God,
Country and Self-Interest:
A Social History
of the World War II Rank and File
CWP
Silver Spring, Maryland
2004
Publishers Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Terrar, Toby, 1944-
God, Country and
Self-Interest: A Social History of the WorldWar II
Rank and File / Toby Terrar.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references,
index, maps and illustrations.
ISBN (cloth): $ 16.95 --ISBN (paper): $9.95
1. World War, 1939-1945--War Work--United
States.
2. World War, 1939-1945--Women--United
States.
3. World War, 1939-1945--Naval
Operations, American.
4. World War, 1939-1945--Personal
Narratives, American.
5. World War,
1939-1945--Campaigns--Pacific Area.
6. World War, 1939-1945--Aerial
Operations.
7. World War II.
8. Military Biography.
9. Air Pilots, Military--United
States--Biography.
10. War, Causes of.
11. War--Religious Aspects.
12. War (Philosophy).
13. United States, Navy--Biography.
14. United States--Foreign Relations.
15. United States--Social Conditions.
16. United States--Social History.
17. United States--Economic Conditions.
18. United States--Intellectual Life.
19. Social History.
20. Imperialism.
21. Social classes--History.
22. Women--United States--Biography.
23. California History.
24. South Carolina History.
25. Kansas History.
E743.T42 2004
973.91
CWP
15405 Short Ridge Ct.
Silver Spring, Maryland 20906
https://www.angelfire.lycos.com/un/cwp
To order: (301) 598-5427
E-Mail: CathWkr@aol.com
Contents
List of Illustrations
Acknowlegements
Preface
Self-interest......................................................................................................... xii
The
Older Generation......................................................................................... xix
Religion........................................................................................................... xxxii
Chapter 1: Ed's Preparation
Coffeyville............................................................................................................ 1
Naval Flight Training............................................................................................. 7
Corpus Christi Basic Training: May-November, 1942......................................... 10
Opa Locka: November 1942-January 1943....................................................... 18
Chapter 2: Hazel Before the War
Dalzell, South Carolina....................................................................................... 21
Nurse Training: Newport, Rhode Island.............................................................. 34
Nursing at the University of Michigan Hospital: 1936-1942................................. 40
Chapter 3: California
Coffeyville, North Island and Alameda: January-March 1943.............................. 47
TBF: Torpedo Bomber....................................................................................... 55
El Centro: April 1943......................................................................................... 57
North Island (Coronado, California): April-July 1943.......................................... 59
Holtville and Hazel Hogan: July-August 1943...................................................... 66
Otay Mesa (Brown Field): August-October 1943............................................... 68
Chapter 4: Marriage
Courtship: 1943................................................................................................. 78
Marriage: September 3, 1943............................................................................. 83
The Ceremony................................................................................................... 86
Chapter 5: Westward to the South Pacific: October-November, 1943
Ed Gets Underway........................................................................................... 101
Work............................................................................................................... 110
Espiritu Santo and Letters from Hazel............................................................... 115
Chapter 6: Combat: Tarawa, November-December, 1943
Preparation for Gilbert Islands Invasion............................................................. 125
Tarawa: November 20-December 8, 1943....................................................... 128
Christmas 1943: San Diego.............................................................................. 137
Chapter 7: Hazel on the Home Front: 1944
Budgetary Planning........................................................................................... 146
Correspondence and Socializing....................................................................... 148
Catholicism...................................................................................................... 152
Housing............................................................................................................ 153
The Baby: June-December, 1944..................................................................... 155
Work............................................................................................................... 162
Chapter 8: The Marshalls: January-February, 1944
The Trip Back to the Central Pacific: January 12-31, 1944................................ 170
Marshall Islands: January 31-February 22, 1944............................................... 171
Western Marshalls............................................................................................ 180
Chapter 9: Hawaiian Vacation and Combat Fatigue: March-May, 1944
Hawaii: March 1-March 15, 1944.................................................................... 187
Recuperation: March 15-May 31, 1944............................................................ 189
Barber's Point, Hawaii: April 21-May 31, 1944................................................ 198
Ed Catches Up with the Chenango.................................................................... 202
Chapter 10: The Marianas (Guam, Saipan, Pagan): June-August, 1944
The
Beginning of the Campaign: June 2-21, 1944.............................................. 212
Pagan: June 21-24, 1944.................................................................................. 217
Rest in the Marshalls (Eniwetok): June 25-July 10, 1944................................... 221
The Big News.................................................................................................. 222
Guam (July 10-30, 1944)................................................................................. 224
Chapter 11: Making the News: July 30, 1944
Rest at
Eniwetok & Manus: August 3-September 10, 1944............................... 243
Chapter 12: Morotai: September, 1944
Morotai Island: September 15-24, 1944........................................................... 253
Back to Manus: September 25-October 12, 1944............................................ 260
Politics............................................................................................................. 261
Chapter 13: Philippine Invasion & Great Philippine Sea Battle:
October 1944
Leyte Gulf Invasion: October 16-24, 1944........................................................ 267
D-Day............................................................................................................. 272
Sinking a Lugger: October 23, 1944................................................................. 276
To Morotai: October 24-28, 1944................................................................... 276
Battle of Sibuyan Sea (October 24, 1944)........................................................ 278
Surigao Strait (October 24-25, 1944)............................................................... 280
Attack on Taffy-I and Battle of Samar: October 25, 1944................................. 281
Back to Leyte (October 28-30, 1944) and Manus (October 30,
1944)............. 288
Pearl Harbor and Home................................................................................... 291
Chapter 14: Conclusion. 295
Family
Reunion................................................................................................. 295
Chenango......................................................................................................... 301
Flight
Instructor: January-September, 1945....................................................... 308
The
Soviets, the Civilian Bombing and the War’s End........................................ 312
Future
Problems............................................................................................... 322
Glossary
Bibliography
Index
Figure 0-1:
Ed Terrar, Sr. coalmining in 1914....................................................... xvi
Figure 0-2:
United Mine Worers President, John L. Lewis.................................... xvii
Figure 0-3:
Wendell Willkie in Coffeyville, Kansas............................................... xxii
Figure 0-4:
Coffeyville Resistance to World War I............................................... xxv
Figure 0-5:
Ed Terrar, Sr. and the Coffeyville American Legion.......................... xxvii
Figure 0-6:
Ed Jr.’s stamp collection and American imperialism............................ xxx
Figure 0-7:
Alfred Mahan and self-interest......................................................... xxxiv
Figure 1-1:
Ed in the horse cavalry, 1939................................................................ 3
Figure 1-2:
Ed’s diploma from Coffeyville Junior College, 1942............................... 6
Figure 1-3:
Ed in first pair of Naval coveralls, 1942................................................. 9
Figure 1-4:
Ed’s ground school notes at Corpus Christi in 1942............................. 14
Figure 1-5:
Ed’s preparatory travels in the United States, 1942-1943.................... 20
Figure 2-1:
Hazel with siblings, 1920..................................................................... 22
Figure 2-2:
Annie Hogan’s 1924 letter giving up custody of her children................. 22
Figure 2-3:
Hazel with siblings on bail of cotton at Charlie’s, 1926......................... 24
Figure 2-4:
Hazel on high school graduation day, 1931.......................................... 34
Figure 2-5:
Map of Newport Hospital................................................................... 37
Figure 2-6:
Newport monument to caring for the aged and newborn...................... 38
Figure 2-7:
Hazel in nurses training, 1935.............................................................. 39
Figure 2-8:
Graduation photo of nurses from Newport.......................................... 39
Figure 2-9:
Hazel in uniform with friends at University of Michigan Hospital............ 42
Figure 2-10: Annie Hogan and Estelle Hunt on
vacation, 1938................................. 43
Figure 2-11: Annie Hogan in corner grocery which
she ran from 1930 to 1950........ 44
Figure 2-12: Hazel and friends at Ann Arbor,
Michigan, 1941................................. 46
Figure 3-1:
Ed visiting Columbia Drug Store in Coffeyville, January 1943............... 47
Figure 3-2:
Bernie and Gerry Volm. Bernie was killed........................................... 49
Figure 3-3:
Creepy Flint. A great pilot who hated the Navy................................... 52
Figure 3-4:
Point Arena Lighthouse, site of Ed’s emergency landing, 1943............. 54
Figure 3-5:
Map of the desert (Imperial Valley) where Ed and Hazel met............... 58
Figure 3-6:
Ed with his 1931 Rolls Royce............................................................. 60
Figure 3-7:
Ed’s sister, Rosemary, visiting him in Los Angeles, spring 1943............ 61
Figure 3-8:
Los Angeles weekend with Bill McClelland, spring 1943..................... 61
Figure 3-9:
Ed’s buddies socializing at the Hotel del Coronado.............................. 64
Figure 3-10: Map of San Diego area where
Squadron-35 trained............................ 66
Figure 3-11: Portrait of the Torpedo Squadron 35
aviators in October 1943........... 72
Figure 4-1:
Ensign Hazel Hogan in the spring of 1943 at San Diego........................ 75
Figure 4-2:
Hazel on the obstetrics ward, Naval Hospital, San Diego...................... 76
Figure 4-3:
Hazel on the beach at Coronado, California.......................................... 79
Figure 4-4:
Ed at Otay Mesa (Brown Field) in the summer of 1943........................ 81
Figure 4-5:
Terrars’ marriage ceremony at Sacred Heart in Coronado.................... 87
Figure 4-6:
Outside the church after the ceremony, September 3, 1943.................. 87
Figure 4-7:
Part of Annie Hogan’s announcement of daughter’s marriage................ 88
Figure 4-8:
Hazel in her white Navy uniform shortly before retirement..................... 89
Figure 4-9:
Ed and Hazel’s first home in Chula Vista, 1943................................... 90
Figure 4-10: Hazel playing golf, September 1943.................................................... 92
Figure 5-1:
Chenango as an oiler......................................................................... 94
Figure 5-2:
Chenango as a flattop........................................................................ 95
Figure 5-3:
Air and ground team for a TBF......................................................... 100
Figure 5-4:
Section from Pacific map used in Ed and Hazel’s secret code............ 102
Figure 5-5:
Ed Terrar on the Chenango.............................................................. 109
Figure 5-6:
Hazing on October 27, 1943, when crossing the equator................... 110
Figure 5-7:
Certificate of initiation as a shellback................................................. 110
Figure 6-1:
Map of Pacific operations................................................................. 123
Figure 6-2:
Map of Tarawa Atoll........................................................................ 129
Figure 6-3:
Tarawa’s bloody beach on November 20, 1943............................... 130
Figure 6-5:
Womenhood according to the commercial press................................ 140
Figure 6-6:
Hazel dressed up, Christmas 1943.................................................... 140
Figure 6-7:
Chenango AG-35 torpedo,
fighter & diver bomber aviators............. 142
Figure 7-1:
Pottery pattern Hazel bought, 1944................................................... 144
Figure 7-2:
Stationary with Hazel’s name............................................................ 149
Figure 7-3:
Hazel pregnant, spring 1944.............................................................. 150
Figure 7-4:
Hazel on the phone........................................................................... 150
Figure 7-5:
Mr. Ludwick, Hazel’s landlord at La Mesa, 1944............................. 155
Figure 7-6:
New baby pictures pasted in baby book, July 1944........................... 157
Figure 7-7:
Hazel and baby................................................................................. 159
Figure 7-8:
Congratulations card from Estelle Hunt, godmother, 1944.................. 160
Figure 7-9:
John Donlon introduced Ed and Hazel, baby’s godfather................... 161
Figure 7-10: Hazel and Peggy Dalzell, giving baths
to their babies.......................... 162
Figure 7-11: Baby toilet........................................................................................ 164
Figure 7-12: Dr. Kellogg and his backyard garden in
Chula Vista.......................... 168
Figure 8-1:
TBF air support in the Marshall Islands, February 1944..................... 175
Figure 8-2:
Ed’s souvenir Japanese money with signatures fellow aviators............ 179
Figure 8-3:
Ed’s souvenir Japanese money taken at Kwajalein............................. 184
Figure 9-1:
Ed and friends at Waikiki, Hawaii, March 1944................................ 188
Figure 9-2:
Map of Outrigger Canoe Club.......................................................... 197
Figure 9-3:
Ed sitting on a volcano...................................................................... 200
Figure 9-4:
First in sequence of Ed’s ill-fated landing........................................... 209
Figure 9-5:
Second in sequence of Ed’s ill-fated landing...................................... 209
Figure 9-6:
Third in sequence of Ed’s ill-fated landing.......................................... 209
Figure 10-1:
Operations map, Marshalls & Marianas, February-Aug. 1944......... 213
Figure 10-2:
Aircraft Action Report for attack on Pagan Island............................ 219
Figure 10-3:
Eniwetok officers club..................................................................... 222
Figure 10-4:
Ed relaxing on island near Turk....................................................... 222
Figure 11-1:
Map of Orote Peninsula, Guam (Marianas)..................................... 232
Figure 11-2:
The newsmaking landing on Guam, July 30, 1944............................ 234
Figure 11-3:
Crew that made the first Guam landing............................................ 235
Figure 11-4:
Coffeyville Journal’s coverage
of Guam landing............................ 240
Figure 11-5:
Ed’s watercolor of Rex Hanson on the toilet, August 19, 1944........ 247
Figure 12-1:
Souvenir "imperialist" missionary money........................................... 252
Figure 12-2: Map of Morotai & Halmahera in Moluccas, September 1944.......... 254
Figure 12-3:
Dr. Harold Thornburg, killed during the Halmahera attack................ 257
Figure 12-4:
Watercolors painted by Ed of native culture at Manus...................... 262
Figure 12-5:
More watercolors painted by Ed of native culture............................ 263
Figure 12-6:
Wood carving by Ed depicting a native............................................ 264
Figure 13-1:
Map of Leyte in the Philippines....................................................... 267
Figure 13-2:
Orville Hardastle, Chenango’s chief sailor...................................... 268
Figure 13-3:
Sam Forrer..................................................................................... 270
Figure 13-4:
Celebration of 5,000th landing......................................................... 275
Figure 13-5:
Ed’s flight log book......................................................................... 289
Figure 13-6:
Chenango Torpedo Squadron-35 (enlisted)................................... 290
Figure 13-7:
The Chenango at Barbers Point, Hawaii (November 1944)............ 292
Figure 14-1:
Ed’s spoils of war: a bath robe........................................................ 294
Figure 14-2:
Diagram of Terrar’s family home in Coffeyville................................. 297
Figure 14-3:
Guest book for open house at the Terrar’s...................................... 299
Figure 14-4:
Visitors at the Terrar’s in Coffeyville................................................ 300
Figure 14-5:
Ed, Hazel and Toby at home in Coffeyville...................................... 301
Figure 14-6:
Troops demonstrating to come home............................................... 308
Figure 14-7:
Hazel and Toby at Lake Michigan, Evanston, Illinois........................ 312
Figure 14-8:
The Soviets in Manchuria................................................................ 315
Figure 14-9:
Squadron mates at a reunion........................................................... 321
Figure 14-10: Plaque presented to Ed and thank-you note to the Marines.............. 323
Acknowledgements
During the five years off-and-on of its writing, I had the good fortune to live with my parents, the main subjects of this study. Whenever there were questions, I consulted them and their letters, pictures and souvenirs. I also owe a debt to the scholarship of the late Brooke Hindle and his wife Helen, with whom I once enjoyed a meal and learned about the pleasures and difficulties of writing Naval history. Their work was a constant guide, as my footnotes reflect. The writings and diaries of squadron mates and friends Norman Berg, Bill Marshall, Bruce Weart, Charley Dickey, Robert Exum, Estelle Hunt, Bill Gentry, Jack Ross, Anthony Hernandez, Don Starks and Edward Ries benefited this study. Not least in helping to educate me were my parents’ annual squadron and carrier reunions, along with the U.S.S. Chenango Newsletter, which shipmate Larry Lippert and his wife Dorothy facilitate. These sources allowed me to share in the memories, writings and insights of comrades such as the late Charlie Carpenter and his wife Dottie.
I am gratefully to the CW Press editors, Betty Clark, Virginia Lewis and Patrick Knight, for their comments, editorial suggestions and encouragement. Finally, the staff at the Library of Congress, the Mullen Library at Catholic University, the Montgomery County Maryland Public Library and the Martin Luther King Public Library in Washington, D.C. deserve my thanks.
Design of prior
page:
These
items were carried by Ed Terrar in his pocket throughout the war. Most soldiers had such keepsakes that brought
comfort and symbolized what the war was about. Ed’s flag had been carried by
his father in the First World War. They both felt it brought luck. The rosary
was given to Ed by the Coffeyville Knights of Columbus. Each Catholic
recruit was given one. The dollar bill was part of Ed’s wages and special in
several ways. It had “Hawaii” printed on it and was longer than the normal bill. The
government made these for use in Hawaii because it was feared the enemy would
pass counterfeit bills there. The counterfeits could be spotted because they
would look like normal stateside bills. Ed’s bill was also special because on
it were the signatures of his friends, given as part of an initiation on
February 9, 1943 into the “short snorters.” That same month Archbishop Francis
Spellman in Action this Day: Letters from the Fighting Fronts (New
York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1944), p. 70, explained about the “short
snorters”:
On
Wednesday, I had the honor of having luncheon with the Prime Minister, Mr.
Winston Churchill. . . His first question to me was, “May I without irreverence
ask if you are a ‘short snorter’?” As I explained to you in an earlier letter,
a “short snorter” is one who has crossed the ocean in an airplane. The
certificate of membership in this society consists of signatures on a dollar
bill which must be always in a short snorter’s possession. If the person
challenged is unable to produce the certificate of his short snortship, he is
penalized by being obliged to treat everyone to a short “snort,” that is, a
small drink. The price of the treat has now been stabilized at a dollar.
After the war Ed
carried his “short snorter” bill and rosary with him for 60 years. The flag was
kept in a dresser drawer.
This is an account of how my parents, Ed and Hazel
(Hogan) Terrar, joined the Navy in 1942, met each other in July 1943, married
shortly thereafter, and started their family. It is also about World War II, as
that was when they started out together. It is more social history than military history because it looks at the war through their
eyes. Ed remarked on August 23, 1943, soon after meeting Hazel, "I'm
convinced that if an individual understands himself, he understands the
world."[1] Similarly, an understanding of those
like the Terrars during the war helps in understanding the war.
This
is also about the help which can be gained from studying their lives. Both of
them viewed history as they did the bible, a help to life. Starting as
children, they were attracted to literature which, as Hazel put it in one of
her high school essays, "gave a moral lesson and revealed hidden sin."[2] Like many others, they kept their
wartime letters, pictures and official documents because of a sense of history,
that is, a belief that there was a lesson in them. Much has been written, often
with official assistance, by and about those who commanded the military. But
the rank and file have their own story and lessons.
The
nineteenth-century Russian novelist, Leo Tolstoy, made an epoch out of Napoleon’s invasion of his country. In War and
Peace he concluded that history, like most military battles that he had
studied, was chaotic and uncontrollable. The epoch for the Terrars was World
War II. Unlike Tolstoy, their conclusions were more optimistic about the nature
of history and their control over it. Tolstoians may gaze at their destiny with
the same sort of dumb amazement as an animal in a trap, but not working people
like the Terrars. I have been hearing bits and pieces of their story since my
earliest recollections. Writing it down has allowed me to gain perspective on
how it fits together and how it relates to the epoch which my own generation
faced in Vietnam.
Self-Interest. One point made by this story is that
working people promoted their own self-interests by the war. I knew
professional soldiers that viewed combat as a path to promotion.
Similarly, oil, steel, banking and other corporations profited in the form of
military contracts. But that the non-professional, National Guard soldiers who constituted
the rank and file gained something was
unexpected. The benefits were not enough to have incited the war and would have
been obtained quicker without it. But the rank and file did not come up
empty-handed. Personal profit from war is recorded from the earliest periods. The Peloponnesian War veteran, Thucydides (471-400 B.C.), in an account of that struggle traced its origins
to “honor, fear and interest.”[3] For hundreds of years both the Spanish conquistadors and British imperialists fought for
“glory, God and gold.”[4] American Revolutionaries in the Federalist Papers, which promoted the adoption of the U.S. Constitution, maintained
self-interest was a foundation for the new republic.[5]
Nineteenth-century
academics such as James Mill developed a formal theory of philosophy,
utilitarianism-pragmatism, in which self-interest was basic.[6] The Terrars were optimist pragmatists.
They made the best of the war and hoped for the day when it would be over.[7] This philosophy was expressed in a
letter Ed wrote on April 5, 1944, "I don't know how things will work out
but they always seem to work out somehow and I think they'll work out for the
best."[8] This philosophy was common even under the
worst circumstances. Historian William McBride, in discussing the letters of
another Pacific soldier, remarked:
His
letters are those of a man who is trying to make the best of his status as a
prisoner in an alien environment, a man whose future is captive to events beyond his control.[9]
Looking out for themselves in the case of the Terrars
actually meant doing well, not unlike the 36-year-old Navy lieutenant and
budding novelist, James Michener, who volunteered to do two consecutive
two-year tours during the war as an "inspector" in what he called
"paradise," the South Sea Islands.[10] Illustrative of the Terrars good fortune
were military wages, which were double and triple what they had made
before the war.[11] There had been an economic depression. They believed hard times would return
after the war and perhaps a communist revolution. They talked of buying a small
farm with their military bounty, so that they could live off the land.[12]
In
addition to wages, the Terrars did well in their social life, travel and housing. The war gave them the opportunity to meet and
start a marriage that was still going strong three wars later. Their first home
together in 1943 was an ivy-covered cottage in Chula Vista, California. It was
surrounded by eucalyptus trees, a sweet-smelling flower garden, and rock lined
fishponds. Ed's squadron-mates became his life-long friends. A number of their
naval acquaintances were what Ed's mother called "refined people." They came from well-connected and well-heeled families. They had
gone to the "right" schools and had jobs with the big corporations on Wall Street. Ed cultivated them. For a
time in 1943 before going to sea he co-owned with squadron-mate Buddy Beal a
1931 Rolls Royce.
Hazel,
who had been employed as a nurse for a decade prior to and during the war, was
able to quit work. Despite the misgivings of her new spouse, she preferred being a "housewife"
and going shopping with her friends.[13] She soon had her first baby, which was a
joy. Ed was able to spend several months in the spring of 1944 in Hawaii. He
surfed, played volleyball in the sand at the exclusive Outrigger Canoe Club and
ate good meals at beautiful homes high in the mountains
overlooking Honolulu. He made realistic watercolor paintings and woodcarvings.
Except for not having Hazel, it was perfect.[14]
Looking
out for one's self-interest put another way, meant the war was only part of the
picture. The notion that the war was only hardship
resulted from the misleading notions promoted by special interest groups. For
such interests, the idea of "making the best of things," at least for
working people, was blasphemous. These special interests required the conscription of large public resources to
conduct international commerce; but they begrudged sharing the gains with the
public. Theodore Roosevelt typified special interest patriotism. He came from a merchant
family that for several generations used public resources for personal gain. In
the name of patriotism he encouraged the invasion of the Philippines, Cuba, Santo Domingo, Columbia, Mexico and the area needed
for the Panama Canal. But when trade unionists forced concessions from the
empire builders, he condemned their patriotism as "the doctrine of envy,
the doctrine of greed, the worst, basest passion of mankind."[15]
Special
interest groups maintained trade was the "lifeblood of
nations" and equated it with American honor and prosperity.[16] Corporate narcissism became patriotism. If they had had their way, those who they conscripted to do their fighting would
have been paid with “honor” or “freedom,” not with material benefits. Ed's Navy
textbooks during basic training, which he still had in his possession years
later, condemned such patriotism:
A
demagogic appeal to "Old Glory" often smacks of a thin veneer of
patriotism subtly concealing motives of self-aggrandizement to organizations
and the self-interests of the individual. Most enlightened men believe that
much strife, graft, and needless bloodshed have been perpetrated in the name of
patriotism and religion.[17]
The Terrars, like most young working people, found that
looking out for themselves was part of their heritage. For example, Ed's dad,
Ed Sr., had gone to work at age eleven in the
Rhondda Valley coalmines of South Wales. When he migrated to the United States at
age twenty-one in 1912, he was already a skilled miner with ten years
experience. Ed Sr. had coalmining uncles, aunts and cousins scattered
throughout Pennsylvania, Maryland, Iowa and Arkansas. He migrated to America
during a yearlong strike when his uncle John Lee in Mystic, Iowa sent him a ticket. By
taking up mining in Iowa, he made one of his many choices to make the best of
things.
At
the national level, America's fifty million workers often made the best of
things during the war. Illustrative was the United Mine Workers (UMW). Its president,
John L. Lewis, had the respect of the Terrars, not only because he was a fellow
Welsh coalminer but because he, like Ed Sr., did not drink alcohol, was faithful to
his wife and children and spoke as an equal to the mine owners and politicians, whether they wanted it or not. Miners held the
trickle-up theory of value. They produced value by their labor
deep underground. They had to fight the parasites on top to retain that value.
They used collective bargaining in reaching agreements.
The war made collective
bargaining even more necessary than usual. Typically, Lewis explained to a
United States Senate committee headed by Harry Truman in 1943 that it was
unfair to restrain labor
from collectively adjusting wages to the rising cost of living without also restricting the
capitalists.[18] He summarized, "Congress can't
condone a policy in this country that fattens industry and starves labor, and then call upon labor
patriotically to starve."[19] That workers did make the best of things
and prospered, resulted in unending complaints from the big corporations.[20]
My
misunderstanding about the nature of the war and self-interest resulted not
only because of failure to appreciate the economic boom. It came also from equating the war
with the hand-to-hand fighting at battles such as Tarawa. Hand-to-hand fighting was the
exception. Most of the soldiers were not combat troops and did little or no
fighting. Even among the Naval forces, some were more exposed than others. The
front-line, full-length, fast carriers (CVs) saw the main action. Ed was on a Sangamon-class escort carrier or CVE. They were
second-line ships, not normally involved in prime attacks. They were half the
size and speed of the Essex-class carriers, had few big guns and
were crewed largely by married draftees and teenagers, not by career
military.[21] Ed's ship had been an oil tanker before
the war. On it a landing deck had been constructed. It provided air protection
and fuel for convoys. Even the fast front-line carriers spent much of the war
on routine patrols, not in combat.[22] Ed saw combat and both welcomed and
hated it. But combat was only part of the picture.
Self-interest did not mean people did not love their country. But surrendering
common sense and unquestioning obedience was not the way to love it.
Major Evans Carlson, who was the operations officer for the 4th Marine Division during the Tarawa
invasion, noted one of the problems caused by blind submission. It made for
poor soldiers. During the Tarawa attack in October 1943, which was Ed Jr.'s
first battle, many of the officers were killed in the first hour. The rank and file, as Carlson put it,
"lacked initiative and resourcefulness. They were not trained to
understand the need for sacrifice. Too many men waited for orders - and while
they waited they died. What if they had been trained not to wait for
orders?"[23] Carlson was angry. Lives could have been
saved.[24]
If
self-interest did not mean people did not love their country, it also did not
mean they were infected with the pathological profit-seeking that World War II
veteran Milt Felsen encountered as a prisoner of war. In discussing the various
personality types in his camp, Felsen described the profit seekers:
I was most baffled by the entrepreneurs.
They would first circulate through the various barracks using their cigarette
capital to trade, barter, and buy rings, blankets, cigarette lighters, foodstuffs
in cans, clothing, wallets, anything they thought someone might possibly buy.
