ordered to commit seppuku (ritualistic suicide) immediately. A Jesuit who was witnessed the slaughter reported that,
When the carts [came] to the place of execution, behold there a hangman...[Hidetsugu's] three children were first murdered and then all the other Ladies in rank one after another were taken out of the cart and their heads were stricken off. All their bodies by order from [Hideyoshi] were thrown into a pit made for [them] over which he [built] a little Chapel with a Tomb in it with this inscription: the Tomb of Traitors. (Berry, 219)
Hideyoshi's irrational slaughter of his family clearly indicates
that he was suffering from a severe mental imbalance at the time. Hideyori
was, subsequently, made his heir and Kampaku. Hideyoshi could have, however,
simply appointed Hideyori Kampaku without the brutal slaughter, however, he
chose to butcher his family as he was clearly mentally unbalanced (Berry,
223). Continuing along similar lines, it is clear that the execution or Hidetsugu
was unwise as it removed him from the position of Kampaku. Hideyoshi, himself,
rose to power in a dispute over his predecessor, Oda Nobunaga's succession.
Oda Nobunaga had not intended to die as early as he did-he was assassinated
in 1582-and, thus, did not appoint a successor. Hideyoshi, taking advantage
of Oda Nobunaga's death, saw that Nobunaga's two sons were quarreling over
succession, and, as Nobunaga's top general, placed Nobunaga's infant grandson,
Samboshi in charge of the realm (Sansom, 311.) Thus, Hideyoshi was able to
rise to power more easily because of the lack of a leader in the Oda family.
Oda's empire was fractured among a few of Oda's generals at which point, Hideyoshi
rose to power. It can be concluded, therefore, that he knew the follies of
placing an infant son in a position of succession. Yet, Hideyoshi, by killing
Hidetsugu, named Hideyori his heir. He was so sure that it could work that,
upon his deathbed, he created a Council of Regents to take care of the realm
until Hideyori came of age (Sansom, 368.) He appointed five individuals to
this Council of Regents: Maeda Toshiie, Uesugi Kagekatsu, Mori Terumoto, Ukita
Hideie, and, most interestingly, Tokugawa Ieyasu (Berry, 235.) As has been
outlined earlier, Hideyoshi knew that Ieyasu was the most powerful daimyo
in Japan and he would have realized, had he not been mentally unstable, that
within a couple of years, Ieyasu would have overpowered Hideyoshi's Council
of Regents as Hideyoshi himself had done in 1584. Hideyoshi, being quite irrational,
did not, however, realize this and, thus, the Council of Regents ruled Japan
until Tokugawa Ieyasu defeated the remainder of the Council at the decisive
Battle of Sekigahara in 1600. Ieyasu went on to claim the title of Shogun
since he was of Minamoto birth and the Tokugawa bakufu ruled Japan until 1867.
As for Hideyoshi, he continued to plead for the Council of Regents' loyalty
until his death on September 18, 1598.
Japanese and Western historians alike generally agree that Toyotomi
Hideyoshi was the greatest Japanese leader ever. Despite this fact, from the
evidence shown: the lack of wisdom shown in his later Edicts, the lack of
thought given towards Admiral Yi, the arrogance with which Hideyoshi planned
to invade China, his irrationality in choosing who would fight in Korea, and
his growing fanaticism towards the end of his life prove that Toyotomi Hideyoshi
invaded Korea in 1592 and again in 1597 because he was mentally unstable.
His mental illness towards the end of his life doomed the Toyotomi dynasty
as, after Hideyoshi's death, Tokugawa Ieyasu began to isolate the Council
of Regents and eventually, claimed the title of Shogun in 1603. Hideyori lived
in Osaka Castle until 1615 when Tokugawa Ieyasu finally succeeded in taking
the castle. He committed seppuku and died with honour along with his mother
and, thus, the Toyotomi name was eliminated. (Turnbull, 119-124)
1. Beasley, W.G. (1999) The Japanese Experience: A Short History of Japan,
Phoenix Press, Toronto
2. Berry, Mary Elizabeth (1982) Hideyoshi, Harvard University Press, Cambridge
3. Cooper, Michael (1971) The Southern Barbarians, Kodansha International,
Tokyo
4. Hooker, Richard, "Ming China," (Washington State University:
World Cultures), 6 June, 1999 <http://www.wsu.edu/~dee/MING/MING.HTM>
(Accessed 29 December, 2001)
5. Hooker, Richard, "Tokugawa Japan," (Washington State University:
World Cultures), 6 June, 1999 <http://www.wsu.edu/~dee/TOKJAPAN/TOKJAPAN.HTM>
(Accessed: 29 December, 2001)
6. Perdue, Peter C. "Section VI, Chapter 16: Russia, Central Eurasia,
China, Japan, 1500-1700: Centralization and Comercialization," (Chapter
for Global Connections: A World History [forthcoming]), 30 August, 2000 <http://web.mit.edu/21h.504/www/perdue_16.htm>
(Accessed 20 December, 2001)
7. Sansom, George (1961) A History of Japan: 1334-1615, Stanford University
Press, California
8. Seal, F.W., "Samurai Archives Japanese History Page - Toyotomi Hideyoshi,"
(Member of History Television Online Network), 24 March, 2002 <http://www.samurai-archives.com/hideyoshi.html>
(Accessed 13 December, 2001)
9. Turnbull, Stephen (1996) Samurai: The Warrior Tradition, Arms and Armour
Press, New York
Marcel Thach is in Grade 11 at Northern Secondary School in Toronto, Ontario and would like to thank Michael Butler for his support and inspiration.