Site hosted by Angelfire.com: Build your free website today!

Degaspregos: Glossary of Unruly Jargon


In making a grammar of a language, sometimes it's hard to be precise and detailed without getting into overly technical jargonized descriptions. Unfortunately, Linguistics in particular (moreso than many other fields) is subject to quite a lot of this problem, so in writing the grammar, I have tried to make it available on multiple levels for readers of all backgrounds. Thus, this glossary.

7.1 : Phonology terms

  • phoneme
  • allophone
  • phonetic charts

    7.2 : Morphology terms

  • morpheme
  • morphophonemic variation

    7.3 : General Linguistic Concepts

  • The Three Types of languages, and how they relate to one another.

    Phoneme

    Basically, what most people think of as the sounds they hear in their languages are what linguists call phonemes. The difference between the terms "phonetic value" and a "phoneme" would therefore seem to be identical, and for the purposes of most people, this will suffice. But for linguists, there is a crucial disticntion between them, one which makes a great deal of difference.

    At its root, a "phonetic value" (or phone) is the absolute acoustic value of a sound that a person makes when he or she speaks. This value can be measured precisely by electronic machinery, and allows Linguists to specify the perhaps to most speakers unnoticeable differences between how one speaker articulates a sound, and how another might, both thinking them the same sound.

    But a phonemic value is much different. A phonemic value is the sound as it is heard by the listeners. That is, how speakers of a language perceive the sound that they are making. Perhaps an illustration may make this idea more clear.

    We in English oftentimes wonder why it is that foreigners often make the mistake of pronouncing the sound [I] (i.e., "ih") as [i] ("ee"). "There's nothing hard about it," we may say, and for us, that's true. The reason for this difficulty is that, say, Spanish speakers never make such a distinction in their own language. In English, we can come up with pairs of words (called by linguists minimal pairs) where the only difference between two words is a single sound. A good example with reference to the example above is the pair "live : leave". In English, we know these are different sounds because when we pronounce the two words, we hear the slight difference in sound which is coupled with meaning. When we arrive at this point, we know that we are dealing not just with two similar sounding words with different meanings, but entirely different words.

    In Spanish, no such distinction is ever made. This is not to say that an English speaker will not hear a Spaniard speaking that particular sound [I], but that the Spaniard will not be aware there is any difference between them, because in his language, it makes no meaningful difference. For us it does. This is what we then consider to be phonemes: the meaningful sound values of a given language. This means that a language's alphabet need only be phonemic, not phonetic.

    What then is an allophone?

    An allophone is the flip side of the phoneme. Allophones represent all those little sounds that we make which are actually phonetically different, but we do not hear the difference. For the Spaniard mentioned above, the sound [I] is but an allophone of the phoneme /i/ (phonemes are marked with solidi, aka diagonal slashes). Note that for two phonetic sounds to be allophones, they must be reasonably close phonetically. This means that [I] and [i] could be allophones in many languages, but sounds like [I] and [f] never could, because they are practically totally unlike. So, even if that Spaniard didn't know that [f] existed as a sound from his own language (though he in reality does), if he were to hear it for the first time, he would not think them to be similar.

    Phonetic Chart

    All these sounds we've been talking about here are all the product of the way in which human beings are biologically constructed. The different sounds that we make all have absolute acoustic values, with each instantiation slightly different, but because it is encompassed by a phoneme, it will sound the same to the various speakers of a language.

    For starters, as we all know from childhood, the sounds we make come from our mouth. Now, this would seem simplistic, but in reality, it's a highly complex subject, which has bred a whole subprofession of phoneticists who study how the sounds in our mouth are created.

    Sounds in the world's language can come from some vary strange places for your standard average European speaker. All sounds in English are pulmonic, that is, they're made by air being expelled from the lungs passing over the various mouth organs. Other possibilities, however, can and are used: the famed clicks of African languages are produced by the velaric air stream mechanism, by pressing the back of the tongue to the roof of the soft palate (the velum) and simultaneously constricting the flow in other parts of the front of the mouth.

    There are also glottalic sounds, made by pressing the glottis up or down in the back of the mouth (you can feel the glottis moving up in your throat if you say "hi" and put your hand to your Adam's Apple). These sounds in particular are characteristic of some Caucasian languages, and of the South American Native language Quechua. For our purposes, though, it is safe to know that all of Degaspregos's sounds are pulmonic, just like English's, so it should be easy for many readers out there.

    Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, are the actual physical locations in the mouth that condition the various types of sounds we hear. A diagram would be best, but until I have access to a scanner, I won't be able to do a good one! (hopefully coming soon). Here's a short list though that may help.

    
    Place of Articulation:
    
    Bilabial  : produced by placing both lips together. Ex: p, b, m.
    Dental*   : produced by touching the tongue to the back of the teeth. Ex: t, d, n.
    Alveolar* : produced by touching the tip of the tongue to the ridges on the roof
                of the mouth. Ex: t, d, n. 
    Retroflex : the tongue curls back upon itself, causing all sounds to have "r-coloring"
    Palatal   : back of the tongue touches the hard palate (or just the palate). 
                Ex: _k_ in "_k_ey"
    Velar     : back of the tongue touches the soft palate (velum). Ex: _c_ in _c_ool.
                also, most instances of k, g, and ng.
    Labiovelar: where both the back of the tongue touches the velum and the lips round.
                Ex: w as in witch, wh as in which (for some dialects, these are the same).
    Glottal   : sounds such as h.
    
    *In many languages (e.g., English), there is no difference between dental and alveolar stops.