They would then congregate along the main walkways, lay this junk out on a
blanket, and sit all day flailing their arms against the bitter cold. They were
apparently driven by some relentless inner compulsion to amass wealth for its
own sake, since there was nothing they could buy with it in the camp and all
those cartons of loose cigarettes would be stale and worthless if and when they
ever got out.
It
seemed to me like a metaphor for the frenetic auctioneering on the floor of the
stock market or for the race of the very rich to acquire even more possessions
they could never use before they died of a heart attack in the effort and before their
pampered children, having nothing to strive for, committed suicide in colorful
ways at early ages. The profit system did seem to have its faults.[25]
The Older Generation. Despite looking out for themselves, the
Terrars' experience had plenty that was negative. They and millions of others
around the world put their lives and fortunes on the line, but the war came
with no input from them. The only decision they were allowed to make was
whether to enlist, be drafted or go to jail. The Terrars seldom echoed the semi-official "yellow bastard" race hatred.[26] Rather they voiced anger, as Ed put it
at the time, "because hate is legislated. . . shot into our blood and
brain like vaccine or vitamins."[27] They were disappointed in their parents
and the older generation for letting the country fall
into the "mess," as they called it. Ed remarked in one of his 350
letters to Hazel in 1944 that he would like to give "lasting peace" to his child
with whom Hazel was pregnant, something which "the present generation did
not give”:
If
one generation of Americans could be spared, it would be the luckiest. But I
suppose that we like our predecessors shall soon forget the monstrosities of war & will permit it to creep up as previous generations
have done. Gee where do I get this philosophic thought - enough![28]
Historian
Gerald Linderman found that vows about their sons being spared the experience
of combat were "a rite of foxhole existence."[29]
The
Terrars were like most young Americans in not wanting to go to war. A national
poll found that 90% of the youth opposed entering the war.[30] Japanese youth had similar sentiments.[31] Sixty-eight thousand were imprisoned for
their war resistance.[32] Even the 2,530 Japanese “volunteer”
pilots who died on suicide missions between October 1944 and
August 15, 1945 did so unwillingly. Aviator Saito Mutsuo explained, “In November 1944 we were summoned to listen to a
special speech from the commanding officer. He explained to us that the army
was to set up its own tokkotai (suicide squadron). Pilots from our base,
he said, were being invited to volunteer. Then he went into one of the hangars,
and we were called in one by one to see him. He gave us two pieces of paper,
and we were asked to write our name on one of these to indicate our feelings
about joining the tokkotai. One piece of paper said ‘eager.’ The other
one said ‘very eager.’ ‘In that case,’ I said
to the commander, ‘I hope that you will not mind if I only write myself down as
being ‘eager.’ As far as I know, everyone else in the squad did the same. No
one really wanted to join the tottotai.”[33]
The
American youth may not have wanted to be conscripted but the $10,000 fine and
five-year prison term imposed by the draft law made resistance difficult.[34] The Republican presidential candidate in the fall of 1940 was Wendell Willkie (1892-1944). Willkie had taught school in Ed's hometown,
Coffeyville, Kansas in 1914. Later, he worked as a lawyer for
the banking house of Morgan but also defended labor leaders such as William
Schneiderman before the United States Supreme Court.[35] In his campaign he came to the defense of
the youth, accusing Roosevelt of playing politics with their lives.[36] He kicked off his campaign with a parade
and rally in Coffeyville on September 16, which Ed attended.[37] Willkie would have had Ed's vote on
November 5, had he been old enough to vote. Twenty-four million voters agreed with Ed and the youth, but this
was not enough to defeat FDR, who won with only 54 percent (27 million) of the
nation behind him.[38]
The Terrars stayed
up-to-date on world events and had negative feelings about the politicians who
encouraged the war's approach. Illustrative of their information sources was a
subscription to Capper's Weekly that Ed read regularly. It had
interesting stories, jokes and world news.[39] It reflected the anti-corporate agrarian
tradition that was popular in rural Kansas. Beginning in October 1937 it
denounced Roosevelt for his "Quarantine the aggressor (Japan)" policy and advocated that
United States companies be required to immediately withdraw from China. There
was an undeclared war going on between China and Japan. FDR was helping China
and the Wall Street-owned corporations there. The withdrawal of
American economic interests would, in the Weekly's
view, deflate the "rendezvous with destiny" that FDR had in mind for
America's youth, just as Thomas Jefferson's embargo of trade had
done for an earlier generation.[40] Scripture too was invoked, "If your
hand causes your to sin, cut it off. . . If your eye causes you to sin, pluck
it out" (Mk 9:42-47). In the view of Capper's Weekly, the special interests such as Standard Oil and National City Bank, which dominated America's foreign policy, did not profit working people.
Such interests should be "plucked out and thrown into hell, where the worm
does not die, and the fire is not quenched" (Mk 9:48).
In
addition to Capper's Weekly, the Coffeyville Journal, was, in Ed's view, first rate in
covering the drift towards war and incidents like Japan's invasion of China in
the 1930s. Ed had worked as a paperboy for the Journal in one of his
first jobs. The newspaper and the local radio station were owned by the
respected (by the Terrars) Welshman, Hugh J. Powell.[41] William Peffer founded the Coffeyville Journal in 1875. He had been forced
to migrate to Kansas in 1861 from Morgan County, Missouri because of his
outspoken anti-slavery Republican beliefs.[42] In the 1890s as a U.S. Senator from
Kansas, he opposed “paternalism for the rich,” such as the construction of battleships for the corporations that
traded in Asia and Latin America. He noted at the time that fourteen American
states had recently been under martial law because of labor discontent and
feared that naval armaments were being created “to suppress rebellion and
insurrection and revolution amongst the common people.”[43] Also of note in keeping the Terrars
informed was the Emporia Gazette, edited by the Republican isolationist,
William White (1868-1944).
Ed regularly consulted it at the Coffeyville Public Library.[44]
At
school Ed also found views that were negative to FDR's foreign policy, such as
at the periodic lectures sponsored by the administration, which the entire
student body attended. One of these was by Stanley High, a writer for the Saturday Evening Post. In his lecture High maintained that
American involvement in the First World War, which had started in April 1917,
was a mistake. George Washington in his farewell address had admonished the country to stay clear
of foreign entanglements. High reasoned that the "war to save
democracy," as World War I was called, had really been about protecting corporate investors.
First the corporations had sold goods to England and France, then extended
credit, then made loans and finally troops had to be sent to insure the return
of the money. He warned that FDR was in the process of repeating the World War
I mistakes.
Ed
went home and repeated High's lecture to his father, who was a World War I Army
veteran and commander of the Coffeyville American Legion post. Ed's father "took umbrage" at the isolationist sentiments to the
extent they were critical of World War I. However, like his son during World
War II, Ed Sr. at the time of the World War I draft had not wanted to enlist. The first page of the Wednesday June 20,
1917 edition of the Coffeyville Sun had carried an account of the marriage on the previous day of
Maye Gergen and
26-year-old Edward Terrar, Sr.[45] On the same page was the announcement of
a second draft called for November 1917. The first draft registration of June
5, 1917 had resulted in the conscription of 625,000 men, aged 21 to 30 years.[46] A third item on the bottom of the page
was about the arrest in Coffeyville that day of 29-year-old Roy Hancock. His crime was that he had been giving
an anti-war harangue on Walnut Street, had been carrying Industrial Workers of the World literature
and had failed to have in his possession a little blue draft registration card.
Ed Sr. was among the last to be drafted on April 27, 1918.[47]
Ed
Sr. had not wanted to go to war and when he returned from it, he had been
bitter. He was an immigrant and talked "politics." His mother-in-law,
Rosetta Gergen, told him to shut up, "You are an
Englishmen, not an American. If you do not like things the way they are, keep
it to yourself."[48] Ed was an original member of the
American Legion. The Legionaries were angry because they
felt much as the isolationists did in the 1930s. Historian Paul Koistinen
summarized:
The Legion rank and
file seethed with resentment about alleged wartime profiteering and the unequal
burden shouldered by the fighting forces. In
order to remove the promise of riches as an inducement to war and to distribute
the burdens of warfare more equitably, the returning veterans demanded a total
draft of manpower and capital in any future emergency.[49]
Ed Sr.'s bad feelings reflected not only the
unequal burdens carried during the war. Soon after the war there was industrial
conflict as in November 1919 when 800,000 mine and steel workers, including many returned
veterans, went out on strike. Their purpose was to force wages to catch up with
the cost of living that had gone up during the war. The government treated
harshly both the strikers and their leaders, such as Mother Mary Jones (1830-1930). Ed Sr. and those in mining communities from Virginia
to Colorado respected Mother Jones for the leadership she gave them.[50]
Despite
mixed feelings about the nature of World War I, Ed Sr. and the American Legion
took a negative view of empire building. At their national conventions in 1935, 1937 and 1939,
the Legion endorsed a policy of isolation, strict neutrality and the removal of profit making from
war.[51] They criticized Franklin Roosevelt for failing to apply the neutrality laws to the Sino-Japanese war
and for playing the role of so-called "peacemaker."[52]
One
of the popular anti-imperialist speakers at Legion gatherings in the 1930s was
the retired Marine Corps general, Smedley Butler. He criticized American's foreign policy in harsh terms for
its subservience to special interests:
War
is just a racket. A racket is best described, I believe, as something that is
not what it seems to the majority of people. It is conducted for the benefit of
the very few at the expenses of the masses. I believe in adequate defense at
the coastline and nothing more. If a nation comes over here to fight, then we'll
fight. The trouble with America is that when the dollar only earns six percent
over here, then it gets restless and goes overseas to get 100 percent. Then the flag
follows the dollar and the soldiers follow the flag.[53]
The Legion's rank and file respected Butler, because he
knew first-hand the history of how special interests used foreign policy. He
voiced what many felt after their experience in World War I, "I wouldn't
go to war again as I have done to protect some lousy investment of the bankers.
There are only two things we should fight for. One
is the defense of our homes and the other is the Bill of Rights. War for any
other reason is simply a racket. There isn't a
trick in the racketeering bag that the military gang is blind to. It has its
'finger men' to point out enemies, its 'muscle men' to destroy enemies, its
'brain men' to plan war preparations, and a 'Big Boss'
Super-Nationalistic-Capitalism."[54] Despite Butler’s comments, the “military
gang” was opposed to pushing Japan into a war in the fall of 1941. They had
their attention on Europe and were unprepared for a confrontation in the
Pacific.[55]
Like
the veterans movement, the labor movement influenced young people,
such as Ed Jr., to view the war's approach negatively. Trade unionists were not
against corporations making profit. But just as they did not approve of
unfairness to American workers, so many, including John L. Lewis, viewed the golden rule as teaching that it was not right
during the first part of the 20th century for the U.S. military, diplomacy and
foreign aid to be used to battle overseas trade unionism, agrarian reform,
indigenous governments and for strikebreaking and usury in China, Japan,
the Philippines, Guam and Hawaii.[56] Trade unionists quoted Deuteronomy 25:4, "Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that
treadeth out the corn."[57] Both U.S. and foreign workers were
"the cattle that treadeth out the economic corn."[58] Both the American Federation of Labor and the Congress on Industrial Organizations opposed foreign entanglements and wars. As the AFL at its October
1939 convention stated, “The Federation will do everything in its power to have
our government maintain its neutrality in spirit and in act.”[59]
Labor’s
views were voiced in the government by officials such as Harry Dexter White in the Treasury Department. He maintained there were no inherent
conflicts in Asia. If Japan could be assured of raw materials, it preferred to
live in peace with the United States. He was angry at FDR and the special interests led by the
United States Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of Manufacturers
and the National Foreign Trade Council for dragging America into a war to gain what he believed were
minor trade objectives and small national advantages. Typically, in June 1941
he attacked America’s diplomacy for its “Nineteenth century pattern of petty
bargaining with its dependence upon subtle half promises, irritating pin
pricks, excursions into double dealing, and copious pronouncements of good will
altering with vague threats – and all of it veiled in an atmosphere of high
secrecy designed or at least serving chiefly to hide the essential barrenness
of achievement. . . . Where modern diplomacy calls for swift and bold action,
we engage in long drawn out cautious negotiation; where we should talk in term
of billions of dollars, we think in terms of millions; where we should measure
success by the generosity of the government that can best afford it, we measure
it by the sharpness of the bargain driven; where we should be dealing with
all-embracing economic, political and social problems, we discuss minor trade
objectives, or small national advantages; instead of squarely facing realities,
we persist in enjoying costly prejudices; where we should speak openly and
clearly, we engage in protocol, in secret schemes and subtleties.”[60]
From
labor’s perspective it made little difference
whether the Dutch imperialists monopolized the East Indies oil fields or the
Japanese. It was Borneo’s 150 oil wells and their 17,000 tons of
production that was the target of Japanese imperialism, not Pearl Harbor. Their
conquest from the Netherlands gave Japan a source of petroleum after this had
been cut off by FDR’s embargo. For its part the labor movement in Borneo
welcomed the Dutch defeat.[61]
For
many in Ed's generation, the Pearl Harbor attack and the war were not
surprising. For a year prior to the attack they were being mobilized to fight
it.[62] Rank-and-filer John Boeman, who, like
Ed, also served in the Pacific, commented on his lack of surprise and on
Roosevelt's determination to wage war:
No
sudden surge of patriotism, born of surprise at Japanese treachery, could I honestly claim.
Speculation on United States entry into the war had tended from the
"if" to the "when" for at least two years. Since the German invasion of Poland young men had
been leaving our community in increasing numbers to enter the Army or Navy; men
and women had left the farms and small towns in our area to work, at fabulous
wages for those times, in defense factories and
munitions plants. I knew of no secret Red Plan, or Orange Plan, or Rainbow Five Plan, but I knew fairly well
what was printed in our daily newspaper, the Chicago Tribune. On my eighteenth birthday, only days before the attack on
Pearl Harbor, a Tribune article described what it called the President's blueprint
for total war involving ten million American service people on at least two
oceans and three continents. This latest of many Tribune articles purporting to expose President Roosevelt's determination to wage war said the blueprint called for a massive
invasion of Europe by United States troops in July 1943. To me the news from
Pearl Harbor that Sunday simply validated many past assumptions.[63]
Religion. The Terrar’s disappointment with the
older generation and concern for self-interest was not lessened because of
religious beliefs. Ed was a Catholic and Hazel a Methodist.[64] She became a Catholic after she married.
For some people religion meant little more than "consolation." For
others, the Terrars included, it also had political consequences, as embodied in doctrines like the mystical body of
Christ, and the commandments against killing and theft. In their own lives the
golden rule and self-interest were not in conflict. However, they had doubts
that the same could be said about FDR's foreign policy.
Typically,
no matter how much the troops were told it was permitted, many felt killing was wrong.[65] When one of Ed's shipmates shot some
Japanese soldiers who were running along a beach, the shipmate cried tears,
"They did nothing against me."[66] Combatants regularly became sick to
their stomach when killing and afterward had remorse, shame, guilt, flash-backs
and despair. Some even committed suicide. More common were stupor, alcoholism and "anxiety
neurosis."[67] The latter meant being unable to sleep
or having bad dreams when one did sleep. Ed Jr. spent several months on a
psychiatric ward because he was not able to sleep and eat. His weight went
below 100 pounds. Conscience, fear and religion worked independently of the
media and empire builders. Combat led some to have a different feeling
about war and the imperialist forces which incite it that remained with them long
after their service experience.[68]
Much
of the media called World War II a "good war" and Franklin Roosevelt a
moral leader.[69] Not the Terrars. They called the war a
"monstrosity."[70] Their religion did not teach reverence
for politicians, but rather doubt that under such rule, there could be justice,
mercy and peace.[71] The patron saint of Naval careerists,
Alfred Mahan, voiced the imperialist religion about
war being a necessary evil because humanity was imperfect and quoted scriptural
passages such as Romans 13 about government
leaders being sent by God’s providence.[72] In similar fashion religious nationalism
in Japan centered on worship of the sun
goddess. Her advocates, starting with Prime Minister Tojo Hideki, in imitating the British empire,
maintained that Japan and its ruling class were divine and could not lose a
war. They played on the ideals of the youth who were encouraged to sacrifice
their lives.[73]
Religious
nationalism won few believers among working people like the Terrars.[74] They did not equate the kingdom of God with America (or Japan) or its
rulers with God’s anointed. Their religion was reflected both in trade
unionists like John L. Lewis and in agrarian-influenced Republicanism, whose national platforms
attacked corporations for promoting war.[75] Lewis condemned politicians, starting
with FDR, who had never worn a uniform, but wanted to send off the youth to
do their fighting.[76] These leaders, as Lewis put it on
October 25, 1940, were "living in the purple" like the British
landlords.[77] At the expense of the public, they habitually lived beyond their means with yachts, expensive vacations, servants and children in private
schools.[78] Working class opposition to religious
nationalism was also reflected by the American Catholic bishops through the
National Catholic Welfare Conference (NCWC). The NCWC urged neutrality and
opposed peacetime conscription, as in the Burke-Wadsworth Bill.[79]
It was common among
working people to understand America's policy and the origins of the war from a
religious perspective.[80] To expand his knowledge on the subject,
Ed purchased all the books he could find about Asia and packed them in his canvas sea
bag when he left port in San Diego. Some which he discussed with and
recommended to Hazel were Carl Crow's Master
Kung: The Story of Confucius (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1938),
Arminenon Tempski's Born in Paradise
(New York: Duel, Sloan & Pearce, 1940), Wilfred Burchett's Pacific Treasure Island: New Caledonia,
Voyage Through its Land and Wealth, the Story of its People and Past
(Melbourne: F. W. Cheshire, 1941) and On
the Road to Peking.[81] While at sea, Ed and his shipmates subscribed to a number of magazines and newspapers,
listened regularly to radio broadcasts and attended intelligence briefings
offered by the ship's intelligence department on Asian policy and their
role in it. Some studies have maintained that the troops were influenced not by
religion or ideology but by solidarity with their comrades, duty,
self-sacrifice, honor, not wanting to be shamed as cowards, or "manhood
and womanhood."[82] But these influences were compatible with religion and self-interest. They
were part of it.
The
rank and file who saw the war in a religious perspective found America's Asian policy as bringing no benefit. They had nothing invested in
Asia or Hawaii. No matter who ruled, they received no spoils of war. If
anything, as both the agrarians and labor complained in the 1930s, Americans
were paying inflated rates for sugar, pineapple, coconut, petroleum and other
raw materials because corporate monopolies such as the Big Five in Hawaii and their counterparts
in the Philippines and China, dominated transportation, land, labor and crops. For these
corporations Japan's mortal sin was not the attack on Pearl Harbor but the threat to
trade. This threat meant nothing to working people.[83] As Ed's fellow aviator, Jack Swayze, commented, "If
we tried to list the problems and disagreements solved by the war, we would
find it difficult. We should then consider this question: was the war necessary?"[84]
Many
found that their war experience taught them nothing.[85] It was horrible and they did not want to
think about it. They put it behind them and went on with their lives. The Terrars went on with their lives, but they had a
sense of history. They found that understanding the war helped in living life.
They reflected on and shared their experience. This account is part of their
reflection.
For different people World War II started at different
times. For the Germans and Poles, it started
on September 1, 1939, when Germany attacked Poland. The Chinese were fighting as early as September 1931, when their province of
Manchuria was taken by Japan. The U.S. did not become involved, at least in
armed struggle, until late in 1941, when Pearl Harbor was bombed by the Japanese. Ed was not enthusiastic about the war
but, given few alternatives, he wanted to make the best of the situation. For him that seemed to be Navy aviation. His part in the hot war started in October 1943 when he
went to sea aboard the escort carrier U.S.S. Chenango. Hazel never was involved in the hot war
but did serve stateside in the Navy Nurse Corps.
Coffeyville. For Ed, the preparation for the hot war involved a number of steps that he took while
still at home. Ed's family consisted of his parents and two younger sisters.
They lived in a two bedroom, one story house, which expanded to three bedrooms
when Ed's dad obtained his $500 Veterans Bonus in the 1930s. Coffeyville was an industrial town of 12,000 people
with a number of oil refineries, smelters and flower mills, glass and brick
factories, several railroads, including the Missouri-Pacific and the Katy, an airport,
grocery, drug and other retail stores and a National Guard unit. It combined the best of rural and urban living. Ed raised rabbits, his neighbors on
both sides had chickens and the family across the alley had a cow in order to
have fresh milk. At the same time, the town had a high school, from which Ed
graduated on May 27, 1938, with a grade ranking of 66 out of 252 students.[86] The town also had a junior college, a library,
churches, parks, swimming pool, riding stables, tennis courts and golf course.[87]
In
preparation for the service, Ed took advantage of Coffeyville's resources. One of his early steps began on June 6, 1939
when, at age 19, he enlisted as a private, first class in Company B, 114th
troop of the Horse Cavalry, Kansas National Guard. Later in the war that troop was
transformed into Battery B, 127th Field Artillery of the National Guard.[88] Ed enlisted about a year after he had
graduated from Field Kindley Memorial High School. The unit which he joined was a cavalry
outfit. He stayed in the unit about a year until he received a discharge on
November 14, 1940, to go off to Chillicothe Business College in Missouri for four months. He found riding horses once a week to be fun and he was paid for it. In addition the horses were available to take a date out riding. Ed could not remember actually having taken anyone
out, but it was a good thing in theory. The lore which he learned included the
names of the various breeds, such as the quarter horses (13-14 hands), which
were small, good natured, favored by cowhands and good for racing; Morgans
(14-15 hands), which were the horses used by the cavalry and were good for
jumping; and thoroughbreds (15-16 hands), which could be taught the five gaits
(walk, trot, gallop, rack and run).
Looking
back, Ed wrote about the pluses and minuses of his National Guard days:
In the fall of 1938 I was going to
Junior College in Coffeyville and working at the Columbia Drug Store and I joined the National Guard [actually June 6, 1939]. The unit in Coffeyville was the 114th
Troop of the horse cavalry of the Kansas National Guard. The troop drilled
every Monday night - and one could go to the stables and ride whenever he was
so disposed. This was a big inducement to join - because one could not only
ride but one could take a girl friend also. Additionally as a Private I
received $1.25 for each drill attended.
The troop was commanded by a fine
officer - Captain Braum Bentley and there were two Lieutenants - one named Belt and one named
Romig - also fine fellows. The top sergeant and only full time soldier was named
Beeson. He was basically in charge of the horses - which were kept at Forest
Park. The troop met at the Memorial Hall -
unless we were going for a night ride in which case we went to the stables at
the park. I had not been in long when I became the company clerk - mostly
because I could type. I also carried the guidon - a small banner or pennant
with the numerals "114" upon it - when we mounted. Although I finally
became a fairly good horseman - I could take jumps quite good - I managed to
get thrown off one night ride and spent the rest of the night walking through
farmers' fields looking for the horse - which we found a bit after daybreak the
following morning.
One summer [1939] we went to Ft.
Riley for two weeks training - Ft. Riley was in Kansas and was a Calvary station - the regular Army used it as a
principal facility - then called a remount station. The next summer [1940] we
went to Ft. Snelling in Michigan [Minnesota?] for two weeks - and this was a horrible
experience -
it rained almost the entire time we were there - and the mosquitoes were large,
numerous and hungry. Perhaps the worst part was taking care of a horse. Every
night, after having ridden the horse all day in the rain, when we stopped for
the night the first thing that had to be done was to rub down the horse -
having removed the saddle, etc. - then go with a canvas pail and get a
bucketful of oats, which were then hung about his head. Then it was pitch a
tent, and find food -
actually the company cooks did the cooking - and my memory was that it was
pretty good food - probably I was starved by the time we got to eating.[89]
The second step in what became Ed's preparation for the war, after his National Guard activities, was flight training. Ed had gone on his first flight when he was about nine
years old at the Old Parker Airport in Coffeyville. It was a short ride in the ten-passenger,
two-pilot-plus-stewardess "ultra-modern airline" tri-motor Ford. The plane had three propellers. Ten
years later, on October 18, 1939 the Civilian Pilot Training (CPT) program was
instituted as a joint effort of the Coffeyville Junior College and the fixed-base operation at the Coffeyville Municipal Airport
run by Jack Lightstone.[90] Lightstone sold gas and maintained the
hangar.[91] Ed and eight others signed up for the
program. He later recalled that at the time he took the course, he did not
anticipate going into the service or fighting a war. He took the training
because it cost nothing and flying a plane was fun.[92]
Ed
commented on the Civilian Pilot Training program:
I
took this course, which included instruction of about eight hours, then solo
flight and another period of instruction and solo practice till a total
of about 35 hours was accumulated at which point one qualified for a private
pilots license - issued by the Civil Aeronautics Administration. Instruction was in a Piper Cub. Ground school included some navigation,
some instruction about airplane and engine construction and some meteorology.[93]
Ed gave more details of
his initial Coffeyville flight training in another account:
In the first course the training was conducted in a Piper Cub - a small airplane in which there were two people sitting tandem. The plane would take off at about 35 miles-per-hour and cruise at about 50 mph. It was a very simple plane and we learned to solo in it. My recollection is that we had maybe 50-60 hours.[94]
Ed finished up the initial flight training program in
January 1940 and received a private pilot's license. Eighteen months later in
October 1941, having received a discharge from the National Guard, Ed took an advanced flight course
offered by the junior college. By then the draft was looming close. He
recollected:
In the summer of 1941 there was instituted a follow on program of this known as the advanced Civilian Pilot Training Program in which there was about 50 more hours of training in a Waco airplane bi-wing, similar to the N3N used to train Navy students in basic training. I was flying a cross-country flight (required for completion) from Coffeyville to Pittsburgh, Kansas to Miami, Oklahoma and back to Coffeyville on the afternoon of Sunday December 7, 1941. On the leg from Pittsburgh to Miami, I heard on the radio that the Japanese had attacked Pearl Harbor.[95]
The radio to which Ed was
listening on his December 7, 1941 flight was like a car radio. There was no
two-way radio on the plane.[96]
A
third step in Ed's war-preparation was the enactment of the Selective Service Act on September 16, 1940.[97] A month later on October 16, 1940, some
16 million young men, including 20-year old Ed, appeared at precinct election
boards for registration with the draft. Males between 21 and 36 were put on the
draft rolls. The U.S. would not be at war for another year, but people were
being drafted starting on October 29, 1940.[98] It was only a matter of time before
everyone Ed's age would be in the military. His unit in the National Guard was scheduled to be called to active service on December 23, 1940.[99] Ed's desire not to be a horse soldier,
led him to undertake studies in Missouri in November 1940. That allowed him to
withdraw from his National Guard contract in a respectable way, as he later
explained:
In the fall of 1940 the Congress had passed a draft law. So I had to register. I believe that I had gotten out of the National Guard [on November 14, 1940] when I went off to school [Chillicothe Business College] in the fall of 1940. Even though one had to enlist for some period of time - one could get out early - and Capt. Bentley had no trouble authorizing an early discharge to go to school. By the time it came for me to register for the draft in the early part of 1941 [actually October 16, 1940] I had horrors of having to go back to the Calvary - warlike conditions were such, that there was no doubt that the National Guard would be called to active duty - and it was in 1942 [actually December 23, 1940], I believe, but as a field artillery unit. But I had horrors of going to war in Europe astride a horse - and always having to care for it before I could care for myself. So the experience at Ft. Snelling combined with the Civilian Pilot Training caused me to decide that I wanted to become a military pilot if possible. And because of the relative attractiveness of a ship over the land based units I decided to try for the Navy.[100]
A fourth factor in Ed's war preparation was obtaining his associate of arts degree. This was necessary to
obtain an officer's commission. He had gone to Coffeyville Junior College for two years, starting in the fall of 1938. When he finished in
May 1940, he was three units short of the required 60 credits for the AA
degree. At the time he did not try to obtain the other credits because he did
not think he would need the degree. Eighteen months later, however, in December
1941, he saw the need for the degree. Ed went to the dean, Karl Wilson, and told him the problem. The dean told
him to speak to Mr. Johnson, the band teacher. Ed had been in the
band and had never received academic credit for it. Johnson agreed to give him
credit, which allowed him to obtain his AA degree. It was granted in May 1942.