    The above are all referenced as stops, where the airflow is directly obstructed by the tongue or otherwise. There are, however, other ways of producing sounds:

    Other Types of Articulation:
    
    Fricative   : there is almost(but not quite) closure of the airflow. This produces
                  a whole range of sounds in English: f, v, th (_th_ing), th (_th_is), 
                  s, z, sh, zh. Also, sounds like "ch" in Bach (the velar fricative)
    Affricate   : a combination of a stop and a fricative, such as _ts_, _dz_, ch 
                  (phonetically t+sh), j (phon. d+zh).
    Approximant : sounds like r, l, y, w, hw. In many languages, r is what is called
                  a tap or a trill (as in Span. burro).  
    

    Morphemes and Morphology

    The above aspects of language are the most basic, and the most inherent in any language. All languages have sounds they use to make up the words they use, and discriminate some sounds but not others. These are universal aspects of language, very simply.

    Morphology is basically the next level up in complexity. It is the first point where sound and meaning combine to aid communication. At base, morphology is the study of word-forms, as the name might indicate. It's the study of how words are put together, and how they operate within a sentence (and it's for this reason that morphology can be seen as a subset of syntax). Perhaps an illustration will clarify this.

    English is the type of language that uses a few endings here and there to modify the meanings of certain basic root words. These roots vary greatly in meaning and use, such that some roots bear highly complex meanings by themselves (e.g., "theor-" in "theory" and "theoretical") and others are quite simple (e.g., "sun"). Some of these roots can be used on their own, in and of themselves (such as "sun"). Others, like "theor-" cannot be used except as subsets of larger words. These roots, and all endings that must be used in the context of other elements, are called bound morphemes, for rather obvious reasons. Those that aren't, quite logically, are called free morphemes. It is this interplay of bound and free morphemes that make up the lexica and grammars of almost all languages.

    Morphophonemic Variation

    Morphophonemic variation is a little complex, because what it basically is is where a given form is realized phonemically in different way. We saw this in the section on Phonology in which it was stated that the English plural ending >-s< is actually dependent on the environment in which it's used. This means that, for example, we pronounce >cats< with a sharp [voiceless] "s" sound. Because this is the way it's written, one might be mislead into thinking that that is the ending, very simply. But when we look at other consonant endings, ones that are voiced (feature vibration of the vocal chords), we hear /-z/ and /@z/ respectively, as in "dogs" and "horses".

    The reason this is called variation is that because these sounds are all phonemically different in English, because we hear the sounds as separate entities (rather than being allophones*), we have to term them as "irregularities", as variants on a theme (although, in one sense, they are merely grouped into a larger, more complex rule, and so aren't really irregularities).

    Three Basic Types of Language

    All language can be classified as to the general pattern of how they tend to form sentences and words. This is very much a question of morphology (q.v.), and it is helpful to dilleneate just how these three interact with one another.

    All languages have some method by which they construct words (i.e., have some system of morphology). This means, for example, that words in English can most often be described in terms of prefixes and suffixes, and such things, which are used mostly (in English, at least) to alter the basic meaning of the root word to which they have been attached. For example, the English word foresight can be broken down into two smaller constituent components: fore, which operates here as the prefix, and sight which is the root word and carries a general meaning. By combining the two together, a new term has been created to described the union of those two ideas. This is an example of what may be considered agglutination, which is the process of simply tacking on a bound affix to a base root meaning.

    Languages differ in large part on the extent to which they use this. Some like Chinese (a highly isolating language), make practically no use of it, while others, like Finnish, use it to sometimes seemingly bizarre extremes. This process of adding on endings is closely related to the process of inflection, but there we enter more complex areas. Both Agglutinating and Inflecting languages use the concept of adding affixes to alter the meanings of words, but the difference is essentially in the "regularity" and of scope. With agglutinating languages, this process uses a string of affixes, each with its own meaning. This means that when a given suffix exists for a given meaning, and for most people who learn languages of this type, they seem to be much more regular and rule-oriented than the more inflecting languages. Degaspregos uses all endings like this, without exception, as are many artificial languages. Natural languages like Quechua (Peruvian language) and Basque are representative of this.

    Other languages are of the inflecting type. These languages tend not to be so synthetic in structure, in that they don't have huge strings of endings for a given meaning: just one, albeit a complex one semantically, will do. This is more or less a defining characteristic of inflecting languages, that they tend to conflate two or more different ideas into one ending, such as making both the accusative case and plural ending one form, with a different and perhaps totally unrelated ending for the singular. This is the case with Latin and Greek, as well as many other European languages. European inflecting languages also usually show the problem of using different sets of endings for different sets of words, though there may be no inate reason for them to do this (these are called declinsions).

    But it would be misleading to say that any given language is entirely inflecting or isolating or agglutinating. No, all languages are a mixture of all three, though each one varies in the amount of each category. English for example is for the most part isolating, but is more strongly agglutinating than it is inflecting. Older forms of English showed the opposite trend: they were predominated by inflection and agglutination, and less so by isolation. From this we see that a language may change its form over a period of time, depending more or less on affixation as each generation sees fit. It should also be stressed that all these terms, like agglutinating and inflecting, are not water-tight, and are not necessarily mutually exclusive (for the reason given above).

    In a sense, languages go through a cycle of changing from one typology to another. Very generally, they go through stages of predominantly inflecting, predominantly isolating, predominantly agglutinating, and back again to inflecting (in that order). Usually this is because the inflections will drop off, usually through phonetic factors, and thus the language will enter a more isolating stage (which is exactly what English has done). That same isolating language may, many years on, acquire particles or otherwise small words, which then become bound to the root, being unable to be used in their own right. It has thus entered an agglutinating stage, which may thereafter turn back into inflecting when the separate endings become blurred, so to speak, with one another, with one ending having multiple meanings attached to it.

    Home

    "Cogito, ergo sum, sed credo ergo ero."