The
final hurdle in Ed's war preparation involved the physical and character
requirements for joining the pilot program. Physically, Ed was underweight, as he summarized:
I
only had one major problem getting into the Navy -
and that was my weight - the minimum weight was 120 pounds and I weighed about
112 pounds. So after eating fattening foods like Hershey bars, thick milk shakes, and a couple of trips to
Kansas City - where the recruiting base and doctor for the Navy was located - I
finally drank so much water that I was sick and vomited - I finally, according
to the doctor weighed in at 120. And so in early February 1942 I reported to
the Naval Air Station, Kansas City, Kansas for flight training.[101]
In Ed's view either he was
finally 120 pounds or the doctor took pity on him and faked it. The days on
which he went to Kansas City were long. He would leave from Coffeyville at 2:50 a.m. in the
morning and arrive there at 7:10 a.m. It was a four and one-half hour trip. He
would arrive back to Coffeyville at 1:30 a.m. the next morning, sleeping on the
train each way. The cost was $5.00 round trip.
The
Navy had character as well as physical requirements. Three recommendation
letters were required. One of his letters came from Hugh
Powell, the Welsh-American publisher of the Coffeyville
Journal. Working for Mr. Powell as a paperboy
had been one of Ed’s earliest jobs. Another recommender was the Irish-born Fr.
John O’Brien, the pastor at Coffeyville’s Holy Name
parish from 1921 until 1947. According to Maye Terrar, he was not as “refined” or
respected as their former priest, Fr. Peter Tierney. He had a tendency to browbeat money
from the parishioners who often did not have enough to care for their families.
Maye resented this.[102] Ed’s third character reference was from
Carl Edwin Ziegler, Sr., a lawyer who lived in a big house located several blocks from the Terrars.
Carl’s parents had become wealthy through oil and land dealings. Carl was in
the American Legion with Ed Sr. Carl Ziegler Jr. and Ed were friends.
Naval Flight Training. Ed Terrar Jr., age 21 years, joined the Navy reserve on January 12, 1942.[103] This was about a month after the attack
on Pearl Harbor. He did not have to report for duty
until February 1942. When he did report, it was at Fairfax Naval Air Station [NAS] near Kansas City, Kansas.
Prior
to leaving home, his mother, Maye, told him that he would not make it as a
pilot. He ignored her. On a number of big issues in his life, Maye was
similarly negative. For example, a year earlier he had
wanted to attend Kansas University at Lawrence to become a medical doctor. For a short time he did attend. But he
dropped out because he could not earn enough to pay his way. His mother would
not help him. She had talked to Ed's high school German teacher, Miss Georgia Cubine, whose opinion she followed. Maye was
working class but was often deferential to those who were "refined,"
meaning they had money or formal education. Miss Cubine had gone to
Northwestern University and been the captain of the swimming team in 1892. She thought Ed
did not have enough stick-to-itness.[104] Maye controlled the money, not Ed's dad.
That was both a virtue and a vice. In Ed's view, no one could come near Maye in
stretching a buck. This was a virtue in raising a family but when Ed needed
money for college, her fiscal prudence was a vice. She did help with the college education of Ed's two
younger sisters. But this was later and they had more money. The war had proved
profitable for them.
Maye had gone to a business college, where she learned to take short hand,
type and do bookkeeping. After Ed had come back from Lawrence, she helped him
attend Chillicothe Business College at Chillicothe, Missouri, starting in November 1940. He only
attended for four months until he obtained a job back in Coffeyville, but it was enough for him to remove himself from the ranks
of the horse cavalry and for him to learn a bit about double entry bookkeeping.[105] A third time Maye was negative was after
the war. Ed went to law school at night while working a full-time job. Maye said he would not
succeed. He ignored her, graduated and became a member of the District of
Columbia Bar.
The
day before Ed reported at Fairfax for flight training, he took the train to Kansas City. Among the things he carried with him was an American flag
that Ed Sr. gave him. It was the same one that his dad had carried in
World War I and was a foot square when unfolded. Another item he carried was a
black rosary, which was given him by the Knights of Columbus, of which his dad
was a member. Ed carried both in his pocket throughout the war. At Kansas City
the night before reporting for flight training, Ed stayed at the home of Fr.
Herman J. Koch, who was a parish priest there. The
priest was a friend of Ed's sister, Rosemary. He lived in a big house and took Ed out
to dinner. The next morning the priest drove him to the air station. Ed had not
told the recruiting officer that he wore glasses. That would have disqualified him to be
an aviator. Fr. Koch told him to put the glasses in his pocket. Ed did not wear glasses again until he
was 35 years old. He had obtained glasses in the first place because he was
having headaches and did not really need them to see.
At
Fairfax, Ed, along with about 100 others, took
eight hours of flight instruction. The base was known as an "E" base. The
"E" stood for elimination. Ed remembered:
I
had signed up for the V-6 program. At this base, known as an "E"
base, one received eight hours of instruction and then either soloed or did not
solo. If one did not solo, then it was to a boot camp as an apprentice seaman. I soloed.[106]
About
half in Ed's class were cut. Ed maintained in later years that his prior flight training did not give him an edge. He just had a natural talent
for flying. Among those in his February 1942 class who also survived was
Charlie Carpenter of Topeka, Kansas, who had graduated from Washburn University and joined the Navy on December 8, 1941, the day after the Pearl Harbor bombing. Other survivors included Al Moret, a Marine from Springfield, Missouri and
Alfred Lindgren (1920-1987), who grew up on a farm near Salina, Kansas, graduated
from Kansas State University at Manhattan and married his hometown girl friend, Annie. Lindgren was later a builder in Kansas City.
All
except Moret ended up in the same squadron during their year at sea.[107] One of those who washed out was Jay
Hannen. He had been an attorney for a small county in northern Kansas. When he was flying up, he
was always afraid that he would not make it to 500 feet. When he was above 500
feet, he was afraid he would not be able to go down. When he was stationed in
San Diego the following year, he and his wife looked up Ed, who was also there.[108] After the war Jay ended up practicing
law in Denver.
Upon
soloing at Fairfax, seaman second class Terrar advanced to the rank of Naval cadet. He and the other survivors were ready
for basic flight training. The Navy had schools at Corpus Christi, Texas and Pensacola, Florida. There were more recruits than training
classes, so Ed had to wait until May of 1942. The collecting pool for the
classes was at the NAS in New Orleans, Louisiana. At New Orleans Ed did no
flying but he did go to ground school for flying theory. In charge of the cadet
pool was Bobby Pike, who had graduated from the Naval
Academy in 1934. Pike hated the Navy and told the cadets, "You won't
get paid or trained here, but as long as you don't commit treason, you won't
get in trouble. New Orleans is a great place, so enjoy yourself."[109]
Corpus Christi Basic Training:
May-November, 1942. From May 14, until November 14, 1942,
the date he received his commission as an officer, Ed trained at the NAS,
Corpus Christi, Texas. The school at Corpus was a new
facility, having only been opened in 1941 when the demand for pilots started to
boom. Upon entering the training, Ed signed an agreement to serve four years of
active duty. At the same time, he signed an oath to "uphold the
constitution and defend it from its enemies, foreign and domestic." There
were about 100 people in Ed's Flight Class 5A-42-C(C). They included Paul
"P.D." Thompson from Mississippi, Joseph P. "Joe" Sims from Philadelphia, Howard Tuttle (1920-1996) from Cleveland, Bernie Volm from St. Louis who had gone to Westminster College and was Jewish, Burke Martin from Vera, Arkansas, Charley Dickey, Woody Truax, Buddy Beal and Bob Straub, who later went to the University of
Michigan Law School and was general counsel for a railroad. Thompson, Sims, Straub and Tuttle became Ed's squadron mates at sea.[110] Truax and Volm were both killed during
the war. There were many other training groups at Corpus, as new classes started
every two or three weeks.
The
pictures of Ed and his classmates at Corpus were printed in a yearbook put out
by the facility.[111] Several years later in the summer of
1944 the same picture of Ed was published in some newspapers after he was
publicized for his part in the capture of Guam. He commented at the time after seeing
the newspaper clipping that he did not like the picture:
The
picture was a gooney one, wasn't it? It was taken when I was a cadet with nothing much to think about but getting a commission and
scared to death I wouldn't.[112]
If Ed feared he would not obtain a commission, one of his
buddies did not want one. Cadet Burke Martin told Ed at the beginning of their six-month course that he (Burke)
intended to bust it. Burke took the final flight test three or four times and failed it each time. This allowed him
to withdraw from the . With his free pilot's education, he
then obtained a job with Pan American Airways, making twice as much as his Corpus
Christi classmates. He played a game on the government not unlike the game which the government played on young people. The government used the inducement of
aviation to attract youths. They recruited more than were needed. The excess
were cut and used to fill less attractive Naval jobs.[113] In Martin's view, what was good for the
goose (the government's self-interest) was good for the gander (the
rank-and-file's self interest). In 1944 Ed had dinner with Burke several times
in Hawaii and admired his success. Burke was then flying Pan American's San
Francisco to Hawaii run. He received one week off per month and spent two weeks
per month in the states.[114] Years later at the time Pan American
went bankrupt, Martin was its senior pilot. He made the best of the war.
In
basic training the cadets learned to fly three types of planes. First, there
was the N3N, which had fixed landing gear and was
the basic Navy training plane. The second type was the SNV (Navy Vultee) and the third the SNJ, which had retractable landing gear. The
cadets slept in dorms with four people to a room. A typical day consisted of
rising at 5:30 a.m., shaving, showering and breakfasting. By 7:00 a.m. they
would be in the ready room and by 7:00 or 8:00 they would begin flight operations. This would last until 5:00 p.m. when they had dinner.
Naval
pilots kept a log that listed each flight they took. Ed logged 228 hours at Corpus. The first recorded
flight in his Aviator's Flight Log Book
was June 8, 1942 when he flew a NSN3 for 1½ hour.[115] He soloed four days later for 1.3 hours.
Norm Berg, who served on the same ship as Ed, but
a year earlier, mentioned in his account of training that the custom when he
first soloed was for the senior cadet to cut off with scissors the bottom half of his tie. This was then
pinned under the cadet's name on a plaque.[116] Ed did not remember this custom when he
went through.
While
in the service Ed wrote home to his parents regular accounts of his progress.
At Corpus he also made a 78-speed phonograph recording that was several minutes
in length on June 12, 1942.[117] This was a month after the program had
begun and four days after he had made his first flight. His mother kept the recording. In a voice that had more of a southern twang
and higher pitched than later in life, he described the program:
Hello
Folks,
Probably a little surprised to hear my
voice? I am surprised too. A gentleman down here is making these records. So I
thought I would make one for you all.
Been flying a lot lately. I took my
A and B check yesterday - combined check yesterday. Got enough. Felt pretty
good about that. I flew three hours again today. Right now I am in the
acrobatic stage and it is a lot more interesting.
Ground school is a lot more
interesting than it was, at least the last several weeks. Next week we start
navigation and aerial photography and it will be a lot more interesting, a
lot more practical at least. Kind of looking forward, especially navigation
will be very interesting.
I think we have about 365 flying
days here a year. Very warm right now and sultry and radiant humidity in the
air. Outside of it being pretty warm, it is really nice. Get up around 5,000
feet and it feels cool. A nice layer of clouds. Sun does not beat on you too
much.
You know I am losing an awful lot of
hair down here. In fact I have very little left. Very fortunately we wear a
helmet or else I would probably be sunburned on my head. You should see my
nose. It is about the color of a real ripe tomato. Outside of that I am doing
fine. We get plenty of sleep. Food wonderful.
I think [there is] everything conducive
to a healthy atmosphere. Certainly is a very enjoyable atmosphere. I am doing
all right. I'll talk to you.[118]
As mentioned in the phonograph recording, besides flying,
the cadets also had ground school. This included the link trainer, which was a
simulated aircraft cockpit. When the flight controls were moved, the trainer would also move. Among the things
outlined in Ed's ground school class notes was an elaborate chart in his
handwriting of the chain of command, from the president, Franklin D. Roosevelt to the secretary of the Navy, James Forrestal, on down the line.[119] In his notes is also a listing of the
various aircraft carriers and many exercises in navigation using mathematics and geometry.
As
a senior citizen Ed still had the books he had been required to purchase for
ground school. These included Austin Knight's Modern Seamanship, Leland Lovette's Naval Customs, Traditions and Usage and The Bluejackets' Manual: United States Navy. He signed all three with
"EFTerrar, Jr." on the inside cover. Aside from his signature, there
are no other markings or signs of use.[120] Lovette's book still has the price tag
on it, "Ship's Service Store, NVTIIA, $3.55," as does The Bluejackets' Manual, which sold for
$.90.
In
Knight's Modern Seamanship one could
learn the "rules of the road," how to tie knots, define nautical
terms, predict the weather and handle a ship. Lovette's book traced naval
history back to John Paul Jones and the American Revolution. It gave the verses to Anchor's Aweigh and other songs. It had
illustrations of naval battles, instructions on precedence, naval weddings,
toasts at official dinners, and information about the uniform and pay of naval
officers. In the Bluejackets' Manual were lessons on such things as respect for authority, desertion
(resulted in 18 months in prison), theft, inspection, naval clothing, arms and gunnery, signals and gas
masks, types of anchors, steering, electricity, watches underway, ships (Saratoga
and Lexington were 888 feet long), pay incentives ($2 per month extra
for a navy cross), and "the immense help an honorable discharge is to you
in seeking a position later in life."[121] Lovette in Naval Customs advised the cadets that military service was
"quite as moral as any minister's, because morality consists in the conservation of the best interests of
civilization, and you are not seeking your own good, but the ultimate good of
your country."[122]
On
a majority of the days at Corpus after the first month, Ed flew for an hour or
more, as indicated in Table 1-1.
Table 1-1
Ed Terrar's Flight Hours at Basic
Flight Training, Corpus Christie
1942 dual solo flights total cumulative
June 21 36 39 57
July 10 30 32 40 98
Aug. 11 8 11 109
Sept. 20 5 19 25 135
Oct. 1 70 57 77 212
Nov. 15 13 16 228
One day in June 1942 toward the end of the initial phase
of training, Ed did an emergency parachute jump out of his Yellow Peril. He was at 700 feet. He had been told by
his instructor to put the plane into an inverted spin. That is, the aircraft
was put upside down and then placed in stall, which caused it to spin toward the ground. The instructor mistakenly thought Ed had been
told how to free himself from such a situation. Ed bailed out because he
thought they were going to crash. Bailing out of an open cockpit was easy. The
G forces caused by the spin threw him out as soon as he undid the seatbelt.
Because the student sat in the back of the plane, the instructor did not even
know he had exited. Ed later learned that to stop a spin, one pushed the
control stick forward. This forced down the elevator on the tail wing, which
made the nose go down and resulted in increased air speed and an end to the
stall. This was done while neutralizing the rudder by holding even the two foot
pedals that controlled the rudder. Once some speed was obtained, the throttle
could slowly be applied, the stick eased back and the plane leveled off. In
general the Navy taught that the throttle controlled the altitude, position of the
nose and speed of the aircraft.[123] As it turned out, the Yellow Peril was
such a stable aircraft that one could simply let go of the stick and peddle,
and it would come out of the spin on its own. Ed was embarrassed for having
bailed out, when he learned the plane could right itself without the pilot
doing anything. He did not find himself in trouble for bailing out, as no one
had told him what to do about a stall.
One
of the skills Ed learned early in the program, besides freeing himself from a
stall, was landing when the engine lost power. In actual operations in a single
engine plane he never had this problem, but it was something that one had to be
ready for. James Michener, who was not an aviator, claimed to have
taught pilots that when they lost power on takeoff, they should plow in
straight ahead, no matter what was there. If an attempt to turn back to the
airfield or carrier was made, the torque would spin the plane to the port and the
result would be worse than going straight.[124] Ed did not buy this. He was taught to
continue forward only if there was still enough runway to land. If he was at
500 feet, he would do a 90-degree turn and put it down on a cross runway. If he
was at 1,000 feet, he would have enough time to do a 360-degree turn and come
back in.
In
July 1942 Ed flew the SNV and the OS2U-3 and practiced combat and engage-the-enemy flying.
In August and September, 1942 the emphasis was on instrument flying and
continued combat practice. In October and November, 1942 he flew the SNJ-4 and did gunnery, scouting and
instrument practice. Other areas covered were navigation, technical night flying and the Morse
code. The code proved difficult for Ed to learn. Corpus had a swimming pool. In
it the cadets had to learn how to rescue someone that was drowning.
The
instrument flying that Ed practiced during the summer of 1942 allowed him to
fly in overcast, fog, clouds and at night without having an horizon to guide
him. The trick was to believe the instruments, which was not always easy. A
common problem when flying without an horizon was vertigo or dizziness. It became so bad for some that they were dismissed
from school, or, if they became aviators, then terminated from their careers.
It was a problem for Ed, but he kept quiet about it, telling only his pals
Howard Tuttle, P. D. Thompson and perhaps Smiley Morgan. He did not want to be dismissed.
Norman
Berg, in his account of flight school, gave a description of learning instrument flying and
vertigo:
"Watch the altimeter and air
speed indicator - they tell me if I'm flying level and not gaining or losing
altitude. Watch the gyrocompass and the turn and bank indicator to be sure the
airplane is flying straight. Don't chase the rate of climb indicator or the
magnetic compass. They bounce around too much to try and follow. Scan all the
instruments and don't stare at just one.
"Cadet Berg [said the
instructor], give me a one needle width turn to the right to a heading of 045
degrees."
I remembered what I had to do. My
gyrocompass read 275 degrees. I checked it against my magnetic compass.
"OK, concentrate," I told myself, "Start to turn." There
was a small quarter-of-an-inch-wide vertical bar called a needle in the turn
and bank instrument. I started my turn, and I saw the needle in the turn and
bank instrument moved one needle width, about a quarter of an inch to the
right.
Now, stay in the turn until you get
to the compass heading 275. Damn, my air speed is going up. I'm losing
altitude! I have to get the nose up! Too high - now the air speed is dropping!
What's my compass heading? Still losing air speed, better add some power. Shit!
What the hell is happening? I'm getting in trouble. Better stop the turn.
Center the needle. Get the wings level! Get the nose down! There! The air speed
is OK. Altitude, OK.
Damn, I'm still in a turn; I can
feel it! I'm still turning. Vertigo! We were told about this. It has something
to do with the inner ear. I check my instruments. I'm flying level, no turns,
level. Almost lost it. Still feel like I'm in a turn. It's an awful feeling. My
senses are all mixed up. How long does it last? Just watch those instruments.
Norm. Hold on. Don't force the instructor to take over the controls. There,
it's better. I've got it now.
Then I heard my instructor.
"Had a little vertigo, Cadet?"[125]
In late September 1942 as graduation from flight school approached, Ed ordered $400 worth of tailor-made uniforms,
including one green and one blue suit, several white suits and three pairs of
shoes (brown, black and white).[126] "Aviation greens," which were
a work uniform, consisted of dark-green trousers with a khaki shirt, a
dark-green jacket and brown shoes. The Navy and the other services invested
heavily in uniforms and medals. Alvin Kernan, a fellow TBF pilot, commented on this care for appearances, "The Navy liked people to dress well, so it provided a large clothing allowance."[127] Some people joined the military or a
particular branch of service for little more reason than that they liked the
uniform of the recruiting officer and there was a compulsory conscription law.[128] When Ed joined, the uniform meant
little, but he was always serious about appearances.
Opa Locka: November 1942-January 1943. The next step in Ed's training after earning his wings and obtaining
his commission as a naval ensign on November 14, took place at Opa Locka, Florida, which was near
Miami. He traveled with Bob Straub from Corpus to Florida in a 1941 Ford owned by Howard Tuttle. Ed was paid $107 for the 1,500-mile
trip. He reported for duty on November 19. There he did pre-operational and
"type training." This meant he did training in the type of plane that
he would be flying in the Navy. The ensigns were allowed to request the
type of plane they wanted to fly. Ed later said that he had joined the Navy to
fly off a carrier, so he chose torpedo bombers. If there was any glamour in flying
fighters, he maintained he was not aware of it.[129] Some chose to fly multiple engine planes
because they wanted to fly commercially after the war.
Ed
trained in SBCs (Curtis scout bomber) and TBDs (Douglas torpedo bomber) with a focus on bombing, torpedoes,
navigation, tactics and night flight.[130] From November 24 until January 3, 1943
when he finished up in Florida, he flew almost daily, including gunnery
training runs on Christmas day, 1942 and New Years day, 1943. The war was on,
pilots were in demand and there was no time for vacations. Among his
achievements was qualifying for landing aboard an aircraft carrier.
At
Opa Locka Ensign Terrar lived in the Bachelors Officers Quarter (BOQ) and wore khakis. He
made $200 per-month, which was more than twice the monthly $70 he had made as a
clerk at his Oil Country Specialties Co. (OCS) job prior to enlisting. Naval pay was composed of a base
rate to which was added allowances. The flight pay allowance amounted to one-half the base and was given if you were
in the air four hours per-month. To the base was also added an allowance for
food and rent, if you were ashore; an allowance for sea duty, if you
were at sea and an allowance if you were married. While at Opa Locka during
Christmas, 1942, Ed found time to spend some of his new wealth on Mildred, his youngest sister. He sent her a red
Indian cape which he had bought at the House of Elinor in Miami Beach, Florida.
It was a swanky place. Mildred wore the cape to dances and other fancy
occasions for years afterwards.
Ed
was also not so busy that he did not kept up with the progress of the war.
During his six weeks in Florida, things were at a turning point in Europe. The
German Sixth Army under General Friedrich Paulus had reached Stalingrad on the Volga River on August 23, 1942. It
advanced no further. Forced into hand-to-hand fighting in cellars, sewers and
factories, the Soviets, unlike the French and Polish, stood their ground, then counter
attacked on November 19, 1942, the day Ed reported at Opa Locka. The counter attack ended with
three-fourths of the 400,000 German troops dead and the rest surrendering on
February 2, 1943.
By
early January 1943 when Ed completed type training, he and a number of his
fellow ensigns had orders to proceed to California to become part of a squadron
being formed. Another new Naval ensign, Hazel Hogan, also had orders for California.
The war came with no input or invitation from Hazel Hogan. But as with Ed, she took advantage of
it for her own interest. There were no draft laws for women; nevertheless, she joined the Navy Nurse Corps. It meant twice the pay, travel, marriage and was a good thing
to do for the country. She served only nine months, but her
preparation for the service in terms of education and work experience was even
longer than Ed's.
Dalzell, South Carolina.
Hazel was from Sumter, South Carolina. Her dad, Claude Hogan, had died on November 21, 1923 at age
35, leaving six children between the ages of 4 and 14. Claude had run a dairy.
This consisted of some land and a house, which he rented at Green Swamp. This
was on the edge of Sumter. Each day he milked and fed the cows, then covered
his milk route in town in a horse-drawn wagon. On rainy days he would take the
children to school in the covered wagon. After Claude died, the cows and wagon were sold and the
money was put in the Sumter Trust Co. The Trust Company went broke, but every year Claude's
widow, Annie (Jones) Hogan, received a small distribution.[131]
Hazel
was nine years old when her dad died. After trying to hold the family together
for a year on an income of $10 per week, Hazel's mother had to split up the children and
farm them out to relatives.[132] In the fall of 1924 Hazel (age 10) and
her next oldest brother, Robert Edmunds (age 13) were sent to live with their maternal uncle, Charlie
Jones (age 45), and his wife, Clyde (age 34) and their five children: Lorenzo (Ren, age 10), Annie Mae (age 7), Eute (age 5), Lena (age 2) and Allene, who was born that fall. Charlie and
Clyde lived in the country out at Dalzell, South Carolina, which was ten miles
west of Sumter.
Although
Annie Hogan opposed it, Charlie formally adopted Edmunds and Hazel. Annie
wrote in the summer of 1924 about her plans:
Dear Charley
Guess you'll have to take Edmonds
and Hazel. I'm going to work the first of Sept. [1924] at Schartz's [drygoods
store], they're offered me ten a
week, will stay out here the rest of this year then will get rooms or small
house in town maybe by time Claude [the oldest boy] will have a steady job.
Listen Charley don't make me sign a paper until I know just exactly what I will
do. Its an awful thing for a mother to sign away her child. Suppose you or
Clyde should tire of the bargain or suppose I get in position to take care of
them. Its heart breaking to give them up but I fully realize my position and do
appreciate what you and Clyde want to do for me. Will do what I can to keep
them clothed. You won't want Edmunds until school opens. Let him stay with me
until then. Oh! if some way would open up for me to keep these together. I know
Claude would rather you have them than anyone if he could ________
Have asked Lillie [Annie's sister-in-law] to take Rosie for the winter. Guess I'll hear from her in a day or two. Seems
that my whole life and heart is broke. Wonder if I'll ever be contented again.
I'll [?] not to sign a paper you or Clyde would not mistreat my children would
you? I should die if you did and I pray I won't live long enough for them to
condemn me for giving 'em away. I know you can't love them as you do your own,
but just remember they have no daddy and a mother that can't provide for them.
Love
from
Annie[133]
Charlie and Clyde were good people. Annie's concern about them mistreating
her children was unnecessary. What became a seven-year stay at Dalzell was a
happy one for Hazel. At the same time, as Annie had feared, this did not stop
Edmunds, but not Hazel, from blaming her for farming them out. When Edmunds was age 20 and in the Army, he wrote about this to Hazel in the
summer of 1931:
. . . Tell me How is Uncle Charlie
getting along and Aunt Clyde and the rest of the Family? I have a foolish idea
that I may carry out if things do not turn out as I expect them to do in the
army. I might come back and finish school, That is if I can find a place to
stay. I would not worry mother by staying with her. I honestly believe she does
not care anything about me, she may have lots of worry's but in her worry I am
the least. I have found out that you and I were never cared for by her, she
said that she did care for us but that was just to console us. But since I have
heard from her, she constantly raves about Rosie and Claude, as if it interested me. What becomes of
those two does not interest me what so ever. That may be a rather broad
statement and a little harsh, but I mean every word I say. I heard from Rosie
once in three years, that was when I was in Panama then she wanted me to send
her a lot of junk. Since I did not send her anything she would not write
anymore. Little girl I have grown considerably older since you seen me last and
I have learned a lot of things.
I suppose you are tired of this junk
and I will not bore you anymore by writing any further. But just a few words of
advice, please watch your steps; do not do anything that you will regret
in later life, also slow down just a bit.
With
Lots of Love
Edmunds.
. . . . .[134]
Charlie Jones always wanted a place of his own but was never able to achieve it.
He worked as an overseer on a 500-acre farm. His job ran from sun-up to
sun-set. He was often on a horse or in a buggy. He was good at his work, such
as doctoring horses. His neighbors would call the veterinarian only if Charlie
could not fix things up. The Joneses did not drink alcohol except for the wine
they made in season from their grapes. They were Democrats and both voted. They subscribed to The State (Columbia,
South Carolina), the Sumter Daily Item,
the Progressive Farmer (Birmingham, Alabama), the Saturday
Evening Post, and the Ladies Home
Journal, which had a book-length novel in each issue.[135] Hazel had her own subscription to the American Magazine, which was published
by the Crowell-Collier Co. in Springfield, Ohio.
The
Joneses tried to live by the golden rule. Besides their niece and nephew that
they took to raise, they kept two neighborhood widows and their children
supplied with homegrown flower, cornmeal and meat. Six black families worked the farm as sharecroppers, raising cotton, corn, wheat and oats.
The Joneses worked hard to keep both the blacks and the boss happy. When the
blacks ran short, they fell back on the Joneses.[136] The Depression that came in the late 1920s created difficulties. The Wildcat, which was the student newspaper
at Hazel's school joked about it. In an article about a recent election of the 1930-1931
officers of the school's Future Palmetto Farmers Club, it was noted that no
treasurer had to be elected, since the club was as "broke" as all the
other farmers. Hazel's first cousin and adoptive brother, Ren Jones (1914-2002), was a member of the club.[137] Instead of farming, however, he later
followed a military career, becoming a master sergeant in the Air Force. He then
worked nineteen years on the atomic bomb for the Vitro Corporation of America.
Dalzell
had a rural Confederate tradition. Hazel's great grandfathers and those of everyone else
in the neighborhood had been Confederate soldiers. Sumter and Dalzell were the
scene of battle in the last month of the war during "Potter's Raid."[138] Each family had stories about the part
played by their ancestors including the women.[139] At school too, the tradition was
celebrated, often with even more respect than it had been shown by the original
participants. For example, on January 20, 1931, the fifth, sixth and seventh
grade students at Hazel's consolidated school staged a commemoration of
Benjamin Franklin, Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson's birthdays for the entire student body.
Hazel was then a senior. The program in the auditorium included an oral
biography and stories about Lee and Jackson and the singing of "Dixie."[140]
Sometimes
Hazel rode a horse (bareback or with a saddle) named Old Dan. She and her
friends would swim in Ardis' Pond, which was about five miles distant. They
also liked to play basketball in the backyard. They had a homemade hoop attached to a building.
Other outdoor activities were croquet and hide-and-seek. Twice per week the ice
truck came with 100-pound ice blocks, which the Jones covered with sawdust to
keep from melting. It was nice to have iced-tea on a hot day. In-doors the
children played checkers, hearts, and set-back. Some played the piano by ear.
Ren, who had his own dog, enjoyed coon hunting
with some of his classmates in the river swamp. Like his dad, he loved to fish
and later in life had his own boat. Friends of the children would come over in
the winter and spend the night. They would chat in the living room, eat pecans,
play the piano and sleep three to a bed. In the summer while she was in high
school, Hazel worked on Saturdays in a little store up the road from where she lived.
She worked from 10:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m. and made $1. They sold goods such as peas, corn,
canned goods, ribbons, and shoestrings.
In
1906 Hazel's foster mother, Clyde, had lost five of her siblings and her
mother from typhoid fever. Clyde had also came down with it but survived. As a
result she was always careful about keeping the kitchen and food clean. The
Joneses did not have electricity, running water or plumbing. There was a hand
pump in the backyard. It was sometimes the children's job to draw the 3 buckets
of water that were necessary for each meal and that were stored on a shelf in
the kitchen. They also had to bring in the wood that fueled the cook stove. On
the stove was often a pot of hominy grits. The children helped with washing the
dishes and sweeping the floors, including the two porches. The Joneses had a
swept yard, meaning no grass. The sandy soil was raked.
There
were African-Americans like Thelma Mack that would work in the kitchen or do chores for compensation, but
only when they were not working their own places. The black women had spiritual
beliefs and told stories as they worked that sometimes scared the children. Out
in the fields the blacks harmonized as they worked. The music sounded good to the children.
The music was not spirituals but perhaps what they sang at church. One of the blacks, named
Leo, played the piano. When Clyde would go away, Ren, would have Leo come in
the house to play the piano. Another of the blacks was Paris Glover. He later became a judge in Maryland. He received an education on the GI Bill. All of the
Jones children graduated from high school, but college was beyond their means.[141]
The
Joneses lived only a few miles from Hazel's maternal grandparents, "Momma
Jones" (Fannie, 1858-1931) and "Poppa Jones" (Bob Jones, 1854-1935). Momma and
Poppa were first cousins to each other. Their common great grandparents were William Jones (1764-1809) and Ann Beth (Freeman) Jones (1763-1847). For his service in the American Revolutionary War, William received from the government a
60-acre land grant at Dalzell, the same land on which Momma and Poppa raised their
eight children. Each Saturday Charlie, Clyde and the children visited Momma
and Poppa and brought them cooked and uncooked food. They also picked up Momma
and Poppa's dirty laundry and left off the clean laundry that had been taken
the week before. In turn Momma and Poppa would gave, in season, figs, grapes
and pears to their visitors. In the ashes of the fireplace would be roasting
hickory nuts and sweet potatoes. Hazel's younger brother, Hugh, often lived with Momma and Poppa. On
weekends he would come over and stay with the Joneses. Sometimes on a Saturday
afternoon the Joneses would go to town and see a picture show. During the
county fair they would go on carnival rides.
Near
the road on which the Joneses lived was the Horeb Baptist church and the Providence Methodist church. The Joneses were
Methodist. Clyde played the organ for the congregation.[142] Since there were only three or four
families (about 20 people) that came to services at Providence, Rev. Cooke, the preacher, only came every other
Sunday. He lived in a parish house at Rembert, which was 10 miles distant.
Sometimes they would have a communion service. They drank grape juice in a
little cup. They passed a plate for donations. Horeb's minister also came only
on alternative weeks. So the people would go to Providence one week and to
Horeb the next week.[143]
The
paternal side of Hazel's family were Baptists. When she had lived in Sumter
before her dad died, they were members of the Salem Baptist Church. Hazel won a Bible from her Sunday school because she memorized a number of Psalms
and passages from Scripture. These included Psalm
23 (The Lord is My Shepherd), Psalm
24 (The Earth is the Lord's) and Psalm
100 (Make a Joyful Noise unto the Lord).[144] Prayer was not restricted to church.
Before each meal, Charlie would say the following prayer: "Lord make us thankful for
these our blessings which we are about to receive through Christ our Lord.
Amen." There were also daily prayer services at Hazel's school during chapel period.[145]
Hazel
finished elementary school in May 1928. The following year her brother, Edmunds, had a run-in with Charlie and ran away
to Sumter, living with his mother and going to high school for a time. Annie
wrote to Charlie at the time:
Dear
Charlie-
I don't know the real trouble but
Edmunds [age 18?] came to me this morning, said he left last night because you
criticized him so harshly about his report. I am awful sorry it happened for I
do want him to finish school. Says he going to Navy or work. Will do what ever
you advise. Of course I am not going to scold him for its no use for he's only
a child after all and never was hard to control.
I think he will be willing to go
home if you want him.
Annie[146]
Edmunds enlisted in the regular Army on February 18, 1929. One of his
early posts was the Army hospital at Fort Clayton in the Panama Canal Zone.[147]
Unlike
her brother, Hazel stayed on with her aunt and uncle and graduated at age 17
from Hillcrest High School at Dalzell in May 1931. Her class was the first to enter and graduate from
the school, which had been formed from the consolidation of several smaller
rural schools.[148] There were eleven, not twelve grades.
Hazel was president of both her junior and senior class, in which there were
twelve students. She was also president of the 4-H club and a starting forward on the basketball team in her sophomore, junior and senior year. The Wildcats, which
is what the team was called, wore green and white uniforms. Hazel was one of
the leading scorers and her name appeared weekly during basketball season in
game reports in the local newspaper, the State.[149]
In
academics Hazel's grades were average.[150] One of the tasks assigned the students
was to memorize poetry. Because of this, Hazel could still
recite what she learned seventy years later. This included
"September," by Helen Hunt Jackson.[151] There was also "Carry me Back to
Old Virginia" by the 19th-century black minstrel, James Bland.[152] There was "Where Go the
Boats?" written by Robert Louis Stevenson (1850-1894).[153] And there was "What is so Rare as a
Day in June," which was the Prelude to The
Vision of Sir Launfal (1848) by James Russell Lowell (1819-1891).[154]
The
poetry often taught a lesson. For example, The Vision of Sir Launfal was a democratization of the Arthurian
story of the Grail. It began by depicting Launfal, a haughty landlord. The night before he is to begin a quest
for the Holy Grail he has a dream vision in which he sets out on the quest. His
first act is to toss a gold piece scornfully to a beggar. When he returns in
the winter he has been chastened by his own suffering on the quest and shares
his crust of bread with the beggar in a true spirit of charity and brings him a
drink from a stream in a wooden cup. The beggar is transformed into Christ and the bread and wine into his body and blood. The wooden cup is
the Grail that Launfal has sought. Having learned his lesson, he opens his hall
and shares his bounty with anyone who wishes it.[155] Lowell, an abolitionist, was called the
"schoolroom poet" because of his popularity as a school text.
Another
of Hazel's academic assignment was to read books and write reports about them.[156] One of the books upon which
sixteen-year-old Hazel reported was Nathaniel Hawthorne's The
Scarlet Letter, which, according to the report, was written "just
before civil war." Hazel summarized:
Hester Pynne is led
out of the prison and is led on the scaffold before the jearing town people.
Arthur Dimsdale goes on the scaffold and confesses his crime. Then he died.
Hester Prynne in her sorrow realizes she is up for a public example and bears
it all well. This book was very interesting and I liked very much. It gives a
moral lesson and reveals hidden sin.[157]
Besides athletics, politics and academics, another of
Hazel's activities in high school was acting
in the school plays, including The Charm
School, a three act comedy.[158] She was also in the cast of Climb Though the Rocks be Rugged and in
a girls minstrel. In the later she was among those who told jokes about the
local teachers, preachers, doctors and merchants. The participants dressed in
white with black jackets. There were two acts. The school song was sung and the
chorus entertained. The event raised $74 for the athletic association.[159] In another production, the Zader-Gump Wedding Nupituals, portraying
characters from the comic strips, Hazel played Mandy.[160]
When Hazel was in her last semester in high school during the spring of 1931, her friend, Nina Lee McCathern (Moore) came to stay with her. Nina's parents had moved to Woodrow, South Carolina and by staying with Hazel, Nina was able to finish up her schooling at Dalzell.[161] During her last semester, Hazel went to the senior reception with Elias Morris, the brother of her classmate, Lillie Morris. Elias later went to the Citadel. Hazel had bought a long formal dress for the reception with money she saved in the bank.[162] The reception was held on Friday May 8, starting at 8:30 p.m. at the high school.[163] When Hazel's class graduated on May 24, there was an elaborate commencement program.[164] She was voted "Best All-Round Girl," "Most Popular," "Cutest" and "Best Athlete."[165]
Nurse Training: Newport, Rhode Island.
After she graduated, Hazel ended her seven year stay at Charlie
and Clyde's. She went to Sumter and for about a year lived with her mother at
302 Oakland Ave, the apartment above Mr. Walling's main grocery store. Her oldest
brother, 22-year old Claude Hogan (1909-1951), was also in Sumter. He lived at the YMCA and worked
as a plumber's assistant.[166] Sometimes Hazel would fill in for the regular worker at Mr. Veith's clothing store. On weekends she would
work at J. C. Penny's on Main Street. She worked on a commission and sometimes
made less than $1 per day. This was when Herbert Hoover was president. According to Hazel, when he came in, the people
thought he was great. When he left they thought he was bad. Hazel's uncle, Fred
Jones, was a sheriff in St. Andrews, South
Carolina. He would come for a visit on his police motorcycle. Once he took
Hazel and her older sister, 23-year-old Rosie (1908-1993), out to Dalzell to visit their grandfather, Poppa
Jones, on the motorcycle. It was after Momma
Jones had died and he was living by himself. Hazel rode on the back, Rosie on
the front. It was cold. During the summer of 1931 Hazel bought a season
swimming ticket for Pocalla Lake.[167]
By
the time Hazel came to stay with her mother in Sumter, her brother Edmunds had enlisted as a medic in the Army and was stationed at Fort
Adams in Newport, Rhode Island. Hazel's plan when she came to Sumter was to
earn some money and apply to a nurse's training school. Edmunds referred to the
plan in a typewritten letter to her on August 10, 1931:
My
Dearest Sister,
Received your most welcome letter
several days beforehand. Tell the "cockeyed" world I was certainly
glad to hear from you. One thing that I would like to ask of you, when you
write again will you please make your letters a little longer. You get me
interested in the things that you tell me then you have to stop.
By the way, how are you getting
along with your hospitals. Have you been accepted in any yet? Please let me
know how you getting along with your work. You know little sis, I am very
interested in you and what you are doing, but according to my actions I do not
show it. Because if I were interested, you would say that I should write more
often than I do.[168]
Edmunds later wrote Hazel about a nursing program at the
Newport Training School for Nurses, in Newport, Rhode Island. It was
affiliated with the Newport Hospital. He helped her apply to the program and
went to see Ms. Minnie Goodnow (1871-1952), who was the superintendent of nurses there between
1929 and 1935.[169] Hazel was accepted and enrolled in the
program in September 1932. Edmunds and his girl friend, whom he had met while
stationed in Panama, met Hazel at the New York City train station when she came
up from Sumter for the first time. They stayed at a hotel in New York City.
They told the hotel keeper that they were brother and sister, but they were
forced to take separate rooms anyway. That was expensive, as neither had much
money.
There
were 40 students in the three-year program and about 15 in Hazel's class. The
program offered the student-nurses room, board, and an allowance of $8.00 per month. They received standard nursing school courses, such as nutrition and anatomy. Among
the books which Hazel studied and which she still had on her bed-side book
shelf and referred to in her senior years were: Gould's Pocket Pronouncing Medical Dictionary: 40,000 Medical Words
Pronounced and Defined, Diana C. Kimber and Carolyn Gray's Textbook of Anatomy and Physiology,
Arthur Eisenberg and Mabel Huntly's Principles
of Bacteriology in Fifteen Lessons and Florence Anna Ambler's A Textbook of Medical Diseases for Nurses
Including Nursing Care.[170] The later book dealt with topics such as
kidney stones, tuberculosis, leukemia, disinfection, caring for isolated
patients and hypodermic injections. Kimber and Gray's Textbook of Anatomy and some of her other books were well annotated
with Hazel's handwriting.[171]
In
addition to academics, the students received much on-the-job training. They worked 56 hours per week if they were on the day-shift and 72 hours per
week if on the night-shift, which went from 7:00 p.m. to 7:00 a.m.[172] They had both a 10:00 p.m. curfew and a
wake-up bell that sounded at 6:15 a.m. The student uniform was changed in 1932 from drab gray to blue with white cuffs and
white pinafore apron. Caps were of the folded type and made by the nurses and
changed monthly.[173] The many hours Hazel spent on her feet
and her tight-fitting shoes gave her a life-long reminder of her training: big
bunions on both her feet.
Soaking, nursing and trimming them was part of her ritual in later life. The
training program was not a bad deal for both Hazel and
the hospital. She always felt she had a good deal of medical knowledge and
never commented negatively on the program in later life.[174]
Among
Hazel's classmates was Mary Estelle Hunt of Woonsocket, Rhode Island. Estelle was the youngest child and
only daughter in a family that included six sons. She had wanted to be a lawyer
but when she was seventeen, her dad died. She had no money, so she could not go
to college. She along with four other graduates from her high school went into
the Newport nurses training program. Later, she became the Godmother of Hazel's
first child and a life-long friend. A second friend was Elsie Moore, who was a fellow southerner. Elsie had
graduated from college before going into training and roomed with Estelle. Mary
Carpener was another friend.
After graduating, classmate Stephanie "Stackie" Stack (d. 2000) married a professor of psychology, Phil Krawiec. Years later in the 1960s and 1970s
Stackie and her husband would come from New York and visit Hazel and her family
in Washington, D.C. and vice versa.[175]
The
training program lasted through the summer. Newport was on the ocean and the
hospital was only a few blocks from the beach. Sometimes Hazel and her friends
would go swimming. Estelle was a Catholic, as were some of the others. Hazel
frequently went to the local Catholic church with Estelle on Sunday and liked it. People often mistook Hazel for Estelle and vice
versa. Once in their probationary period, which was the first six months, Ms.
Marie Rayworth, the operating room (EOR) supervisor became mad at Estelle. She
met Estelle on the second floor of the hospital and accused her of leaving a
mess on the first floor. Estelle denied it, but Ms. Rayworth marched her to the first floor. As they were arriving, they saw
Hazel bringing a mop to clean up the mess. Hazel had been the one that dropped
a half-gallon jar of mineral oil. Ms. Rayworth apologized to Estelle.[176]
In June 1935, three years
after entering the training program, 21-year-old Hazel graduated and was given
a diploma. Ed commented at a later time that Hazel did not seem ambitious but the fact that she did not marry right out of high school and
went into one of the few professions opened to her where money was not needed
for an education, indicated that she was thinking ahead.[177] She made the best of things. After graduating she went back to Sumter, because there
were no jobs in Newport. Half the nurses in Newport had no jobs during the
Depression.[178] However, Hazel's friend, Estelle Hunt,
did manage to stay and work at Newport Hospital.
Nursing at the University of Michigan
Hospital: 1936-1942. In December 1935 Estelle found out there were jobs at the
University of Michigan Hospital in Ann Arbor and that it was also possible to go to college there.
She notified Hazel. As a result both of them went to work at the University of
Michigan Hospital in January 1936. They roomed together at a campus dorm near
the hospital. Later they lived at a big two-story house at 200 Forrest Avenue
along with 12 other graduates. The residence was right across from the tennis
courts. Hazel made $120 per-month plus she received room and board. As at Newport, Estelle
and Hazel were frequently mistaken for each other. Once a supervisor told them
to appear before her together, so she could figure out who was who.
Normally
the nurses rotated from department to department at the hospital. But Hazel
worked mainly on the tuberculosis ward, which was on the 8th floor. This was because the patients
stayed there for longer terms and became attached to her and were advocates for her not being rotated. The attachment resulted from her giving
good care, and being kind and understanding to them.[179] Also keeping Hazel on the TB ward was
Dr. John Alexander (1891-1954), a surgeon. He had a national reputation and was
influential at the hospital.[180] In 1926 he had come to the University of
Michigan where, in conjunction with the Michigan State Sanitarium at Howell, he
initiated the first lung surgery program in the country.[181] By the mid-1930s when Hazel went to
Michigan, Alexander had a team that trained new surgeons during their
internship and residency. A resident would perform 300 to 500 operations per
year and act as first assistant in twice that number.[182] This was the period when several new
drugs were coming into use, including penicillin, which was discovered in 1929
and the sulfonamides (sulfadiazine), which cured and prevented infections by
streptococci, meningococci, gonococci and other pathogenic bacteria.
Nevertheless, tuberculosis was still a leading cause of death and feared as
much as cancer is today. Recovery was not certain and death was common.[183]
After
she had been nursing at Michigan for a year and one-half, Hazel enrolled as a
part-time student in September 1937 at the University of Michigan. In this she
followed the lead of Estelle. They sought a bachelors degree in public health
through the School of Education. School cost $75 per-semester for out-of-state
students and $55 for in-state. At the hospital, there were three shifts.
Estelle and perhaps Hazel worked the 3:00 p.m. to 11:00 p.m. shift. This allowed them to go to classes.
They also frequently worked on weekends. The school of education gave Hazel
advanced standing, that is, thirty credits toward a bachelors based on the
classes and hospital training she had taken at Newport. At the School of
Education Hazel took "Principles of Public Health" and "Public
Health Law." However, her heart and mind were not on school. She used her
free time to date and have a good time. She failed the "Principles"
course and received an incomplete in the law course. In February 1938 she was
put on probation and took no more courses.[184] Estelle, however, finished with a
certificate in public health.
Besides Estelle, Hazel had a number of other friends at Michigan with whom
in later years she kept up with by Christmas cards and visits. They included
Margaret "Ham" Hamlin, who married George Phillips, a doctor of pharmacy; Agnes
Smith from Hastings, Michigan; Marge Carstens, Jolia Dick, Josephine "Jo" Threlkeld, Dr. Walt Work of Ann Arbor and later of San Francisco, and Dr. Kyril B. and Joy Conger, who later lived at Gladenyne, Pa. Her
friend Ida "Bonnie" Bignatti later married Bert Webb (1917-1989) and had five children. Vicki
Kolenic from Muskeegn Heights, Michigan dated a doctor for a long while,
but they did not marry. Hazel roomed with Dorothy "Dot" Brawner, who later married Dan Brawner, a career
Air Force officer. Harriet Moore (Shapiro) in later years lived in the same Leisure World community at Silver
Spring, Maryland, at which Ed and Hazel lived.[185]
In
her spare time, Hazel liked to go to the movies and play golf. One time while
riding a bike, she broke her ankle. For a time she and Estelle took
horseback-riding lessons together. That meant learning how to put a horse through
its five gaits. Estelle remembered that sometimes they would drink beer from a bucket. Occasionally Hazel went to mass with Estelle. Hazel
was also fond of dressing well, going shopping and keeping up appearances. She made good money; it did not end up
in a savings account.
In
1937 Estelle and Hazel bought a Chevrolet for $600 from a housemate that had married. That is, they took
over the payments on the car, which were $25 per month. The car was eight
months old. In August 1937 they vacationed together in their Chevrolet to Sumter. On the way South they gave
a ride in West Virginia to an old working man in overalls with a big mustache
who was hitchhiking. He kept them entertained while he was with them. Estelle
took a picture of him and Hazel standing by the roadside where they dropped him
off. Estelle did not like having her picture taken. In North Carolina they
stopped and Hazel had her picture taken with some black children along the
road. While at Sumter they visited and toured. This included taking Hazel's
mother, Annie, age 53, and her aunt, Lizzie (Bess Jones) Troublefield, down to
the beach at Charleston. On the way they went to a tobacco auction at Lake
City, South Carolina. Hazel had a paternal aunt, Caro Spann, in Lake City. Lizzie wore a poka dot
jumpsuit and straw hat. While in Sumter, they also went swimming in the hot
springs at Poinsetta Park.[186]
Annie was managing a corner grocery store on Liberty Street for Mr.
Wilbur Walling. She did this from 1930 until her death
in 1950. She was thin, lively and a heavy smoker. Her eyes were so brown that
they were almost black. She was proud of being able to manage a store and did a
good job at it. She called Hazel and Estelle, who were both 23 years old, the two
princesses. Estelle maintained that Annie did not like Catholics and Northerners. Nevertheless, they were both thin and
of the same stature and got along well. Each Sunday Annie made sure Estelle
went to mass.[187] Lizzie Troublefield was more heavy set.
Annie was still in the apartment above Mr. Walling's main store at 302 Oakland
Avenue. Lizzie also lived there and "kept house." Lizzie's husband,
James Mclurin "Max" Troublefield (1875-1933) had been a housepainter and an alcoholic. He had died
a few years earlier.[188] There was room there for Hazel and
Estelle when they visited.
Hazel and Estelle also
went out to Dalzell to visit her aunt and uncle, Clyde and Charlie Jones. At the same time they visited Hazel's great uncle, Harry
Jones, who was a half-brother to her grandfather, Poppa Jones.[189] Harry wanted them to take him to the
bootleggers to obtain corn whiskey that was sold in quart jars. Estelle
remembered that on one of their evenings in Sumter, Mr. Walling took Hazel and herself out and made them high on liquor. Annie and Lizzie were mad at Mr.
Walling for doing this. Lizzie asked Estelle if she had a fuzzy tongue or some
such expression for a hangover.[190]
The
war brought big changes for the country, for Hazel and for her
friends. A number of Michigan nurses went to work at an aircraft plant near Ann Arbor because of the good wages. In 1940 Estelle took a job with the
visiting nurses in Detroit and left Ann Arbor. In 1943 Estelle joined the Army and went to Europe. After the war she finished up
her schooling at the University of Minnesota on the G.I. Bill and made a career in the Public Health Service.[191] After Estelle left Ann Arbor, Hazel's
roommate became Bonnie Bignatti.
The
government made a considerable effort to recruit nurses into the armed
services. Hazel had done well at Michigan but had no roots there. She was like
Millicent Linsen, who joined the military in February 1943. Linsen's biographer
wrote of her reasons for joining:
I think she signed out of a combination of duty to her country, a quest for adventure
and, being 29 and still single (having watched most of her friends get
married), she was feeling a need to change her life. In any case, she always
referred fondly to being in the service and of some of the friendships she made
and kept for years afterwards.[192]
For some nurses the war offered little in the way of
self-interest. Fifty years later, Estelle Hunt still could not talk about it
and would cry when reminded of it. European and Asian nurses on the front line
had similar experiences. Tsuruko Matsuda was Hazel's age. She was from Hokkaido
province in Japan, learned nursing at a three-year training school, and worked
in a state hospital in Manchuria.[193] When dieing, she noted that the young
combat casualties called for their mothers, not for the emperor, God or country. She started the war
with patriotism, but by the end, she found herself agreeing with the soldiers.
Mothers, not emperors, cared about children. She concluded that laboring people
had no self-interest in imperialist wars. For Hazel, however, the war was not harsh; it
meant joining the Navy, travel to California, marriage and motherhood.
Ed and Hazel both came to California in early 1943. After
completing his training in Florida, Ed had orders to join one of the many
newly-forming escort-scouting squadrons and make final preparations for going to sea and engaging in military operations.
Coffeyville, North
Island and Alameda: January-March 1943. Ed was given a week between leaving
Miami on January 7, 1943 and reporting to the NAS at North Island, San Diego, California on January 14. He flew to
Kansas City and visited his family for several days at Coffeyville. One of the spots he went to while at
home was the Columbia Drug Store, where he had worked as a soda jerk and
carhop. Someone took a picture of him in uniform in the store. He also visited
his friend Carl Ziegler, Jr. and Carl Jr.'s father, who was a
lawyer in town.[194]
When
his quick visit home ended, Ed took the train from Kansas City to San Diego. Because it was on the Pacific Ocean, San Diego
during the war was security conscious. Navy aviator Frederick Mears described how San Diego,
along with Coronado and North Island, which were also part of the town, had been
transformed in the week following the Pearl Harbor bombing:
The next night, December 8,
Lieutenant Gil Schlendering of the Marine Corps and I came out of the movies in San Diego and strolled up to the
cocktail lounge of a hotel overlooking the city for a beer before going to bed.
We were tasting our drinks and listening to the gowned entertainer tinkling the
keys of the piano with "Harbor Lights" when the lights suddenly went
out.
San Diego was undergoing its first
blackout. The presence of fifty or sixty unidentified planes in the San
Francisco area a few hours
earlier was the reason.
The bartender lit candles and set
them on the bar. In the flickering darkness we looked out over the city and saw
the lights blink out in groups and one by one. It was impressive to see a great
community in our country succumbing to the dark mantle of war for the first
time. To Gil and me it was exciting, too. We peered out the window and almost
hoped to hear the sirens wail and the dull "whoompf" of bombs to
complete the picture we had seen so many times in the movies.
We noticed also that many lights did
not go out, in particular a large neon sign about two blocks down the street.
The blackout was only partial and hence relatively ineffective.
During the first week of the war
there were feverish preparations both on station and in San Diego to meet any
wartime actuality which might develop. On the station, the windows of the
hangars and of most of the buildings in use at night were given a coat of black
paint as a permanent way of preventing light escaping during the blackout.
Sailors and Marines busied themselves digging zigzag trenches about four feet
deep to be used as bomb shelters, and these made jagged scars all over the
base. Circular anti-aircraft pits protected by sandbags and housing .50-caliber
machine guns were dug at intervals around the field. Sentries on the alert
challenged constantly, especially at night. The training planes were scattered
around the edge of the field about 300 feet apart, and the regular service
planes were chocked in dirt revetments to shield them from bomb splinters.[195]
By the time Ed arrived in San Diego a
year after the Pearl Harbor bombing, the town was even more militarized, if not as
apprehensive about an immediate attack. Ed was initially assigned for a month
to the carrier qualification unit
at North Island. On January 15, 1943 he filed a
"Confidential Data Sheet" which gave instructions on what he wished
to have done upon his death. It was similar to the one he had done
upon entering basic training at Corpus Christi. He requested that his personal
effects be returned to his father, E. L. Terrar, 312 W. 4th St., Coffeyville.
Under life insurance data he listed a policy by the Veteran Affairs for
$10,000. The beneficiary was E. L. Terrar. The location of the policy was unknown.
He was requested to list two officers "in this vicinity in order of
preference who you wish to inventory your effects." They were his buddies,
"B. H. Volm, Jr. and H. M. Tuttle," both Ens. A(V)-N USNR. Bernie
Volm himself had his effects inventoried the following year. He crashed in the
Atlantic. He was practicing dive-bombing on March 19, 1944, went too low and
was not able to pull out before hitting the water. He left a widow, Gerry. She had previously been widowed twice
by two other Naval aviators. They had both been killed. She had a small son by
one of them. Making the best of the war was not easy for her and her son.
Ed's
first West Coast flight was on January 19, 1943 when he soloed in an SNJ. On
January 26 he re-qualified on carrier landings aboard the U.S.S. Long Island in an SNJ. There was a printed checklist of tasks
that had to be done on each takeoff and landing, which was posted in the
cockpit of each plane. For years after the war, when Ed could not go to sleep at night, instead of counting sheep, he would go through the
checklist for landing on a carrier. It included eight or ten items, such as
turning off arming device, wheels down, flaps down, full-rich gas mixture, full
pitch on the propeller, hook down and flaps open to cool the engine, if over
200 degrees. The list for carrier takeoff included full-rich gas mixture, pitch
full-high, flaps down and, on the older planes, choke the air.
On
February 16 after a month at North Island, Ed reported to the NAS at Alameda, which was about five miles across the
bay from San Francisco.[196] Alameda was where Air Group VC-35 was
being formed in February 1943. The "C" in "VC 35" stood for
composite. The air group had three components: a torpedo squadron (VT-35), a
fighter squadron (VF-35) and a dive-bomber squadron. The torpedo squadron had nine
TBF model planes. The dive bombers had nine SBDs or scouts and the fighters had eighteen
F6Fs. Remembering back, Ed stated in 1969
that Squadron 35 had about 32 planes, with 65 pilots and 100 enlisted people,
such as mechanics for the airplane motor, for the air frame and for the
electrical system, plane handlers, gunnery people to load the ammunition,
yeomen to do the paper work, supply personnel to obtain the parts, and several
pay masters.[197]
While
at Alameda, Ed attended mass regularly, as he tried to do wherever he was stationed. Masses there
on Sunday were at 7:00 and 8:45 a.m. Later at sea there was no priest; so going
to mass was less regular. Besides a church, Alameda had an Officer's ("O") Club with a swimming
pool, tennis courts and dining room. The base also had a library and nightly
movies for 10 cents admission. There was a ferry between the base and San
Francisco that operated seven times per day.[198]
At
Alameda Ed met Corwin F. "Smiley" Morgan from Pensacola and Andy Divine. He served with both during his year at
sea. Smiley and Andy had already seen duty in Torpedo Squadron-8 under Admiral William F. "Bull" Halsey (1882-1959). They were among those sent as replacements to that
squadron after the battles at Midway and Guadalcanal. The Battle of Midway in the Central
Pacific was in June 1942. Of the original Torpedo Squadron-8, a total of nine
TBDs and nine pilots were shot down. Only aviator John Gay survived. The Battle of Guadalcanal was in the Solomon Islands of the South Pacific between August 1942 and February 1943.
Smiley
told how at Guadalcanal the squadron had been short on bombs and long on bottles of beer. They would fly to Rabaul, which was
in Japanese hands and bomb the beach with empty green beer bottles. Coming
down, the bottles whistled like bombs and may have scared a
few Japs to death but were otherwise harmless. The squadron was also short of
gasoline, unlike the Army Air Corps, which had plenty of fuel for its P-40s. Smiley recalled one adventure in which
he and Andy stole one of the P-40s. They had to run quickly to the plane before the
ground crew realized what was happening. That meant they carried no parachutes.
While Andy piloted, Smiley removed the chocks from the wheels and they were
off. It was a liquid-cooled engine. While they were flying it, the plane became
damaged by anti-aircraft fire or, more likely, by incorrect flying and the
engine froze up. They made an emergency landing along the beach. On the way down, Smiley put down the
wheels. After it touched down, it flipped nose first into the sand and onto its
back. If they had left the wheels up, they would have skidded to a stop. Smiley
stayed in the Navy after the war and retired from it. Later he sold insurance.
Andy survived the war but he and his wife, Sara were killed in a traffic
accident in Fresno, California. They were broadsided at an intersection.
Others
in the squadron whom Ed met for the first time at Alameda were Robert C.
"Creepy" Flint, Steve Mandarich, Sam Dalzell, Dan Miller, Ed "Sonny" Simpson, Emmet A. Shaw, who was shot down at Leyte, but survived, and Lt. Harold B.
Thornburg. Creepy Flint (1914-1986), the torpedo
squadron commander, was from Lawrence, Kansas. He had graduated from Kansas
University in 1937, where his father taught journalism.[199] In Ed's opinion, Creepy was the best
pilot he ever met, but he hated the Navy. On the day in July 1943 when he made
lieutenant commander, Creepy invited his comrades to go to
San Diego to get drunk. That evening he was arrested for being
drunk and out of uniform. Later, after being at sea for a number of months and
hating it, he came up with a scheme to get himself back to shore. While landing
after being out on patrol, he shot up the deck. He had arranged to be the first one to land, so no
one was hurt. He claimed he had forgot to set the safety catch on his wing gun.
However, he had earlier told some of the men what he was up to. In his view he
made the best of things by getting himself kicked off the carrier. After the war he obtained a franchise in Seal
Beach, California to sell ready-mix concrete in bags. By the mid-1960s he was
living in Las Vegas. He died at Riverside, California.
Ed
"Sonny" Simpson was a fighter pilot. He graduated from Rutgers University in 1937 and began to work with his dad in the construction
business in New Jersey. In January 1940 he enlisted and went to the Naval Air
Station at Pensacola, Florida where he earned his wings. He then became a
flight instructor until going to sea. After squadron commander Creepy Flint
withdrew himself from the war, Sonny took over as the squadron commander. While
flying was dangerous, death was not something that often entered Sonny’s mind. Unlike being a
soldier on the ground, "Flying was clean cut. If you crash, you're gone. If you land
in the Pacific and they don't find you, you're gone."[200]
Steve
Mandarich (1911-2001) was the air group commander. He had graduated from the
Naval Academy in 1933. The government had no money to give everyone a job, so those in the lower half of the
class, including Steve, ended up civilians. In 1938 however, with the
government preparing for war, those that had graduated from the academy were
offered commissions. Steve took flight training. In the early part of the war
he flew from the carrier Wasp in the Atlantic. Steve was the air group commander only briefly.
By the time Ed went to sea in October 1943, Mandarich was commanding another
air group, which was stationed on the carrier Lexington. Steve received the Distinguished Flying Cross and three
awards of the Air Medal. After the war he stayed in the Navy, serving in the
Korean War, and became a rear admiral. He lived in Washington D.C. in the late
1950s where Ed sometimes saw him. One of his assignments was as chief of staff to Admiral Richard E. Bird's arctic expedition in 1956.[201]
Lt.
Harold B. Thornburg was the medical doctor (flight surgeon) for the squadron. He was born
in Rochester, Indiana. His father, who was also a doctor, moved to Santa
Monica, California. Harold graduated from the Southern California School of Medicine several years prior to joining the
squadron. He was married with two sons and a daughter on the way. Ed did not
think much of him as a doctor.[202] There was often little for Dr. Thornburg
to do. So he liked to go as a joy-riding passenger in the planes. Eventually he
was killed doing this in a plane flown by James B. Gladney of Columbia, Tennessee that was shot down. Ed later said that
Thornburg had no business being in a plane and had refused his requests to be a
passenger. Ed's logbook recorded, however, that Thornburg was a passenger with
him on one occasion, August 10, 1943.[203]
Speaking
of death, Ed had a close call at Alameda. His
assignment upon being sent to California was to pilot torpedo bombers. The
newest torpedo bomber was the TBF (made by Grumman) and, a little later, the TBM (made by Martin). They were about the same, with the TBM having
some improvements. By early 1943 the first copies of the TBF had already been
distributed to the front line air groups. But Ed had never seen one. He was
talking with a pilot friend from another squadron one Saturday evening in
February 1943. The pilot told him that his squadron had a TBF. He said it would
be OK for Ed to fly it the next morning.
After
mass that morning, Ed took off alone in the TBF without a crew or check
out. One of the new instruments in the plane was a radar altimeter. He pushed a
button and it told him how far above the ground he was. There were clouds. To
test out the instruments he flew into them. It was in the clouds that his
troubles began. He descended to get out of the clouds. The altimeter said he
was at 200 feet, but there were still clouds. He could not go any lower because
there were mountains all around Alameda and it was dangerous. He flew to a
dozen different spots to remove himself from the clouds. But each time, the
altimeter said he was down to 200 feet above the ground and there were still
clouds.
So
he decided to fly southwest for an hour, which he knew would put him over the
ocean. He could then safely go down to fifty feet, fly back east at fifty feet
until he arrived at the coast, fly under the Golden Gate Bridge and on over to Alameda. However, one of the anomalies of
flying around the Bay area, of which Ed was ignorant, was that because of ore
in the ground, the compass deviated considerably from true north.
Ed
flew out over the Pacific, came out of the clouds at fifty feet, flew back to
the coast, turned left and started looking for the Golden Gate. He flew until
almost 4:00 p.m. He was running low on fuel. He decided that if he did not find
the Golden Gate by 4:00 p.m. he would fly to 10,000 feet and parachute. Just
about this time he spotted what turned out to be Point Arena lighthouse at
Point Arena, California. There was no level place to
put the plane down except the short cliff area above the sea where the
lighthouse stood. Ed came in very slow, landed and put the nose into the ground
to keep from rolling off cliff into the sea. It ruined the propeller and shaft.
The plane had to be taken off in a boat. Ed had missed the Golden Gate because,
instead of flying southwest, he had been 17 degrees off, due to the anomaly in
the compass reading. When he flew back to the coast, he had not been flying due
east but 70 degrees north. This resulted in arriving back to the coast north of
the Golden Gate.
Looking
back, Ed said, "God was with me." Had he found the Golden Gate, he would have
flown under it. This was because to fly over it would have put him back into
the clouds. But flying under the bridge was dangerous because he could not see
the stanchions that supported it. Had he found the bridge, he would probably
have crashed into a stanchion.
The
commander of fleet air at Alameda was Admiral William K. Harrill (1892-1962), a 1906 graduate of the Naval Academy. He was mad over Ed's TBF incident. A
week earlier one of Harrill's pilots had been flying over a racetrack and
circled to see the races. He crashed and was killed. It was bad for the admiral's record to
have pilots needlessly being killed. The admiral put Ed under house arrest. A Marine was assigned to follow him
everywhere he went, except when flying. Eventually, Ed became tired of this. He
was going with a woman at the time whose father was both a lawyer and retired
Navy captain. Ed had met her at a tea dance, which was put on for the officers
on Sunday. The dances were a chance for those that were far from home to have a social
life.
The
lawyer told Ed what he already knew. He had been within his rights in
taking the plane up and doing what he did. The admiral could do nothing.[204] So Ed went to the admiral and confronted him: either give him a court-martial or end the house arrest. The admiral was outraged and ordered Ed
out of his office. But by the time Ed arrived back to the BOQ, the Marine had been called off. The
admiral also said he would write a negative fitness report. But that was an idle threat, as only
Ed's immediate commander was allowed to file a fitness report. Ed was not one
for allowing himself to be pushed around.[205]
TBF: Torpedo Bomber. Ed's squadron obtained their own TBFs in early March 1943. On Mar. 7, Ed's Flight Log first recorded him flying it.
The TBF was the biggest carrier plane ever made. It could cruise at 250 knots
for 8 hours and reach altitudes of 13,000 feet. Its single propeller was 13 feet
in length. Norman Berg, who flew the TBF, described its size:
It was almost 18
feet from the top of the cockpit to the ground. The wingspan was 54 feet 2
inches and had a gross weight of 15,905 pounds. I can still recall my thoughts
as I walked up to the TBF-1 for my first flight: This bird is too damn big to
fly off a carrier. It turned out to be a wonderful airplane - very stable in
flight, plenty of power with a 1,700 hp engine. It stalled at about 60 knots,
with no tendency to fall off on one wing. When it stalled, the nose would just
drop straight down and immediately pick up air speed again. It was really a joy
to fly.[206]
The TBF crew consisted of a pilot, turret gunner who sat at the top middle
of the plane, and tunnel gunner who sat below. When the TBFs eventually
obtained radar, the tunnel gunner was the one that worked it, although the
pilot also had a monitor. For the mere flying of the plane only the pilot was
needed and sometimes Ed soloed in it. Besides the turret and rear guns, there
were also wing guns, which were controlled by the pilot. They were the only
ones that shot forward.
The
function of the TBF was torpedoing and bombing. It could carry a single
2,300-pound torpedo under its fuselage or bombs of various sizes: a single
2,000-pound bomb, or two 500-pound bombs or ten 100-pound bombs. The torpedo
and bombs were dropped from heights of 2,000 to 3,000 feet. The torpedoes were used against ships and the bombs against land targets. During
training the warheads had only sand in them, but the torpedoes always had a
motor, which propelled them once they were dropped into the sea. Ed piloted 13
hours in February 1943 and 17 hours in March. Among the skills he worked on were navigation, gunnery and tactics.
While
Ed was at Alameda, Edward "Butch" O'Hare (1914-1943) was one of the celebrities that was there. O'Hare had
graduated from the Naval Academy and become an
aviator. On February 22, 1942 he had shot down five Japanese bombers that were
on their way to attack the carrier Lexington.
For this he received the Congressional Medal of Honor and toured the country
selling war bonds from early 1942 until the middle of 1943. He went back to sea as a
lieutenant commander and skipper of a squadron in October 1943 at the same time
that Ed first went to sea. He died soon after on the night of November 27, while helping to cover the
landings in the Gilbert Islands. Ed also helped cover the landings.
O'Hare received the Naval Cross posthumously and Chicago's principal airport was named after him.[207]
Ed
had enough free time at Alameda that he volunteered several times to ferry
planes up to the NAS at Whidbey Island near Seattle, Washington. He did this to increase his
flight time, as planes to fly were in short supply. Once on the way up, he came
out of the clouds near Mt. Rainier and saw someone driving a car on a road high up on the mountain
who was at Ed's level. Ed and the car driver waved at each other. On the way
back from Whidbey Island, the ferry pilots would hitch a ride in DC-3s. On one trip Ed was in a hurry to come
back to see a girl friend or attend to some squadron matter. He was told a
flight was just leaving. He ran out to the plane just as it was closing its
doors. There were about six others in the passenger compartment that seated
thirty-six. They were soon at 11,000 feet and the passengers were cold.
Normally a plane did not go higher than 5,000 feet on the Whidbey
Island-Alameda run. Ed went up to the flight deck and found a short young pilot
with his feet on the console and the autopilot doing the flying. Ed asked where
was the co-pilot. The pilot said there was none, as they were short-handed. Ed
asked why they were at 11,000 feet. The pilot said he feared hitting something.
He only had 165 hours of flight time and had landed a DC-3 only twice. Ed had
twice as much flight time and volunteered to co-pilot. He took the plane down
to a more comfortable 5,000 feet and landed it at Alameda. Ed's thinking was
that if they were going to crash, he would prefer that he did it.[208]
El Centro: April 1943. In early April 1943, Ed and the newly constituted Air Group VC-35 moved to southern California where they continued to
practice. Others joined the air group at this time, including a number of
gunners, radar operators, navigators and mechanists. Each plane had its own
crew. For example, on April 26, Clark "Dutch" Schoonmaker from Winsted, Connecticut took his first ride with Ed.[209] Dutch and Ed stayed together during the
air group's up-coming yearlong cruise. Dutch's rating was aviation machinist
mate second class but he was a turret gunner while on the Chenango. Ed addressed him by his last name,
"Schoonmaker," and he addressed Ed as "Mr. Terrar." After
the war they used first names. Other new air group members included Richard
Stagno, Sr. from Louisiana. He was part of the
crew that was piloted by Joe Sims. Anthony "Tony" Hernandez and Don Starks crewed
the plane piloted by Smiley Morgan. Tony operated the radio and Don was a
turret gunner. Ed was often the wingman for their plane.
For
a short time after arriving in southern California, the air group was at North
Island in San Diego and worked on navigation, bombing and tactics. On April 15
they went to the desert (Imperial Valley) about 130 miles east of San Diego for a week of bombing
practice. While there they were stationed at the NAS in El Centro. The
following month, the El Centro base was transformed into a Marine Corps Auxiliary
Air Station (MCAS). It was hot at El Centro: above 100 degrees at night and
sometimes reaching 124 degrees during the day. It was also fertile, with the
farms in the area irrigated by water from the Colorado River via the
All-American Canal.[210] Ed stayed at the BOQ, where there were two men to a room.
While
at El Centro, Ed was sometimes the duty officer. One time a fighter pilot had an attack from the after
effects of malaria that he contracted at Guadalcanal. This caused him to end up bailing out
of his plane near the small town of Calpatria, California. The plane went into an
irrigated field of flax. There was much water. Ed went to the crash site with a
Navy truck and a crew of six enlisted men. They had to take the guns off the
downed plane. It took four or five days and they stayed at a motel in
Calpatria. One night while at the motel Ed heard a noise. There was a reeve at
the motel. A reeve was a walk-in room-sized refrigerator. A Navy truck was unloading goods into it. It turned out there was a black
market operation in butter. Ed went back and told the folks at the base that
they should investigate.
North Island (Coronado, California):
April-July 1943. Following their week of training in the desert, the air group came
back to San Diego on April 24. Years later Ed still remembered how beautiful he
found Coronado with all its flowers in bloom in April, after being in the
desert.[211] He flew 38 hours in April and 34 hours
in May.
Despite
the training program or perhaps because of it and the new-found wealth it offered, Ed and the other pilots had a full social life. Soon after arriving in California, Ed and his best friend
and roommate at Corpus Christi, Buddy Beal, bought a 1931 Rolls Royce convertible for about $100. Another of Ed's friends, Howard Tuttle (1920-1996) had had a 1941 Ford convertible even before he went
into the service. Over the Easter weekend of 1943 the squadron had leave. Ed
and Howard went to visit Howard's sister at Palm Springs, California. Howard's dad was born rich
and never worked. His grandfather had a shipping contract to bring ore from the
Great Lakes to the Cleveland foundries.[212] Howard had gone to Brown University. The family lived in Cleveland but had a
place in Palm Springs. When Howard was growing up, his dad would tell the
children that he did not have enough money when they asked for something.
Howard later realized his father never worked but did have enough. Howard resolved that he would work and if he
ever had to tell his children that they did not have enough money, it would be
true. He believed one’s worth as a human was in labor, not money. What economists call this the labor theory of value. He liked
flying and after the war he made a career being a commercial pilot. This was despite having inherited
plenty of money and having married a woman who had even more. Her family owned
some of the coalmines over which the United Mine Workers contested.
Besides the visit to Palm Springs, another of Ed's social activities in the spring of 1943 was entertaining his 21 year-old
sister, Rosemary. She took the train to the west coast
for a vacation with him. It was a three-day ride each way and a nice adventure
for her. Ed met her in Los Angeles. They stayed at the Ambassador Hotel, on
Wilshire Boulevard, which in Ed's view was best hotel in Los Angeles. Rosemary
never did come down to San Diego on that trip.
Ed
spent another weekend in Los Angeles with a friend from Coffeyville, Bill
McClelland. They went up on the train. Bill was
older than Ed and stationed at the destroyer base in National City, which was south of San Diego. They went
to visit people Bill knew from Coffeyville. Periodically Bill would attend
picnics at Long Beach for people from Kansas that were held during the war.[213] While in Los Angeles Ed and Bill spent
the night sleeping on the floor of someone they met on the trolley. Bill was friendly and would
talk to anyone. That is how they obtained their floor-space accommodations. The
military authorities favored divisions between officers and enlisted, but for
many, including Ed, friendship was sometimes stronger than
the prejudices of military authority.[214] Later, when the squadron went to sea,
some of the aviators, such as P.D. Thompson, enjoyed visits to the enlisted
quarters.[215]
On June 21, 1943 Ed again qualified on carrier landings aboard the U.S.S. Altamaha
(CVE 18).[216] The landing pattern for a carrier was oval in shape. The planes at 100 feet
with flaps and wheels down flew in single file about thirty seconds apart from
the rear (stern) of the ship past the bridge, which they kept to their left
side. They then flew out in front of the ship about one minute, turned 180
degrees to the left, passed by the ship on its opposite side, and made another
180 degree turn to the left to come in behind the carrier to land. The goal was
for the planes to land twenty-two seconds apart. But at that speed there were
frequent wave-offs, as the deck crew could not always clear the previous landing
that quickly. There were fewer wave-offs when they came in at thirty-second
intervals.
Landing aboard a carrier was scary at first. Anyone could put a plane down
on a 10,000-foot runway. Overshooting the runway was not a problem. But landing
on a 500 foot deck was hard. Landing at night was even harder, although for
both day and night one relied on the landing signal officer (LSO) to come
aboard. At night the pilot could not see the ship, only two rows of dark blue
lights when approaching from the stern (back) of the ship. The LSO kept tabs on
where the plane was from a light on the left wing. There were three parts to
the light. If the LSO saw green, it was ok. But if red, it was too low, and
amber was too high. The light was adjusted by a setscrew, meaning it took a
turn or two to change its position. One was never sure if it was adjusted
properly. Another factor that added to the fear and difficulty was that one was
allowed only three knots above stall. Stall was where one lost control of the
plane. With experience, landing aboard a ship even at night became natural. Ed
remarked that one of the reasons most carrier pilots had a lot of confidence in
their skills was because they had mastered such a difficult task.
Journalist
Ernie Pyle went on a carrier cruise and dramatized carrier landings for the
folks back home:
The first time you see a plane land
on a carrier you almost die. At the end of the first day my muscles were sore
just from being all tensed up while watching the planes come in.
It is all so fast, timing is so
split-second, space is so small - well, somebody said that carrier pilots were
the best in the world, and they must be or there wouldn't be any of them left
alive.
Planes don't approach a carrier as
they would on land - from, way back and in a long glide. Instead, they almost
seem to be sneaking up as if to surprise it. They're in such an awkward
position and flying at such a crazy angle you don't see how they can ever land
on anything.
But it's been worked out by years of
experience, and it's the best way. Everything is straightened out in the last
few seconds of flying. That is - if it works.
Anything can happen in those last
few seconds. Once in a great while the plane loses it speed and spins into the
water just behind the ship. And planes have been known to ram right into the
stern of the ship.
The air currents are always bad. The
ship's "Island" distorts the currents, and makes the air rough. Even
the wake of the ship - the waters churned up by the propellers - has an effect
on the air through which the planes must pass.
If half a dozen planes come in
successively without one getting a "wave off" from the signalman,
you're doing pretty well. For landing on the deck of a small carrier in a rough
sea is just about like landing on half a block of Main street while a combined
hurricane and earthquake is going on.
In Pyle's view, not only the plane's approach was cause
for stress, but its actual touch down aboard ship:
You would call it a perfect landing
if a plane came in and hit on both wheels at the same time, in the center of
the deck headed straight forward and caught about the third of the cables
stretched across the deck.
But very few of them are perfect.
They come in a thousand different ways. If their approach is too bad, the
signalman waves them around again.
They'll sometimes come in too fast
and hit the deck so hard a tire blows. They'll come in half-sideways, and the
cable will jerk them around in a tire-screeching circle.
They'll come in too close to the
edge of the deck, and sometimes go right on over the catwalk. They'll come in
so high they'll miss all the arresting gear and slam into the high cables
stretched across middecks, called the "the barrier."
Sometimes they do a somersault over
the barrier, and land on their backs. Sometimes they bounce fifty feet in the
air and still get down all right. Sometimes they catch fire. . .
And on the other hand, you'll land
places for weeks without a bad crackup. We wrecked three planes our first three
days out in crashes - and not a single one after that.
The first time I watched our boys
land, they were pretty bad. They hadn't flown for about two weeks, and were a
little rusty.
It's always that way after a ship
has been in port for a while. Everybody dreads the first two or three days,
until they get their hand in again.
As I was watching the first flight
coming in one by one, my roommate, Lt. Comdr. Al Masters, came up behind me and
said, "Well, I see you've got the carrier stance already. I noticed you
leaning way over to help pull them around into position."[217]
In the evenings after a day of work, the young officers
at Coronado would sometimes go ashore to the crowded bars at Paul's Inn, the Little Club or the Snake Pit.[218] One of the nice things about North
Island was that the lieutenant junior grades who wanted, could stay at the
Hotel del Coronado for $1.25 per night, if they gave up their housing
allowance. It was a high-class hotel and some of Ed's squadron-mates stayed
there for the entire six weeks they were in the area.
Ed
did not stay at the "Hotel Del," but he would go there to socialize
with his buddies. One time Admiral "Bull" Halsey came up to their table and talked to them. He asked what carrier they were on, when they
were going to sea and how things were going. Ed remembered that they also talked about America's postwar relations
with the Soviets. The admiral asked if any of them had read Karl von Clausewitz's (1780-1831) tract On War (1832). Ed said he had. Halsey, following book five of Clausewitz, maintained
that the poor relations between the U.S. and the Soviets could not be resolved
by war. America did not have a large enough population to occupy the Soviet Union and the Soviets did not have a large enough population to occupy America. Ed later
remarked, "Halsey clearly foresaw the cold war and its implications."[219]
Halsey
was well regarded by Ed and his comrades. The admiral had just returned from
the Southwest Pacific where he had relieved an ineffective Admiral Robert L.
Ghormley as commander of South Pacific Forces in the Solomon Islands. Squadron-mate Smiley Morgan, who had
been there, noted that for a time it had looked as if American troops might be
pushed off Guadalcanal, but Halsey's appearance and words
quickly boosted morale. A New York Times headline boasted, "Shift to Offensive is seen
in Selection of 'Fighting' Admiral Halsey as Commander in the South Pacific." John Wukovits summarized:
Marines in muddy
foxholes and civilians in comfortable American homes enthusiastically agreed
with bombastic Halsey statements such as "The only good Jap is a Jap who's
been dead six months" or that his main job was to "Kill Japs, kill
Japs, then kill more Japs."[220]
After an early loss at the Battle of
Santa Cruz Island on October 26-27, 1942, Halsey presided at a victory in the naval
Battle of Guadalcanal on November 12-15, 1942 and by February 1943 helped turn around
the American campaign in the Solomons.[221]
Air
Group VC-35 was officially commissioned at North Island at 9:00 a.m. on
Thursday, July 15, 1943. Present was Ensign Terrar in dress blues and shining shoes along with his fellow torpedo bombers that
he would talk about and keep in touch with for the next 50-plus years: Charlie
Carpenter, Smiley Morgan, Joe Sims, Howard Tuttle, P.D. Thompson and their skipper Lt. Commander Creepy Flint. Charlie Dickey described the
commissioning ceremony:
At only a few moments late the
inspection party arrived, headed by "Fighting Steve" Mandarich and Lt. Cmdr. Creepy Flint accompanied by the usual number of
junior officers and yeomen. Everyone became tense and stood at attention.
Fighter Steve went forward and started to read the official papers from the
Staff that would divide the old VC-35 into VF-35 and VC-35, the latter to be
composed of nine TBF's and nine SBD's, and the entirety to be called Air Group
35. A truly formidable group it was, composed of fighters, torpedo bombers and
dive-bombers.
Just as Fighting Steve started to
read the orders an Army Hudson bomber at the next hangar began turning up both
motors. Fighting Steve glanced nervously across the way and then with
determination began to read. No one could hear but that didn't faze Fighting
Steve. For awhile the personnel leaned eagerly forward trying to grasp an
occasional word but to no avail. Finally they gave up and settled back. What
the hell difference did it make if they couldn't hear?
As Fighting Steve finished, so did
the Hudson bomber. There was a general shaking of hands and Air Group 35 was an
actuality. Then began an inspection that for brevity surpasses anything on record. Led by Lt. Cmdr.
Flint, the party traversed the course in miraculous time. No one was put on
report--relieving Ensign Whisky John Dick--and the inspection was finished ahead
of schedule. Everyone was dismissed.[222]
The following evening, Friday, July 16, Ed went with Smiley Morgan to a party in San Diego. When they were coming back to North
Island at 5:00 a.m., they called for the "captain's gig" at the
"nickel snatcher," that is, the dock where the Coronado ferry put in. Smiley had won a Navy Cross and thus had the privilege of
taking the captain's gig to North Island. Ed could go in his company. As he was
stepping into the gig, it shifted and Ed, who was loaded, fell into the San Diego harbor. He was
dressed in his Navy blues. The coxswain, who had intentionally shifted the boat
kept yelling, "Get that officer's hat," which was floating in the water. But he did not care about rescuing Ed, who ended up
with a "terrific cold."[223]
Holtville and Hazel Hogan: July-August 1943. The air group went back to the desert
on July 18, 1943. This time they were at the auxiliary NAS at Holtville, which was 20 miles from El Centro. They
went to the desert for instruction in night-flight (40 hours of flight per pilot). Among those who complained of the desert was
the skipper, Creepy Flint:
Creepy
took a long puff at his cigarette, leaned back in his chair, grunted and after
scratching parts of his private anatomy began, "Silliest Goddammed thing I
ever heard of. You could fly for forty years at night and never see any better.
It's like starving yourself because you might go hungry sometime."
Everyone agreed with the wise old sage.[224]
In the desert they did glide bombing and torpedo runs by
flares. They used the chocolate mountains in Arizona as their practice bombing range. It was difficult work from 7:00
p.m. in the evening until 7:00 or 8:00 a.m. in the morning.[225] One time Ed saw a mirage, which he thought was a runway. He
landed on it. It turned out to be sand. As soon as he touched down, he knew his
mistake and took off. Another time a mechanic left the top off the gas tank on
the wing. They refueled after every flight. As they flew, the gas was sucked
out of the tank and spewed all over the back of the plane. So Ed landed to fix
the problem. Yet another time he was at 6,000 feet and getting liquid in his
face. It was not gas but he could not figure out what it was. He landed. It
turned out to be rain, which came down at that height but dissolved at lower
levels.
One
of the skills they practiced was night landing aboard a carrier. The Holtville field was marked off like
a carrier and there was a LSO to guide the plane aboard. One night Ed's buddy,
fighter pilot Herb Magnusson crashed a half-mile short of the "ship." He claimed the
LSO had given him the cutoff. However, it was probably a mirage. No one was
hurt, because they were on land. If it had been at sea, he would have gone into
the back of the ship.
The
planes had no radar according to Charlie Dickey's account and when radio
altimeters, tachometers or the radio did not work, it made night flight
uncomfortable. Adding to the discomfort, the flyers did not obtain much sleep
because the air conditioning was so poor during the day, it was impossible to
sleep past 10:00 in the morning. However, they quickly worked out a system
whereby each person obtained about every third or fourth night off to go back
to North Island to obtain a good night's sleep. Some, including Ed, went to El Centro
on their time off and stayed in an air-conditioned hotel. This also gave them
an opportunity to have a good meal. The food at Holtville was no good. Ed had a
special reason for going over to El Centro. On the evening of July 31, 1943 he
had his first date with Ensign Hazel Hogan, a Navy nurse stationed at the Marine
Corps dispensary in El Centro. Ed had first seen her several weeks earlier on
July 18, the squadron's first evening back in the desert for night flight
training. She had been the date of Ed's friend, John Donlon at a dinner party.
Ed
flew 58 hours in July and 38 hours in August 1943. Ed's aviation log recorded his night flying in red pencil. The dates included July
12, 18-22, 24-26, 29-30 and August 1, 3, and 18. In a letter written on Sunday, August 22, several weeks after having finished
up at Holtville and having returned to San Diego, Ed stated that he was still
groggy from the night flying and that was the reason he missed coming over to
visit his new fiancé, Hazel, in El Centro. This letter is the earliest one to
her that was saved. In addition to still being tired, Ed mentioned his
attendance at mass at St. Rose of Lima in Chula Vista that day:
I'm really
very sorry I didn't get over this afternoon. It seems like I'll never get
rested up from that time spent in the desert. I guess your about the only
bright spot in that time spent in the desert but meeting and being with you
more than compensates for the hardships of the ordeal. Friday I didn't get up
till about two-thirty and was back in the sack at nine-thirty that evening. Yesterday
I got up about noon and had dinner with the couple from home last evening. I
was home and in bed by eleven-thirty. This morning I was out by ten-thirty,
went down to Chula Vista to mass at eleven-thirty came back checked on a plane
that was suppose to be ready at one thirty, dropped off to sleep for a short
nap and didn't wake up till six thirty so there's every thing I've done since
seeing you.[226]
Otay Mesa (Brown Field): August-October
1943. Following three weeks at Holtville,
VC-35 then went on Friday, August 6, to a cooler base, the auxiliary NAS at
Otay Mesa, California. The station was officially dedicated as Brown
Field following the group's arrival. It bordered the San Yesidro highway and
was close to the Mexican border. It was about ten miles south of San Diego. At
Otay Mesa Bruce Weart from Macomb, Illinois joined the squadron. Ed was named an
assistant flight officer, meaning he helped with flight scheduling.[227] On August 26 the torpedo bombers made
two landings each on the U.S.S. Copahee (CVE 12) without a scratch.[228] The fighter and scout planes had more
difficulty with blown tires and running into barriers. The previous day,
Wednesday, August 25, Ed had written to his fiancé about how beautiful it was
to fly at night:
Wed.
[August 25, 1943]
Darling
-
It's later - almost midnight - and
about time I hit the sack but thought I'd better drop you line because I didn't
yesterday. I had hopped to get over to see you today, but was pretty busy all
day and didn't get around to it. I flew four hours today and two more this
evening. In fact I just got back from night flying. It was a beautiful night to fly what with the moon a very nice overcast et al - wish
you could have been along - I'm sure you'd have enjoyed it.[229]
On one occasion while at Otay Mesa, Smiley Morgan and his
two-person crew along with three other planes flown by ensigns Tuttle, Sims and
Kolb were glide bombing. Starting their run from angle four, they would come in
and pull out from 1,000 to 1,500 feet. After the dives they would climb for a
rendezvous over the foot of Mount San Miguel. At 4,000 feet Morgan's plane
began to sputter, vibrate, spit fire and then burst into flames. Morgan gave the command for everyone to bail out. Ensigns Tuttle, Sims and Kolb were more nervous than Morgan and filled the radio airwaves with
excited talk. All landed safely, with Morgan ending up a few yards into Mexico.
He gathered up his ripcord and chute and ran for the border. The plane crashed
in a field about 100 yards from a house and did no damage.
Several
in the squadron were not so lucky. Ensign Ephraim Rochester and the plane's radio operator, G. C. Fitch were killed on August 31 in a dive-bombing hop over the Pacific.
The plane went too low on the dive. Trying to pull out, Rochester pulled too
hard on the stick and snap rolled. This brought the plane upside down. He tried
to roll it over but did not have enough altitude. The plane plunged into the
sea at about a 50-degree angle and disappeared in 100 fathoms of water.[230] Another unlucky squadron mate went down
on September 22. Fighter pilot Lt. (jg) Gregg Howe went into a cloud bank near San Clemente and was never seen again.
In
addition to Ed's flying duties, Rex Hanson recruited him to be a lawyer for a sailor charged with theft.[231] Rex was assigned to the squadron as an
intelligence officer, not an aviator. Ed recalled that most military courts are not for justice but for discipline. Navy regulations made it unlawful for a
sailor to be in the possession of another's uniform. This rule was meant to
stop theft.
Ed's
client had been aboard a ship with another sailor who was transferred. The
transferred sailor could not find one of his uniforms when he left. He told his
old shipmates that whoever found the uniform could have it. Ed's client
maintained he had found the uniform, but when he took it to be altered by
the base tailor, he was charged with theft and subjected to losing his grade
and rating. Ed was determined to obtain his client's acquittal. As the man's
attorney, Ed did not deny that his client had the uniform but could not see why
Commander McMullen, the president of the court, was going after him. "Why
not charge the tailor?" Ed asked McMullen. This and similar defenses
eventually convinced McMullen to drop the charge.[232]
Besides
flying, legal advocacy and courting Ensign Hogan, Ed had enough leisure at Otay
Mesa to do some joy riding, such as a hop up to San Francisco to have lunch with his
buddies on Sunday, August 29. Having fairly free access to the planes was like
owning a million-dollar taxicab. Ed wrote to Hazel of his trip to San
Francisco:
Sunday 2300 [August 29
1943, 11:00 p.m.]
Darling
-
Another day about at an end and I
thought I'd better scribble a note before sacking out. I got up about 0700 and
waited till 0900 for Creepy and he finally called up and said he didn't feel
like going to Frisco so I took the other four fellows to Frisco and got in
there about 11:30 had lunch with a couple of friends of mine and started back
about 1400 [2:00 p.m.] and stopped off for about an hour in Burbank to let out a couple of sailors that wanted to ride down there and
got back here about 1730. [5:30 p.m.]. It was so late and I was tired so I
didn't get to dinner with the Eckharts. Howard and I went down to San Yesidro
for chow came back and Smiley Morgan wanted to go to town
and pick up a couple of bags (not women but gripes - you know) so we went down
and got them.[233]
Ed recalled that his
passengers on the way up to San Francisco were nervous. It was overcast and he
had to come into Alameda on instruments, meaning he flew by a directional radio
beam.
In
their leisure time, some of the flyers shot pool in the "O" club. Slop pool and "kelly" were
the favorite games. Pool was not the only thing which was shot at Otay Mesa.
One evening squadron mate John Dick was “loaded.” He started firing his 45-caliber
pistol at a “G.I. can,” that is, the trashcan in their dorm hallway. This
rolled the metal can up the hall where others, who had also been drinking, took
shots, as it passed their doors. Ed took a few shots himself. Bullets were
bouncing everywhere.[234]
The squadron parties at
Otay Mesa were a less dangerous leisure activity. Once there was a party to
celebrate the newest commissioned lieutenant junior grades. Besides liquor and
singing, thirty women who worked at Consolidated Aircraft attended. Another
memorable party took place on August 23, starting at 1:00 p.m. It was an
enlisted personnel beer bash to which the officers were invited. It was held at an
Imperial Beach bar not far from Otay Mesa that was rented for the occasion.
They had 47 cases of beer. Skits at the party included a beer-drinking contest
during which four contestants drank from baby bottles with nipples on them.
There was also a pie eating contest, fistfights on the dance floor and a tug of
war on the beach with about twenty persons on each team. At 4:00 p.m. when huge
platters of potato salad and sandwiches were served, individual potato salad
fights began. Salad was thrown all over the place. At 5:00 p.m. the bar
(hard liquor) opened. The officers who were still present were tossed into the
Pacific Ocean. The owner of the bar called the base the next morning,
complaining about the damage that had been done.
By
September 1943 Ed had been in the Navy eighteen months and had made the best of
things. He had obtained a commission, became an aviator, traveled over much of
the country and was about to fight the enemy. In his view, few were as good as
he at piloting and he was proud of it. But these achievements were dwarfed by
what was about to take place next, his marriage.
At
the same time Ed was heading to California in early 1943, Hazel Hogan was also
going West. When the war heated up, there was a push by the military to obtain
nurses. The Navy Nurse Corps, which had been established in 1908,
recruited 11,000 nurses during the war.[235] They served at Navy hospitals in the states,
in the war zones and aboard hospital ships, such as the U.S.S. Solace and U.S.S. Relief.[236] Initially the Corps had trouble
attracting recruits. The other women's services (WACs and WAVEs) had regular
Army and Navy rank, but not the Corps. In February 1942
Congress was forced to authorize commissioned ranks for nurses. In May 1942
the Navy started appointing nurses with the relative rank of ensign.[237]
Six
months after the Navy reformed its treatment of nurses and a year after the
United States government became involved, Hazel went to war. She closed out her seven-year career on the
University of Michigan Hospital's tuberculosis ward and on December 12, 1942, at age twenty-eight, she took the oath
required to join the Navy Nurse Corps reserves.[238] Before going active she made a trip back
to South Carolina for several weeks to visit her mother and relatives. On
January 6, 1943 she received a notice from the Nurse Corps:
Due to the present
emergency, the Naval Reserve Nurses are being assigned to active duty. Orders
have been recommended directing you to start travel from your home on Feb. 9,
1943 to San Diego Naval Hospital, San Diego, Calif.[239]
On the way to San Diego,
Ensign Hogan, USNR was required to take a physical at the Naval Training School
at the Naval Pier in Chicago, Illinois. She arrived at the Naval
Hospital in San Diego on February 16. Included in her luggage were golf clubs. The war was not going to be all work.
The
nurses were instructed to wear their own uniform until a regulation Naval
uniform was obtained. But from the start they had to wear a Navy nurse cap,
white cuff links, white hosiery and plain white shoes. They also had to have a
watch with them that worked. No jewelry, rings, buckles, or ribbons were
allowed. A fellow nurse described the uniform:
During the early
months we were fitted for our Navy uniforms. Our Navy uniform wardrobe
consisted of the white traditional ward uniform. . . The Navy insignia at that
time was the large anchor with the oak leaf with the acorn on the side. Our
Navy dress blue [uniform] was the two piece double-breasted suit. . . with the
gold buttons down the front. We wore our Navy insignia on our lapels. Our Navy
hat was the round, flat top, tam-type hat and we had the white flat top and we
also had the navy-blue flat top. At tropical station, a white flat top was worn
year around. We wore black hose and black shoes. The dress white uniform was
the traditional white uniform . . . with the shoulder boards. I failed to
mention that at this time we were wearing the man-type shirt and the man-type
tie. I thought I would never learn to tie that tie. We also had a bridge coat
[overcoat] with which we wore a white scarf and gray gloves. In addition to
that, we were issued a Navy cape which was dark navy with a maroon lining.[240]
While
at the Naval Hospital, which bordered Balboa Park, Hazel stayed in the Nurses' quarters.
The Naval Hospital at Balboa Park was initially located in a building on Park
Boulevard that had formerly housed the park police force. At that time it
consisted of twenty-five beds with a surgery over in a pepper grove. By the
time Hazel arrived, it had grown considerably with the addition of
Spanish-colonial style buildings that had been built for the Panama-California
Exposition of 1915-1916. The 500 nurses who worked there had to be transported
from one building to another by buses. The nurses' quarters were at the
"House of Hospitality," which was the centerpiece of the exposition.
In front of their residence was a patio with Donal Hord's (1902-1966) statute of a Mayan woman
emptying her olla into a tiled
fountain.[241] Titled Woman of Tehuantepec, it was
built in 1936 with the help of the Work Project Administration.
According to a notice given the new nurses, they were required to keep their rooms neat and bed made up. There were three shifts, which started at 7:45 a.m., 2:45 p.m. and 9:45 p.m. They had breakfast at 7:15-8:15 a.m., lunch at 12:15 and dinner at 6:15 p.m. Radios were not allowed after 10:00 p.m. unless they were so quiet no one could hear them. When they were away overnight, they had to give their address to the principle chief nurse. They were instructed not to discuss hospital and military topics with civilians during the "emergency."
The
first six months which the nurses spent in the Navy were considered a
probationary period.[242] Initially Ensign Hogan worked on the
obstetrics ward at the Naval Hospital in San Diego. One of her friends there
was Mary Matula. A fellow Navy nurse who headed an
obstetrics ward wrote in August 1943 of how busy they were kept:
I know my report of
the number of obstetrical deliveries sounded rather fantastic but I had to
relieve the nurses, who had the watch [on-call after regular working hours],
three times last week. They had six deliveries each night for two nights and
seven the next night. . . They [obstetrics] have 540 cases to be delivered
before Xmas. I also need nurses for afternoon duty. When I take the P.M. nurse
for relief it means that one nurse takes four wards and the wards are too heavy
for one nurse.[243]
After
three months in San Diego, Hazel was assigned to the Naval Dispensary at the El
Centro Marine Corps Air Base, where she started on May 6.[244] She took the SD and AE train over there
on May 4. The dispensary had a doctor, dentist and two nurses. The nurses
stayed in El Centro's Barbara Worth Hotel, as there was no adequate housing at
the BOQ. Hazel was in room 217 and her roommate was the other nurse. Hazel was
making about $200 per month, if one included benefits such as housing.[245]
By
1943 many Navy nurses were working in some 176 Naval dispensaries. Nurse Lt.
(jg) Sarah O'Toole wrote at the time about such work in the American Journal of Nursing:
Having served three weeks as
assistant to the chief nurse at a Naval hospital, I received orders detaching
me from all duties at the Naval hospital and was transferred to a small Naval
air station dispensary as chief nurse. This dispensary has an outpatient
department, treatment and examination rooms, a "sick officer'
quarters" of ten rooms, a 30-bed ward for enlisted men, two quiet rooms
for very ill patients, a "sick WAVES quarters" with five beds and
three isolation rooms. There are also a dental clinic, operating room, laboratory,
pharmacy, x-ray department, and a well-equipped physiotherapy department.
We take care of all crash and
accident cases occurring at the Base and do minor surgery. Major surgery and
very ill patients are generally transferred to naval hospitals. . . We have on
our staff five doctors, four nurses, approximately twenty-five corpsmen, an
ensign (HC), and chief pharmacist's mate. Both Naval hospital and Naval
dispensary duty are pleasant, but my personal desire is to be on the fighting
front. I want to be actually of assistance to our boys out there where they
need it most and I hope to have duty on one of our grand, big, beautiful
hospital ships before the war is over.[246]
Despite not hitting it off with her El Centro roommate,
Hazel was doing well. By September 1943 she had been in the Navy nine months
and had traveled to the Southwest, a part of the country that she immediately
liked for its beauty. She was making good money. And the
thing that most interested her was about to begin. She wanted to marry and
become a mother and housewife. If she also had ambitions to work on a hospital ship or in a combat zone, such as nurse
O'Toole above, this took second place.
Ed
and Hazel met through John J. Donlon (1914-1973). While in the desert at El Centro in April 1943, Ed
had roomed in the BOQ with Lieutenant Donlon, who was a Navy doctor. John
worked at the base dispensary.[247] On Sunday July 18, 1943, the squadron
had transferred to Holtville for night flight training. That evening Ed went to
El Centro from Holtville and had dinner. He went with fellow TBF pilot and squadron mate
Dan Miller and his wife, Dottie. They were Catholics from Denver. They had
set Ed up with a date, Elizabeth Nesbitt.[248] The Millers had a Chevrolet that held
only three people. So Elizabeth sat on Ed's knees driving over to El Centro.
When he stepped out of the car, he fell flat on his face. His legs had gone
numb with her sitting on them. Ed had already been feeling under the weather.
He had contracted a cold from having fallen into the San Diego harbor several
evenings earlier when he and Smiley Morgan were coming back from a party.
At
the dinner was John Donlon, whose date was Ensign Hazel Hogan.[249] She worked at the dispensary with him.
The dinner was at the house of the brother of Charlie and Sonja Jennings. Both Charlie and Sonja worked as civil
servants at the Marine airbase. They were local El Centro residents. Hazel did
the cooking. Two weeks later Ed went out on his first date with her on Saturday July 31. At first
he did not have the feeling that he could not live without Hazel, but it did
not take long for him to reach that conclusion. One year to the day after
meeting her, he described their first meeting:
We went to Holtville
the Sunday following the 12 of July, which was the 18th. I had a terrific cold
as a result of the party in Dago when I fell into the drink with my blues on. I
had a date with Nisbitt & you were with John D definitely. I remember you
fixed a good chow out at Charlie Jenkins [Jennings] brother's house & then
you all took me back to Holtville. I guess it must have been about two weeks
later on Saturday evening before I had a date with you - those were certainly
fine days.[250]
Courtship: 1943. In the six weeks following their
meeting on July 18, Ed and Hazel became better acquainted. While at Holtville
in late July and early August, Ed sometimes had every fourth day off. He would
go over to El Centro and spend it with Hazel. They also wrote each other,
talked on the phone, went flying in the TBF to San Diego and were soon
discussing marriage.[251] Hazel kept at least some of Ed's letters
and when he went to sea, she bought a big leather scrap book and pasted them
in, along with all the letters he sent while at sea.[252]
In one of the early
letters Ed sent Hazel some poetry, which he said, expressed his situation.
At a later date he said he had borrowed, not written it:
Because hate is
legislated .
. . written into the primer and the testament,
shot
into our blood and brain like vaccine or vitamins
Because
our day is of time, of hours - and the clock-hand turns, closes the circle upon
us: and black timeless night sucks us in like quicksand, receives up
totally-without a rain check or a parachute, a key to heaven or the last long
look
I
need love more than ever now. . . I need your love.
I
need love more than hope or money, wisdom or a drink
Because
slow negative death withers the world
and
only yes can turn the tide
Because
love has your face and body . . . and your hands are
tender and your mouth is sweet -
and
God, has made no other eyes like yours.[253]
While they were courting, Hazel told Ed at one point that what he needed was some responsibility. He reminded her of this conversation
several months later when he was writing to her from sea on Thanksgiving Day,
November 25, 1943. This was after they had married. She was pregnant and Ed was explaining that for his Thanksgiving he was thankful
for his responsibilities:
You once told me
that what I needed was some responsibility - darling I guess I've gotten and am
in the process of getting plenty. They are all very welcome responsibilities. I
wouldn't take anything for them. I have your picture and snapshot on my desk
and every time I see them I wish more and more that we could be together.[254]
There were several problems about getting married that Ed
and Hazel dealt with in their courtship. One was whether to tie the knot before
he went to sea or not. There were pros and cons. One of the cons expressed by
Ed was that, because he was soon going to sea, she would only find out whom she
married after he came back. She might not like what she found. He remarked in late August 1943:
I can see only one
reason why we shouldn't get married now and that is our intense desire to make
a lasting proposition. To me the other reasons are purely immaterial and
inconsequential. But I do realize the huge possibility that we'd be together a
few weeks and then I'd be gone for quite a few months and come back and y'wd
find yourself married to a fellow yre hardly know and don't care for and there
we'd be right where we don't want to be. So I suppose we'll have to wait - oh,
I don't know my mind is in its usual turmoil and I don't know what to do. . . .
I guess my mind is in its perpetual quandary asking why? And then finding the answers refuses to compromise. I'm convinced that if an individual
understands himself he understands the world.[255]
Ed phoned his dad several days after writing the above
letter and told him of his marriage plans. Ed Sr. was happy at the news and told his son to be sure to let him
know the date of the ceremony, whether sooner or later, because he wanted to
come. Ed Jr. wrote to Hazel on Wednesday, August 25, the day after talking to
his dad:
I finally got my dad last night on
the phone and asked how he'd like a daughter-in-law. He responded just as I
thought he would - tickled to death. He thinks its wonderful. Of course he
wanted to know all about you and of course I didn't have to overrate you - in
fact that would be impossible - for him to know that you're strictly 4.0. So
he's very happy about the whole thing - isn't that wonderful! It was about
midnight when I was finally able to get through so I got to talk to the whole
family - and all were very happy about the setup. Dad wanted to know how soon we
were going to get married and I told him that if things shaped up all right
we'd get married before I go to sea otherwise when I come back. He said to let
him know before we did and he'd come out and I'm very happy about that because
I'd very much like for him to be here if possible.
I have Saturday off this week and if
I can possibly make it I'll be over Friday evening. However, the fighters and
dive bombers are going to sea this weekend for a few days to work off the
carrier and the torpedo bombers may go - so if they do I won't be able to get
over. But if its at all possible I'll see you sometime this weekend. If I'm not
in El Centro by 1700 (5:00 p.m.) Friday - don't figure on me coming. But its
seems like ages since I saw you three days ago so I'll do my best to get over.
I'm going to have my last wisdom
tooth jerked in the morning so reckon I'd better be hitting the sack for
now. So for tonight good night dearest with all my love
Ed[256]
A
second problem about marrying, besides the issue of how well they knew each
other, was their age difference. Hazel was six years older than Ed. This was more a concern to her than
to him. Ed wrote on August 22, 1943:
Incidentally the
problem isn't whether you are too old for me but whether I'm too young for you
- because I don't think you're too old for me. Perhaps we can figure out
something next weekend.[257]
The "next weekend" to which Ed referred to
above was a date at El Centro on Friday evening August 27. It was on that evening
that they resolved their doubts or decided, despite their doubts, to go forward
with the marriage before Ed went to sea. The marriage ceremony was set for the
following Friday. Ed later wrote to Hazel from the South Pacific on January 29,
1944 about the night they decided to marry and about his getting drunk, which he recorded as a Saturday:
Flew over to another carrier
yesterday & stayed there last night. Had a very enjoyable time seeing a lot
of my old friends. Remember the fellows we met in El Centro the Saturday
evening we decided to get married & I got polluted. You probably don't remember all of them but you remember we walked
down to that hotel that's a block south of the main drag with George Stouffer
& his wife & John Murray & his wife. Well I saw both of them. Murry
is married to this American gal from NY. The large girl. He's shipping over to
regular Navy. They are going to have a baby in April. Stouffer & his wife were
out to Chula to see us when we were in last time but couldn't find us. There're
a nice couple. His dad is a prof. at Harvard. Anyway we had a very enjoyable
bull session reminiscing cadet days & BOQ days.
There is a chaplain aboard the ship
so I went to Confession, mass & communion this morning &
was glad to have the opportunity of doing so.[258]
On the day after their decision to marry, August 28, Ed
wrote to Hazel about the things on his mind, including how happy he was, about predestination, about how dark it can be flying at
night, and about going to the Coconut Grove, from which the band leader and
clarinet-player, Woody Herman, used to broadcast his shows:
Saturday
2100 [9:00 p.m.]
My dearest -
Darling, you don't know how happy
you made me last night. I was just a little afraid that my shipping out so soon
wouldn't set too well with you and you might not want to go with it. But youve
just convinced me more that you won't let me down and dearest it makes me oh so
very happy. Every time I see you or even look at your picture I think my blood
pressure goes up about twenty points -
you definitely do things to me dear. Just to think that next Saturday
one week from today we'll be "Mr. & Mrs." Oh darling doesn't that
sound wonderful. I just keep pinching myself & saying "Terrar old boy,
no, this can't be happening to you, you're lucky but not this lucky." Honestly dear I just don't see how two
people could be so much alike - well it just doesn't seem possible. It will
never cease to amaze me. Amazing as it is, it just seems so natural for us to be
together. Chronologically I've known you only seven or eight weeks yet it seems
like I've known you for years. This I do know, youre what Ive been looking for,
for years - I never thought I'd find you darling but I have and that's why I'd
marry you if I had only three days before going to sea. I don't know but it
just seems natural that I should have you to come back too - it's things like
this that make me believe in predestination.
Everything went alright coming back
last night. I got back about 2115 [9:15 p.m.]. It was one of the blackest nights I've ever seen though, positively no horizon. I didn't go
to Frisco today - Creepy decided to wait and go tomorrow. So we're going early in the
morning. I didn't do anything but a little work at the squadron this morning.
This afternoon I took P.D. [Thompson] up to Taft [California in the Imperial
Valley, in the plane] to see his uncle and came back by myself - got back about
1800 [6:00 p.m.]. Tomorrow evening I'm having dinner with the Eckhardt's from
home.
Tonight dearest I have you in my
arms mentally but if you're not going to be too busy next Sat. night I'll take
you to the Coconut Grove and Woody Herman -
oh darling I just want to be with you, hold your hand, look into your face,
kiss you. Darling I love you so much it hurts to be away from you when we're
only 130 miles apart - so make Friday night hurry up and get here so we can be
joined for ever. So for tonight good night my sweet with all my love and kisses.
Ed[259]
Marriage:
September 3, 1943. On Sunday, August 29, several days
after their decision to marry before going to sea, Ed wrote Hazel about
finalizing the plans, including reserving a room at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles and wedding rings:
I sent a telegram for a reservation
at the Ambassador. . . Here's the way I have things figured out for Thursday.
You let me know what time you'll get in. Have Bartlett bring you to North
Island at CASU [carrier air service unit] 5 hanger - that's where we went when
I brought you over. You let me know what time you'll be here and I'll meet you.
You bring what gripes you can and have Donlon bring the rest or if he's
knocking off all day Friday and wants to, he can bring you over Thursday
evening. Thursday evening we'll have dinner with Mother and Mildred and run by to see the Priest for a few moments. Friday we'll get
up bright and early and first go down and get the ring, then go over after the
marriage license - don't forget those blood certificates - and you should be
able to rest awhile Friday afternoon. Then we can have an early dinner or else
eat on the train. I think we'll have time for everything. I think I'll be able
to get over Wed. afternoon for awhile.
So that's about the ways look from
here and are of course subject to your approval. Guess I better log a little
sack time. For tonight darling good night. With lots of love and kisses
Ed[260]
Having decided to marry sooner rather than later, one of
the preparations to which Hazel attended was notifying her mother and obtaining
a certificate of baptism from pastor William C. Stackhome in Dalzell. She obtained the certificate quickly. It was sent on
Tuesday August 31, only a few days after the decision to marry. The certificate
stated she was baptized and an "accepted member of Providence Methodist
Church."[261] The certificate was obtained because the
Catholic priest who presided at Ed and Hazel's marriage ceremony required it.
Ed
likewise notified his folks. He also borrowed about $119 from them to help pay for the wedding. In his first
letter to Hazel after going to sea in October 1943, he told her to pay the
money back to them at about $25 or $50 at a time. Ed was sending his money to
Hazel and letting her do the banking.[262] At sea he made $101 about every two weeks, which was more than he expected.
Ed's
dad was not able to come to California for the wedding but his mother, Margaret
Maye Terrar, and his youngest sister, Mildred, came on short notice. They took the
train from Kansas. Mildred was the bridesmaid. They stayed at the Grant Hotel in San Diego and bought dresses for the wedding when they
arrived in town. On Thursday, the night before the wedding, Ed and Hazel went
down to the hotel to visit his mother and sister. John Donlon drove them. The group went to dinner at Topps or Mays. They used
to eat in both places. They also went to Balboa Park that night. Sometime before the wedding Ed and his mother went
off. Hazel and Mildred were left alone to become acquainted with each other a
bit.
Ed
and his 51-year-old mother sometimes did not see eye-to-eye on things. Maye had
strong views, which were not always sound in Ed's opinion. As noted, she had
told him he would not make it as a Naval aviator. She also did not help him with his ambition for college
education and medical studies. Maye wrote Ed soon after he went to sea in
October 1943 that she could not figure out why Hazel did not write to her. Ed remarked to Hazel that that was "one of the many
things she can't figure out."[263]
A
difference between Ed Jr. and Maye soon came up about marriage and economics, although she did not raise it until
several months after the marriage. Maye felt a young couple needed $8,000 to
start: $5,000 for a home, $1,200 for a car and $1,800 for furniture. Ed thought
this was "outlandish." He wrote to Hazel about this in May 1944 when
he was in Hawaii:
#2-10
May
20, 1944
My
dearest -
Here it is late. I worked again
tonight. I'm getting some wonderful administrative experience here - really thankful for it. But it makes me awfully
tired when I get to this period of the day - which I don't like because my
letters are poor enough when I feel good - so when I'm tired that makes it
lousy.
I had written the folks about
looking around seeing what there was around there in the way of purchasable
land -
i.e. cost, location etc. In Mother's yesterday she reports her latest
thought. She of course always has some such preposterous idea - she's very glad
that we're saving money - but she's decided that for a young couple to get
started $8000.00 in cash is required which strikes me as about the most
outlandish thing I ever heard of. Any way she has it allotted as follows -
5000.00 for a house - 1200 for a car & 1800.00 for furniture. I have
positively no idea where she ever got this idea - she & dad certainly
didn't have that when they got married. But of course she doesn't know much
about money because money is not wealth by any means. And the changing value of the dollar makes such a
statement as her a fallacy - because where 8000.00 would buy a certain amount
of goods in 1932 it would probably take at least 20000.00 now so that disproves
her theory. She amuses me at times. But doesn't annoy me. Think I'll write & ask her if she wants to give me 8000.00 to get started on.
If every couple waited till they had 8000.00 to get married I fear few people
would be married - don't you agree?
Guess I'm in a foul mood so I'll quit for now - perhaps I can do better tomorrow after a
day in town - I love you very much.
Ed[264]
Despite her differences on
some significant issues, Maye was positive about Ed's choice of Hazel as a wife.
The Ceremony. The day following Maye's introduction to Hazel was Friday, September 3,
1943, the big day. On that morning Ed and Hazel bought wedding rings and
obtained a marriage certificate. Ed's room and squadron mate, Howard Tuttle, was the best man. He had driven Ed over
to the Grant Hotel to pick up Maye and Mildred Terrar. Howard brought Ed's Navy
dress blues in which he was going to be married. With the blues one wore
a white shirt with a collar that was separate and attached by buttons. At the
hotel as he changed from his work uniform to his dress uniform, Ed realized
that Howard had forgotten to bring the collar buttons. So Ed went to the nearby
Jessups Jewelry store at 5th and Broadway and purchased buttons.
Then
at 4:00 p.m. in the Sacred Heart Catholic Church at 655 C Avenue in Coronado (San Diego), Rev. John
J. Purcell performed the ceremony. Hazel, Ed and most of the guests wore
their blue Navy uniforms. Those from Ed's air group who attended, besides
Howard Tuttle, were Dan Miller, Buddy Beal, Sam Forrer, P.D. Thompson, Charlie Carpenter and his wife Dottie, Al Lindgren and his wife, Annie and Ed
Simpson, along with Steve Johnson who was a squadron supply officer. Ed had wanted his Coffeyville
buddy and life-long pal, Don Mitchell, to be the best man. But he could not
swing it.[265]
There was no mass said at
the wedding, as Hazel was not then a Catholic. Hazel had no relatives present for the
ceremony. However, her mother was proud that her daughter's marriage. She had a formal
announcement printed up which she sent to her friends. It stated:
Mrs. Anne Hogan
announces the marriage of her daughter, Hazel to Edward Francis Terrar, Jr., Lieutenant
junior grade, U. S. Navy, Friday, 3rd Sept., Coronado, California.[266]
Following
the ceremony there was a small reception at the Hotel Del Coronado. Ed recollected that five of them went
there for a drink.[267] These were Ed and Hazel, John Donlon,
and two Marine aviators. One of the Marines was from Tennessee or Kentucky. The
other had gone to Wake Forest. Sam Forrer, a fighter pilot in Ed's squadron may
also have gone.
Then
John Donlon drove Ed and Hazel to Los Angeles along with the two Marine
aviators. They stopped and had dinner about 9:00 p.m. at Oceanside or Carlsbad.
It was a small place off the road. By the time they could see the restaurant,
it turned out to sell only chicken. Ed did not like chicken and was not
hungry anyway. So he did not eat. They stayed in Los Angeles at the Ambassador Hotel on Wilshire Boulevard for a three-day honeymoon. That is, until Monday, as it was Labor
Day weekend. When in Los Angeles they bought a pretty brown hat for Hazel. On
Sunday they went to mass at a church that was not far from the hotel. Hazel wanted to go to
mass. They came back to San Diego on the train.[268] As wedding presents Howard Tuttle gave
the couple six crystal goblets with silver bases. It was an expensive gift,
which they always kept and never used.
On
Sunday, August 29, half of the TBF pilots and crews had gone on a four-day leave.
The other half, which included Ed, obtained leave on Saturday, September 4, when the first group returned. The
scouts had to stay and fly. Charlie Dickey's log for Sunday, September 5, 1943
commented on the Terrars' marriage:
Otay Mesa. Ensign Terrar has been removed from the operators' list. He
has gone one step too far. He was married yesterday to a nurse in Coronado and
moved at once to the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles to spend his honeymoon and
leave. The boys are laying wagers he won't leave the hotel for four days.
Everyone wishes the happy couple the best.[269]
Being married made Hazel ineligible for the Navy Nurse
Corps. Either that, or she no longer wanted to be in the Navy Nurse Corps. She
submitted her resignation to the surgeon general of the Navy on September 23.[270] In effect, however, she had quit working
as soon as she married. She had obtained what she wanted from her short
military career. According to the physical on September 23, which she was required
to take at the time of her discharge, she weighed 135 pounds and stood 64
inches tall. John Donlon did the physical.[271]
After returning from their
honeymoon, Ed and Hazel lived from September 5 to October 14, in a guest house
at 669 Del Mar Street in Chula Vista, California. Rex Hanson, the squadron's air combat intelligence
officer had rented the house before the Terrars obtained it. Rex was a Mormon from Salt Lake City. Ed later described the house:
Housing was scarcely
available during the war years, thus they rented out the guest house -
comprising a small kitchen with an eating table, a bedroom and a bath - very
comfortable and pleasant for newly weds. And the Kelloggs were grand people -
like parents to us.[272]
The guesthouse was behind the one-story fieldstone and
redwood house of Dr. Carl Kellogg, MD, and his wife Tommie, a native of Montana.[273] Besides the house and guest cottage, there was also a small servants house,
a garage, and a studio where Carl did painting and kept his tools. When
visiting the house, one drove from the front to the back of it along a driveway
that circled the house. In the back was a large uncovered porch made of
fieldstone along with a table that had an umbrella awning over it, and chairs.
On the porch were a number of large curved stones which Indians had used for
grinding corn. In the yard were several ponds with fish and frogs in them.
There were also flowers, eucalyptus, fig and fruit trees, a vegetable garden,
and ivy that covered the guest cottage.
During the month the newly
weds had together before Ed went to sea, they played golf a
number of times in Chula Vista at the San Diego Country Club. As noted, Hazel had played at Michigan
and was not a bad player. Ed had played in Coffeyville. They also went to the
movies at Keith's in National City, where they sometimes saw double
features.[274] She liked the movies. He liked being
with Hazel.[275] They had meals together. She was a big one for trying to have him to eat more
than he wanted, a trait that did not diminish over the years.[276] He liked her cooking and being at home
with her. He later commented when he was at sea, "I would so like to have
one of your meals dear & then sit at home & talk or even I'd very much
enjoy going to an occasional movie with you."[277] In another letter a few months later, he
commented:
I had barbeque steak smothered in onion - remembered one of the times you fixed them
when we were living at the Kelloggs, also mashed potatoes, gravy & cherry
pie.[278]
Sometimes
they would walk down to 3rd Avenue in Chula Vista and take the bus up to National City to have dinner. After dinner they would
reverse the process. Ed remarked that it was delightful to stroll in the moonlight coming home with Hazel.[279] One of the more fancy places at which
they ate was the Marineroom Club in La Jolla. They went there one evening with
squadron mate Sam Dalzell and his wife Peggy. The restaurant was set on an ocean bluff so
that the breakers would wash up against the windows. After eating, Ed and Hazel
walked along the beach together with a full moon. It was a nice night and Ed
was still enjoying the memory of it when he later wrote Hazel about it from
sea.[280]
The
Terrars made the best of things and had some wonderful times. However, the harsher
aspects of the war would soon become apparent to them with twenty percent of
the squadron being killed: Lloyd W. Bundy from Canton, Ohio, George T. Howe from Santa Monica, California, Edgar T. Newman from Berkeley, California, Ephraim O. Rochester from Stanford, Kentucky, Douglas K. Singletary from Palestine, Texas, Jesse O. Kennedy from Reidsville, Georgia, Ernest W. Case from Patchogue, New York, Harold Thornburg from Los Angeles, California, Manuel Gonzales from Albuquerque, Don Allison from New York and James Gladney from Columbia, Tennessee.
Even
before the Pearl Harbor bombing on December 7, 1941 and Japan's establishment of a two thousand mile
defensive arc in the North, Central and South Pacific, the United States. had begun the process of training and
equipping a responsive force. By the fall of 1943 with millions in uniform,
including Ed and Hazel, the United States was ready to take the offensive.
The Chenango. In mid-September 1943 Ed's air group
was told they would be assigned to the aircraft carrier U.S.S. Chenango (CVE 28).
The ship and the three other Sangamon class CVEs were part of Carrier Division (CarDiv) 22. In turn CarDiv 22 was a subpart of an operational
task force that included on average, 16 destroyers, two cruisers and
sometimes a battleship. When the Chenango
went anywhere, it went as part of its task force. During most of Ed's cruise
aboard the Chenango, Captain Dixwell
"Dixie" Ketcham was the skipper.[281] Above Ketcham was Admiral Raymond
Spruance (1886-1969), who headed the Fifth Fleet and the Central Pacific operations and on top of him were Admirals
Chester Nimitz, the Central Pacific commander and
Ernest "Ernie" King, the chief of naval operations for the
Pacific.
Like
the war, the Chenango's origin, as Ed
and his air group learned, was tied to commerce. She had been built as a joint venture
of the Navy and Standard Oil Company of New Jersey. She was originally called the Esso New Orleans and was designed to go to war as a Navy Fleet
Oiler (AO 31) whenever needed. She was operated by Standard Oil until
April 1941 when the Navy took her and her crew over and operated her as an
oiler.[282] She could carry three million gallons of
oil. A year after becoming a Navy ship, the Chenango
was converted between March and September, 1942 to an escort aircraft carrier
(CVE) at Mariner's Harbor, Staten Island, New York, the second of four Sangamon
class ships.[283] Escort carriers were also called jeep (general purpose) carriers or baby flat
tops. Some of the crew felt "CVE" stood for "Combustible, Vulnerable and Expendable."[284]
The
Chenango was like a small city. Its flight deck was 533 feet in length, 85
feet in width and 42 feet in height. The bridge was 59 feet and the mast 108
feet. It had two five-inch/38 caliber guns, sixteen 40mm and eighteen 20mm guns. It had medical (sick bay) and dental
offices, a cafeteria, dormitories, flight clothes locker room, a sheet metal
shop, a carpenter shop, pipe shop, photo lab, laundry, tailor and cobbler shop,
post office, bank, barbershop, a pilots sunbathing club on the fo'castle, and a
radio and radar room. There was a newspaper called the Chenanigan, which came out on the first and third
Saturday of each month. Published by volunteers, it carried news of the United
States and of the war in Europe and Asia. The crew was as up-to-date and
sometimes more so, than those back home.
Escort
carriers such as the Chenango had
initially appeared in response to the German U-boat peril in the Atlantic. German submarines and aircraft were
taking a devastating toll on convoy shipping. The heaviest losses occurred far
at sea where land-based aircraft could not operate. The Royal Navy had
experimented with catapult-launched fighter planes from merchantmen; while this
was somewhat successful in combating the U-boats, the number of planes that
could be embarked was limited. Something else was needed. British commercial interests appealed to the United States for help.
President
Roosevelt asked the Navy to build a vessel that could be put to sea quickly
for convoy escort and antisubmarine operations. No specifications had been
developed for escort carriers, although the Navy had looked into converting
merchant ships for this purpose before the war began. Thus, the initial
solution was to build the early CVE's on merchant ship hulls. The first CVE was
the Long Island, converted from a
Maritime Commission freighter.
Due
to a shortage of merchant ship hulls, four escort carriers were built on
Cimarron-class fleet oiler hulls. These four, the Sangamon, Suwannee, Chenango
and Santee, were so successful in anti-submarine
work and in covering amphibious operations that, after participating in the
landings in North Africa, they were deployed to the Pacific.[285] There, the fleet was in desperate need
of carriers. These early converted ships paved the way for a large building
program of jeeps. These were the mass-produced Kaiser-class, or Casablanca-class, escort carriers. Between June
1941 and April 1945, 78 escort carriers were built and launched. About half the
size of the fast carriers, many CVEs placed a 470-foot flight deck atop a
merchant vessel hull only a half-inch thick.
On
any given day a CVE pilot might fly Combat Air Patrol, bring water to thirsty Army
troops, hunt submarines, bomb bridges, perform reconnaissance, make tactical
air strikes in support of ground forces ashore or the ship itself, be used in
an auxiliary role to ferry replacement aircraft to the larger fleet carriers.
CVE's were not made for close combat, but many of them did end up in such
fighting. A Japanese battleship or cruiser shell could go through a CVE hull
like a bullet shot through a paper bag. An escort sailor complained:
They build a flight
deck on a tanker hull,
Jam almost thirteen hundred men on
board;
They
load it up with aviation gas,
With bombs, torpedoes, ammunition,
fuel,
And
then, in case the poor guys have to fight,
What have they got? One stinkin'
five-inch gun.[286]
The Chenango had two five-inch guns, but they were small compared to the
18-inch guns on Japanese battleships that could shoot a 3,500-pound shell the
size of an automobile fifteen miles. Even full-sized carriers were not designed
to slug it out in ship-to-ship battles. They operated as part of a task
group that included heavily armed vessels such as battleships, whose mission it
was to protect the carriers.
In
its first voyage as a carrier in October and November 1942 as part of Task
Force 34, the Chenango transported 78
Army P-40 fighter planes to Morocco in North Africa for the invasion there against the French. The ship left Hampton Roads, Virginia on October 24. Fay Hodge, who was in the ship's company,
remembered that they had a little dove (bird) that made its home among the
P-40s. When they were a few days from North Africa, the bird disappeared. Fay
commented, "I had a good feeling. I had fed the bird. I think he got water from the rainfall.
I remembered the dove story in the Bible."[287] Boatswain's Mate Second Class Ed Ries, who served as a coxswain aboard the Chenango, gave a first-hand account of
the trip:
It was wartime watchstanding all the way, sleeping in our clothes with our life
belts handy and stumbling about in a darkened ship. Frequent general drills and
morning and evening General Quarters became routine. I was gun captain of the
port 1.1" mount on the stern. Several times we refueled destroyers and at
that time the technique had not yet reached the peak of efficiency it later
gained.[288]
The North African attack was part of Operation Torch of November 8, under General Doolittle. The invasion contained the largest
fleet of ships ever assembled up to that point.[289] The French naval forces were quickly
defeated by the United States forces, which were led by the battleship South Dakota and by aircraft from the Chenango's sister ships, Suwannee and Sangamon. On November 10, the Army pilots aboard
the Chenango flew their P-40s to the
newly liberated Port Lyautey Airfield.[290] Several days later the Chenango anchored in Casablanca Harbor
alongside HMS Venomous, which, in the estimation of Ed Ries, was kept in filthy condition except for
its guns.[291] On November 17 the Chenango headed home.
After
the North Africa trip, the Chenango's
first resident air group came aboard. This was Air Group Twenty-Eight. At the same time the air group boarded, the ship's
oil-based paint on the interior surfaces was removed because it was a fire
hazard. The bare metal was then covered with a light coat of zinc chromate and a thin coat of chalky fire-retardant paint.
The
next assignment for the Chenango was
the South Pacific. Prior to their departure from Norfolk in December 1942, the crew was given a three-day pass. The
surrounding area was inhospitable and exploitive, but that did not prevent about 150 of
the personnel from adding an additional three days to their leave.[292] They were not inclined toward blind
obedience, no matter how harsh the Navy treated
them. They were charged with being absent without leave (AWOL), but that was eventually dropped. The
government needed them much more than they needed the government. The Chenango transited the Panama Canal on Christmas Day and proceeded in the company of the
cruisers Columbia, Cleveland and Montpelier.[293]
Between
January and October 1943, the Chenango along with sister ships Suwannee and Sangamon provided cover for the convoys pouring soldiers and supplies into
Guadalcanal. One crewmember remembered:
We sortied
periodically to provide air cover for convoys reinforcing Guadalcanal. We also
took our turn at loitering 80 or 90 miles southwest of Guadalcanal for ten or
twelve days while our planes fought off Japanese bombers raiding the island.[294]
Among the members of
Fighter Squadron Twenty-Eight was Otis "Ted" Eddy MuCutcheon (1919-2002).[295] He first came aboard the Chenango in October 1942 and flew F4F Wildcat fighters in combat air patrols during the North African invasion. Later while stationed at Guadalcanal, he carried
out combat and air patrols from both land and carrier.
During
its support of the Guadalcanal invasion, the Chenango was frequently in port at Efate in the New Hebrides. For a number
of the sailors, this was an opportunity to secretly brew alcoholic beverages.[296] Others went fishing for triggerfish, squirrelfish, jacks, grunts and groupers.[297] A Chenango
angler summarized how he was able at least briefly to make the war serve his
sporting interest:
I tied a piece of
cord with fishhook attached to the boat hook. Baiting with a bit of bacon or
other garbage, I tossed in from the stern of the boat. Swarms of small tropical
reef fish, attracted by the garbage in the water, were eager to bite. I took a
number of different species. . . I put them in a bucket of water and hauled
them back to the ship for "show-and-tell" before releasing them. As a
dedicated, lifelong fisherman, those few minutes of angling each morning were
enjoyed out of all proportion to the results.[298]
Those with a curiosity about the native culture also made the best of their military experience. For example, each
morning some of the Chenango crew
would load a 40-foot motor launch (LCVP) from the boat pool with their garbage
and trashcans and go to a nearby Melanesian village. Several nearly naked natives would haul the cans ashore
and then sort through them for tin cans, scraps of clothing, bits of line and
other usable items. The cans would then be scoured with sand and water, and
reloaded in the boat.[299] The Melanesians knew no English, but
their sign language enabled both sides to understand each other. Some natives
made the war a profitable experience.
For
most of Air Group Twenty-Eight's three hundred members, being aboard a ship was
a new experience. But the sailors who made the ship work were veterans, some
having been with her since her launching in April 1939. There were about 1,000
members of the ship's company.[300] Typical of these were Art Michielssen, Frank Malinasky, Ed Knorring, Manfred Sampson and Dee Marlin. Michielssen's job was arresting gear and later
flight deck officer. He made sure the planes, as they landed, ended up the deck
and not in the ocean. This was done with spring-mounted cables stretched across
the landing path and three barriers that came up. These had to be greased and
maintained so that the wires did not fray.[301] Dee Marlin worked in the ordinance division. Among his touchy assignments was
loading bombs and ammunition aboard the aircraft and the even touchier job of
unloading bombs that were stuck in the bombay. He made it through the war and
in retirement lived in Fresno, California.
The
landing signal officer (LSO), Frank Malinasky was another of the ship's company
that was important in the life of the air group. Frank was an experienced aviator and knew the tricks to
bringing errant aviators down. This was especially needed after a squadron had
been ashore for rest or repairs. They would become rusty in their landing
skills and receive repeated waive offs. At such times, Frank threatened to take
his shotgun and shoot them down. Much of his time before and after flights was spent in
the ready-room discussing aeronautical strategy.[302]
Almost
as important as the LSO, as far as Ed was concerned, was TM 2nd class Manfred
Sampson, the mail handler. He kept the Terrars talking to each other. As a
senior citizen, he lived in Emmett, Idaho. Another of the ship's company that
helped the air group make it through the war was Ed Knorring. He worked on the
hanger deck as a plane maintenance officer.
Ed Gets Underway. After the Chenango returned from its
support of the Guadalcanal invasion, Air Group Twenty-Eight left the ship and Air Group Thirty-Five
prepared to board. While there were only rumors about the Chenango's destination, one thing that was for sure in late
September 1943 was that Air Group Thirty-Five had little time left in the
states. Some in the squadron made cross-country hops to Las Vegas, Tucson,
Phoenix, Yuma, Albuquerque, and other points where there was supposed to be a
good supply of scotch and bourbon. Smiley Morgan and ensigns Sims, Dick and Carpenter went to Seattle to
ferry four TBFs. The torpedo bomber, fighter and scout pilots who did not leave
the San Diego area were going to the "O" club or ashore and eating steaks at the Lamaze restaurant every night. As Charlie Dickey put it:
With so little time
left they are trying to do a lot of living in a few days. And a damn good job
they're doing. You can always meet the bachelor officers at the Little Club or
the Passion Pit. As for the married officers, there is little to say. They lead
quiet, normal lives. Most of them haven't been married long enough to know
better.[303]
Several days before
beginning to board the carrier, Lieutenants (jgs) Divine, Morgan and some others were promoted to
full lieutenants. Charlie Dickey commented at the time, "Heil Hitler. We ought to get plenty
of free drinks tonight."[304]
Air
Group Thirty-Five started moving
aboard the Chenango on October 11. Ed
went aboard on October 14, but was spending his free time ashore with Hazel
until they sailed four days later along with the twenty other ships in their
task force.[305] One of the Terrars' projects as time
grew short was working out a code so that in the daily letters they wrote,
Hazel could keep informed of Ed's where abouts and activities, despite military
censorship.[306] They did this by investing in two
identical three-foot square National Geographic maps of the Pacific Ocean. On these they drew lines
dividing them into one-inch squares. Each square was numbered the same on both
maps. Ed took one map and Hazel the other. When he wrote, "I owe $352.00
for gambling now," or any other reference to money, it meant he was in the
area numbered 352. If he actually meant money, he would add, "this is no joke."
They also had a code telling if he was in combat and how the combat had gone in
general and with him in particular. So that in spite of the censorship, Hazel
knew of Ed's progress throughout his time at sea. In addition when he wanted to
discuss something personal, such as when he told her how he had figured out her
pregnancy date, he had a way of having his letters stamped with the censor's
mark "passed by Naval censor" without any censor actually reading it.[307] Historian Brooke Hindle called such
violations of government censorship "illegal."[308] But many of the rank-and-file, having
put their lives on the line, were not inclined toward blind obedience.
Bob
Exum, who served as a seaman first class in O
Division, remembered the Chenango
when underway:
I'm walking down the flight deck
toward the forward end of this massive ship. Looking up at the bridge. . . I
feel ocean breezes with its spray upon my face as the ship heads into the windy
sea. Darkened clouds above and the misty fog drenching my face remind me of my
isolation. Pulling my faded green foul weather jacked collar up around my neck,
I adjust my cap tighter over my head and chilled ears.
I turn and walk aft on the flight
deck, looking down onto the port side catwalk. I see my 20 M.M. guns covered up, protecting them from the sea's vapors. Heading toward
the ladder down the catwalk, I see my clipping room, where the magazines and
ammo store my guns. Walking through the hatch heading down into the parachute loft.
. .
I enter a narrow passageway, then
climb the ladder leading down into the ship. Instantly, I recognize my living
compartment, with my bunk just as I left it years ago. Reaching out, I touch
the cold steel of what I once knew as my locker. Faded music comes from a radio
nearby. The song I
hear gives increased validity to this surreal experience. "Don't sit under the apple tree with anyone
else but me. . ." My thoughts drift to the sounds of laughter,
recalling the kinships I
once shared with brothers-of-the-sea. The music ends, and the voice of Tokyo
Rose comes on. Memories. They were real. Times, events and people my mind won't
forget. The haunting recalls of the past, demanding continuous replays.[309]
Bob Exum's memory of the Chenango contrasts with one of Ed's first impressions, which was
not nostalgic. On October 19, the day after sailing out of San Diego, Ed wrote
back to Hazel about his first day at sea:
Tues.
19 Oct. 43
2330
[11:30 p.m.]
My
dearest,
I have about thirty minutes left on
a security watch so will write you a short note. By this time you're no doubt
aware of the fact that we're underway and that we're going to be apart for the next few months. However,
I don't think that it'll be too many months.
Today has been a very quiet day. I
woke up about 0800 [8:00 a.m.] this morning just as we were getting out of
sight of land so I rushed out and took a last glimpse - how I wish it would
have been my first glimpse on a return trip. I didn't have breakfast - having slept too long. We had a
short lecture this morning and that was about all. This afternoon I worked on a
little mathematics and slept a couple of hours.
The chow shows no improvement - especially at lunchtime. We had the usual
soup of vegetable variety today. Dinner was fairly good this evening - roast
beef, creamed peas, corn on the cob and apple pie.
The seas have been pretty rough
today and several of the boys have been hanging over the rail. Creepy hasn't been out of his sack all day. The Marines aboard presented
a rather humorous group as they hung over the side -
[some?] of them with the dry heaves. So far I'm feeling fine.
I got aboard the ship at about 2320
[11:20 p.m.] last evening. Went away and forgot that pecan roll - guess it won't add too much weight to your already
beautiful anatomy though.
Guess I'll go get a cup of coffee
and call my relief so for tonight my darling[.] All my Love and Kisses[.]
Ed[310]
Ed shared a cabin in the bow (front) of the ship with
three or four other pilots, including Howard Tuttle and Sam Dalzell. The cabin had no portals to look out of
and it was a long way from the wardroom where he ate and from the ready room where he spent much of his free time reading and playing card games. Squadron-mate Sam Forrer had been aboard the Wasp on September 15, 1942, when it was sunk by a torpedo. Soon after
leaving San Diego, he and Ed were sitting in the wardroom. Suddenly gunnery
practice with the five-inch guns aboard ship started. Sam dived
under a seat, as he knew what it meant to be attacked at sea. He did not realize it was practice. The five-inch guns
were powerful. They could deliver a 54-pound explosive projectile to a range of
nine miles.
Another
incident soon after leaving San Diego involved squadron-mate Charlie Dickey. The junior officers had to stand watch
at night. On his first watch Charlie went over to the edge of the deck to check
the ropes that held the planes down. The deck was wet and he slipped overboard.
However, as he went over, he managed to grab the side edge of the ship. His
yelling did no good, as no one could hear him. Beneath his feet he could see
the sparkling sea. He held on for dear life, knowing that if he let go, he
would be lost. He also knew that at the front of the ship, the lower deck
protruded out from under the edge of the flight deck to which he was holding. He
decided to work his way to the front, hand-over-hand, and then drop to the
deck. Before he reached the bow, however, he saw that there was a
platform below him. He dropped safely to it. It turned out that there was a
catwalk made of iron grating around most of the ship. At night the sea's
reflection shinned through the honeycomb drainage holes in the walk. Charlie received a good scare.
During
Ed's initial cruise westward, he and his comrades became acquainted with
maritime living. Within several days of leaving San
Diego he was writing that it was becoming warmer and they expected the uniform
of the day to soon be changed to khakis. There were large swells as far as the
eye could see. Food was a frequent subject in his letters. He complained about the
ship's food and praised Hazel's cooking. The officers had to pay for their own
food. It came to about $15 per month. The food situation was especially bad on
November 2, when they had chicken. Ed hated chicken and would not eat it. But
as time went by, he reported that the food did improve. One item that he did
like from the start was the ice cream. It was called "gedunk" and was made aboard ship. It was better than one could obtain
ashore, despite being made from powered milk. Ed averaged two sundaes per day.[311] They were not allowed to drink alcohol aboard ship, although those who were inclined worked around that
rule.[312]
One
of the routines at sea was that Fridays were clean-up day. The quarters would be swept and
dusted and the bathrooms cleaned, even if they did not need it. Years later,
after he had retired and Hazel was no longer doing much housework, Ed returned
to his Navy routine. He vacuumed and dusted the house each week on the same
day, even when it did not need it. Another routine was the frequent
announcements over the loud speakers (squawk boxes), which included reveille, mess,
drill, fire and tattoo (bed). One became used to the noise level.[313]
Aside
from eating Ed slept, read books, worked mathematical exercises, played card games and chess, and engaged in physical recreation. Because they were operating near the
equator, the warm weather made it difficult to sleep at night. One of Ed's solutions was to obtain a cot and go up and
sleep on the flight deck. It became cool enough up there that he used a
blanket. The first time he did it, he reported that it was the best rest he had
had in a week.[314] Sometimes he would sleep over a gun
sponson on deck.[315] The sponson was an attachment or bracket
which hung over the ship's side, on which a gun was mounted. Once he obtained
seven hours of straight sleep outside and it was the best since leaving port.[316] There was one disadvantage with sleeping
outside, however. When there were squalls, one became soaked.[317]
Reading
was a cheap and enriching source of enjoyment for Ed both at sea and throughout
his life.[318] Before departing on the cruise, he had
gone to a used bookstore in San Diego and loaded up a sea bag. A new book sold
for more than $1 but used books could be had for $.10 or $.25. Ten dollars
would buy all the books he could read for months. In addition to books on math
and economics, some books which he read on his first cruise in October and
November 1943, as discussed with Hazel, were Pelham Wodenhouse's Money in the Bank (Garden City, New
York: Doubleday, 1942), which was a comedy about a law suit with the setting in
London. McSorley's Wonderful Saloon
(New York: Duell, Slan & Pearce, 1943) by a New York journalist, Joseph
Mitchell, was about the colorful lives of New York City's working class Catholics during the first part of the twentieth century. It discussed their
politics, culture, beliefs, cinema, and legal rights. Its heroes were
mechanics, telephone operators, scrub women, nurses, printers, brick layers,
trash collectors, nuns and clergy, sales people, butchers, truck drivers and
fire fighters. Robert Benchley's Benchley
Beside Himself (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1943) consisted of humorous
attacks on, among others, careerists in the Navy. Daphne DuMaurier's Rebecca (New York: Modern Library, 1943) was an English mystery set
on the Cornish coast not far from where Ed's father had migrated. Ed had, in addition, Plato's Republic, Carl Clausewitz's On
War (New York: Modern Library, 1943), William M. Thackeray's Vanity Fair (1847), Robert Lee Scott's God is my Co-Pilot (New York: Charles
Scribners' Sons, 1943), Oliver Wisewell (?) on the Revolutionary War and a biography of Benjamin Franklin.
Along
with reading, Ed's recreation aboard ship included card games such as craps, poker, bridge and gin rummy. In one letter, he commented, "I
been playing quite a bit of acey-ducey recently too - a fairly stupid game but as I say, we learn to
enjoy the simple things."[319] In another letter he reported that he
had played poker rather than see a movie staring Abbot and Costello and was $300 ahead.[320] When they flew all day, as on October
22, Ed was not able to take a siesta. By the evening he would be so tired he
could not make it through even a single poker session.[321] Sometimes he played chess. They did
their playing in the ready room and spent most of their free time there because
it was the one place that was air-conditioned.[322] On one occasion when he was playing
bridge, he saw his partner cheating and later told him about it. His partner, who was a friend,
replied, "Who cares, we were winning." Ed did not go for that.[323]
Ed
sometimes played physical sports such as volleyball but without enthusiasm. He explained to
Hazel:
Hello Honey -
I'm sorta tired tonight not so much
from working as from playing volleyball. Every once in a while someone
convinces me that exercise won't hurt me and I foolishly go out and play
volleyball or something like that. Of course I've never been one to knock
myself with athletics - every time I do play some such game I'm convinced that
my dad's method is best - he always says he gets his exercise being a
pallbearer for his friends who do exercise. So I've had mine for a couple of
months now.[324]
Despite the negative views
about it, when he did play physical sports, it would be in two-hour stretches.
This would make him so tired, he would sleep well.[325]
Movies were another recreation for which Ed had little enthusiasm. There
was a movie each evening but they neither entertained or instructed. Ed went to
them only infrequently. Many of them, such as Hurry, Charlie, Hurry, he found boring.[326] On the other hand, a recreation that he
never tired of was watching the sunsets. They were beautiful at sea. Sometimes
the clouds would reflect the rays; those nearest the sun would be a bright
golden color and then the colors were blood red, crimson, pink and purple. A
fellow combatant explained the view to his spouse:
Aren't the clouds
& water pretty - try eliminating the strip of land and extend the clouds to
the horizon & you get an idea what it looks like when we are at sea -
entirely hemmed in by clouds plus the beautiful colors of sunset or sunrise.[327]
Sunrises were similarly
beautiful but Ed preferred to sleep when they did not have general quarters.[328]
About a
week out from San Diego, at 9:06 a.m. on October 27, they crossed the equator
at longitude 154 degrees 28 minutes. Crossing the equator involved an elaborate hazing process about which Ed filled his letters for several days both
before and after. The polliwogs were brought into the ranks of the "trusty
shellbacks" with what Ed referred to as a gang war. Those who had already
been across, waged the war against those who had not been across. The
distinction between officer and enlisted meant nothing. As Ed put it, "you got the hell
beat out of you."[329] The events included running down a
100-yard line in your shorts in which you were hit with sticks and rope. A
second part of the initiation involved being covered with grease and garbage,
which the inductees also had to eat. There was also a dunking in a canvas pool
of water. The captain forbade any permanent injury but one person broke an
ankle and another was knocked unconscious.[330] Ed had welts all over and was sore for a
week.
Historian
Hindle wrote of a similar Chenango initiation about three months
earlier on August 7:
The
polliwogs wore nothing but shorts and socks. They reported first on the flight
deck, and then walked and ran through the hangar deck. They were required to
present themselves to Neptune and his queen, Davy Jones and his wife, a priest,
a physician, a baby and a variety of others. The "Royal Baby" was
always portrayed by the heaviest man available, such as the chief warrant
paymaster, who was unusually overweight and even had trouble climbing ladders.
All the polliwogs did what they were
told, some of them being required to kiss the "breasts" of the
"women." They then had to run through a double line of experienced
shellbacks who beat them with paddles, be dumped backwards into a small pool,
and crawl through a long, canvas chute filled with garbage and junk.[331]
Ed and his squadron
crossed the equator several other times during the war but there was no
initiation, probably because there were not enough polliwogs to make it
worthwhile. For 60 years after, Ed carried in his wallet the card given him certifying he was a "duly initiated shellback."
Work. During the ride west, there was work as well as recreation. They had no formal morning musters with
orders of the day as in the Marines, but there was something similar. There
would be an assembly where assignments were made.[332] Ed flew scouting, tactical and gunnery training missions of about three hours each on October 22, October
26-29, and November 1, 3 and 4. The whole ship was often at general quarters
one hour before dawn. This was because a Japanese submarine could easily catch
a silhouette of the ship at sun up and attack. So they were ready to respond.
They would go to bed at 9:00 or 10:00 p.m. Occasionally they launched their
planes at 4:00 a.m. and that would mean rising even earlier (3:00 a.m.). Brooke
Hindle summarized the
operations during the voyage west:
On the westward
cruise, strenuous training programs of all sorts were undertaken: gunnery
attacks, radar and radio actions, flights, including normal CAPs (combat air
patrols) and ASPs (anti-submarine patrols). Pilots practiced taking off and
landing throughout the day. As a result the carriers made their maximum
westward progress at night.[333]
Ed wrote back on October
25, that up to that point he had not smoked while flying. Later he did smoke heavily when patrolling in combat areas.[334]
Part
of the work was being prepared for emergencies. Ed and the two other crewmembers aboard
the TBF worked out several of their own emergency plans. For example, if the
plane caught fire, they would parachute. Anything else would be a ditch. Once a
plane hit the water, it floated for 30 seconds, which gave the crew time to get
clear. Life preservers, called "Mae Wests" were part of the flight
gear and there was an inflatable rubber raft aboard. However, they never had to
ditch or parachute.
However
there was another type of emergency plan which had to be put into effect from
time to time. This was when they became lost from their carrier. At 5,000 feet
on a clear day they could see the wake of the ship at a distance of 50 miles.
But they patrolled at distances of 500 miles and they flew whether it was clear
or not. Radio blackout was required to prevent the enemy from determining their
presence. When lost, they would start flying concentric squares to find the
ship. First they would go one minute north, then turn left and fly for a
minute, then left again for two minutes and left again for two minutes, then
left again for three minutes and so on. The system worked, as they always found
the ship. Ed was careful about conserving fuel. He regularly made it back to
the ship with plenty to spare.
One
of Ed's non-emergency practices that was appreciated by the crew was to bring
juice aboard the plane. At the altitudes they flew, it would cool down
and the crew would have refreshments.[335]
On
November 3, just prior to reaching their initial destination at Espiritu Santo, Ed had a confrontation with the Chenango air commander, James Elliott, a former P-boat pilot, who in theory had authority over the air group. According
to Ed, Elliott had no experience aboard a carrier and was not very smart. They
were launching planes and Ed was the fourth in line. Two of the planes in front
of him ended up in the ocean and another almost did. This was due to wind,
mechanical and other difficulties. Having seen the problem, when it became his
turn, Ed gave the thumbs down signal from his cockpit to the air commander, meaning he was not going to
launch. In Ed's view Elliott would have let all the planes waiting to be
launched go into the ocean before he realized there was a problem.
The
differences that he had with his air commander and the reason the planes went
into the ocean began, as Ed later explained it, with the laws of
physics. Landing a plane on a carrier was not
easy. Taking off was also a challenge. The procedure in launching was to first
put on the brake, give the engine full throttle, put the flaps all the way down
and push all the way forward on the stick, which put down the elevator in the
rear. When the air commander gave the signal, the aviator then let off the
brakes. The down elevator pushed the rear wheel off the ground. That meant the
weight of the plane was distributed on the two front wheels, which reduced the
resistance and increased the speed. The elevator controlled both the position
of the back wheel and the nose. As the plane gained momentum, the stick was
eased back, which allowed the elevator to go up. This lifted the nose and the
plane off the deck.
When
a carrier launched aircraft, it turned into the wind. The planes took off into the
wind. The stall point of a TBF was about 80 knots. The plane had to reach that
speed before it could take off. Knowing the weight of the plane (fuel, bombs)
and wind speed over the deck, the air officer could look at a table and see the
distance it took to reach 80 knots. The thrust of the plane engine in 500 feet
could sometimes make the plane reach only 60 or 70 knots. It was necessary, at
these times, to add the momentum of the ship traveling at 10 to 20 knots into
the wind, to reach the take-off speed. When the head wind was not strong
enough, it was necessary to use a catapult.
Ed and Howard Tuttle worked out a scheme to increase their chances of lifting off the
deck successfully. The flaps had to be down before the air commander would give
the signal to go. However, by putting the flaps up as soon as the air commander
gave the launch signal, the plane reached the stall speed 50 feet earlier than
if down. The trick was that one had to remember to put the flaps back down as
one went above stall or one would obtain no lift. Howard forgot to do this once, which resulted in the loss of his plane in
the drink.
On
November 3, when Ed shut down the launch operations, the first plane that went
into the ocean was piloted by Joe Sims. Why he went in was not clear. Andy
Divine and then Charlie
Carpenter were next. Andy
almost went in and Charlie did go in. They had difficulty for several reasons.
First, the ship had turned out of the wind to avoid hitting Sims, which meant
they were receiving less head wind to lift them. Added to this, the planes were
relatively old and not functioning at their rated capacity.
The
air commander became mad at Ed for stopping the operations. However, in Ed's
view the pilot had the ultimate authority to decide whether it was safe to fly,
not the air officer. The air officer thought otherwise. Ed did not allow
himself to be pushed around when it meant needlessly endangering himself. He indicated
to Elliott with a slingshot motion that the catapult should be used, which was
then done. Within 10 minutes all the planes had been launched. Catapult launches
took longer so they were not as favored. There was one launch every minute or
two with a catapult as opposed to every 20 seconds with a free launch.[336]
Besides
the loss of two TBFs on November 3, another had been lost on October 22. In
total, CarDiv 22 lost 11 planes during the trip. However, no personnel were
lost. This was an improvement on the Chenango's
previous western voyage in January 1942. Ed Ries, who was in the ship's company during
that cruise, remarked on the loss:
Our planes provided
anti-submarine patrols during the long passage. On this route there were several
flying accidents, the first of many during the next six months. Two of our aircrews
were killed when their planes went overboard while landing. The men launched
their rubber rafts, but before they could get clear of the wrecks the depth
charges released from the planes and exploded. It all happened within a couple
of minutes and there was nothing that could be done to help them. It was
heart-rending to watch helplessly from the ship as the airmen struggle
desperately to paddle away from the downed planes only to disappear in
thundering fountains of water and flame. The accidents involved an SBD and a
TBF and their tragic loss cast a pall over the entire crew.[337]
Another memorable flying incident for Ed occurred on the
western trip, besides standing up to an inexperienced superior. When a task
force was in transit, it sent out patrols in a 300 or 400-mile radius. On one
of these patrols, Ed was out about 350 miles in front of the task force, when he spotted 12 planes heading
toward him at 5,000 feet. He did not recognize their markings, assumed they
were the enemy and made ready to attack. The strategy was to go up high, dive
and shoot down tail-end Charlie. He would then swing back up in their middle,
disperse their formation and take out those that he could. Shortly before he
attacked, however, he noticed that one of them had a marking with which he was
slightly familiar. It turned out they were U.S. B-24 bombers. After he almost shot down the American
planes, his captain told him to study up on plane identification.[338]
Along
with flying, a second type of work, which Ed did aboard ship besides flying,
involved standing watch, which was done sometimes on the bridge.
At sea the captain never left the bridge from the time the ship left port to
the time it came back. On the bridge 24-hours per-day would be at least twelve
people: a navigator, officer of the day, junior officer, and others. Ed was a
junior officer. He wanted to qualify as an officer of the day. To qualify one volunteered to
do four-hour watches on the bridge about once a week. Ed did the watches but
never qualified because he ran out of time. Included on the bridge was a combat information center with radar and plotting boards.
Below it was an intelligence section for coding and decoding reports. Chenango historian Brooke Hindle eventually worked in
the combat information center as a radar maintenance officer.
Among
those Ed met on the bridge was the helmsman who was the person that steered the ship; but there was no
steering wheel. The helmsman had something like a telegraph to communicate with
the people near the rudder, who were 10 decks below. They did the turning down
below. Each time there was a change in speed or course, the captain was
notified, even in the middle of the night. Ships in enemy territory would take
a zigzag course to evade submarines. Each zig was a change of 30 degrees and
the captain would be told with a knock on the side of his cabin. In addition a
yeoman made an entry in the deck log.[339]
In
addition to flying patrols and standing watch, a third duty, which Ed performed
on the western voyage, has already been mentioned. Rex Hanson had asked Ed to
represent an enlisted person charged with theft of a uniform. Ed's later
recollection was that the representation had taken place in San Diego and that
the enlisted person had won. But a number of Ed's letters home detail the
hearing of the case aboard ship.[340] It did not go well for the enlisted
person.
Espiritu Santo and Letters from Hazel. On Monday, November 1, 1943, Ed wrote back to Hazel that he had won $350.00 in a poker game. This was the Terrars'
code for being in the
area of Espiritu Santo Island, which was in the New Hebrides group of
islands. The government and economies of these islands were under the control
of the French and British, but the population was Asian. The Chenango docked there on Friday,
November 5. In port Ed went ashore and had a drink of scotch, the first since leaving the states.[341] On Sunday morning he rose early and went
ashore for mass but arrived too late.[342] He frequently complained about not being
able to go to mass and confession.[343] But he did say his own prayers and asked Hazel to pray for him. When he had problems about going to sleep at night because of the heat, noise and worries about being away from home and dangers from battle, he would say the rosary. It soothed his mind and
helped him go to sleep. The rosary beads were the ones given by his dad's fraternal organization, the
Knights of Columbus, before he left Coffeyville. The Knights
gave beads to each Catholic youth bound for the military.[344]
In
his letters, besides noting his own spiritual activities, Ed often inquired
about Hazel's progress in taking instructions in the faith.[345] At about the time they married, she had
decided to become a Catholic. This involved taking instructions from Fr.
Michael J. Browne, a retired priest who lived at St. Rose
of Lima parish in Chula Vista. It was Hazel's choice to be a Catholic, but in
doing it, she received cheerleading from Ed.
At
Espiritu Santo Ed received his first batch of letters (ten of them) from Hazel.[346] Letters could only be sent or received while in port, which turned out to be once every three
or four weeks. Hazel only received the first of Ed's letters, about 20 or more in number, after they
were flown back from Espiritu Santo in early November 1943. The Terrars enjoyed
each other's letters and would read them two or three times each.[347] Ed also corresponded with his parents and mother-in-law, Annie Jones Hogan.[348] He employed Hazel in November to be his
secretary to buy and send a birthday present that should cost $5 to his sister,
Rosemary, whose birthday was that month. However,
he could not remember the exact date.[349]
The
big news for Ed which he received in Hazel's letters on November 6, was that
she was pregnant.[350] He had mentioned several times in
sailing west that he hoped she was pregnant.[351] It became a regular theme in his letters
after she confirmed it. Ed wrote to her on November 7:
I told Sam D
also Howard about the forthcoming event. Both were pretty happy. I still can't
quite believe myself that I'm going to be a father. I can begin to see where my
responsibilities are mounting up but
I'm very happy that they are. Of course I'd very much like for the first to be
a boy but I'll be happy as the devil to have a little girl. Certainly
hope that I'm home in time for the great event.[352]
Several weeks later Ed was still writing about how happy
he was over the upcoming child and the good times that would be involved in
raising it:
We're going to have
some wonderful times again when I get back and you have the baby and it grows a
little and we begin teaching it things and taking it places - won't that be
fine. It'll be wonderful watching it learn and develop, buying clothes for it -
you know I believe that besides you and I getting married this is the most
wonderful thing that could have happened to us - having a child. It is what
will make a full rounded life (and no doubt a busy one) for us.[353]
Part of Ed's on-going discussion of the pregnancy was
talk about how he would make a living after the war. He stated on December 5, that he would not go back
to school because he "could make as much money without going to law
school."[354] Since they both liked California, perhaps they should settle there. Ed
wrote, "I can be happy anyplace that I'm with you and have plenty of money."[355] At one point he said he would like to
buy a house if the price was not too inflated.[356] He related the conversations he had been
having with Sam Dalzell, who was Jewish, about going into business with him.
They would start a sports charter service around Los Angeles and Pasadena with
two or three small amphibious aircraft and mushroom. They would have a sporting
goods store and open up a lodge of their own with charter service. Sam had contacts in Los Angeles and knew about aircraft mechanics. Ed
knew about general business operations. Ed and Sam were close buddies.
Ed
also thought a service station business would be a good possibility in California or
farming in the Imperial Valley, "not that I'd do the farming or live
there." After talking to a Naval Academy graduate he had met about the graduate's prior service in China, Ed thought a job in the foreign service, which he described to
Hazel in detail, would be attractive. He commented, "I want to have
several things in mind so if one deal doesn't go through we
won't be left high and dry."[357] Ed made plans for the future and also
tried to start saving . He commented to Hazel as he sent her a $100
money order:
If I can manage to
pickup a hundred along the way, we should have some little saved up when I get
home. We'll probably need it what with the baby et al. However, that's what the
money is there for so don't be too tight. Use it as you see fit.[358]
Ed's advice to Hazel about
spending money as she say fit was not needed.
Along
with hopeful plans about the future, Ed's complaints about the present increased,
especially as combat began. He wrote on December 4,
"Boy I'll be glad when this damnable sea duty is over with and I get back
- they're going to have a hard time getting me back here on a flattop."[359] He wrote that he had no interest in
joining the regular Navy because it would keep him from Hazel. He said he was going to put
in for multi-engine or instructor to finish out his contract because then he would more likely be stationed near her.[360] He had made the same statement on
October 30, and would make it many more times before the end of his sea duty.
The cruise on the Chenango
had much that was enjoyable; but it was not a pleasure ride. In November 1943
this struck home to Ed and his comrades.
Asian Strategy. When their task force sailed out of San Diego, the crew was told little
about their mission, both because the details were still being worked on and
because the authorities wanted to limit leaks to the enemy. However, the
general strategy and the certitude of there being combat was no mystery.[361] From the time it had invaded the
Philippines in the late 1890s, the United States had "War Plan
Orange" or its equivalent. This was the Navy's siege blue print telling
how the Japanese would be prevented from expanding into America's Asian empire. Historian John Wukovits described the origins of the plan:
Ever since American
Naval forces charged into Manila Bay to wrest Pacific holdings from Spain
during the 1898 Spanish-American War, Japan had been considered America's primary threat in the Pacific.
Annual games and fleet exercises targeted Japan and during the intervening
years an American Naval response evolved to counter any Japanese offensive.[362]
The Japanese had their own war plan,
which included, since 1927, a preemptive strike against Pearl Harbor. Like the
Americans, they practiced their plan with war games and kept it a secret from their own people, who had to be tricked into carrying it out.[363] General Douglas MacArthur, who spent his
career working on America's plan, maintained that the Japanese plan came from a
handful of people who co-opted the entire society to serve their greed.[364] He summarized:
Japan's system of private property permitted ten family groups comprising only
fifty-six families to control directly or indirectly every phase of slavery of
the remainder of the Japanese people. They permitted higher standards of life
only through sufferance, and in a search for further plunder abroad furnished
the tools for the military to embark upon its ill-fated venture into world
conquest.[365]
After the war America's corporate families, let by Harry
Truman's friend, the oil executive Edwin Pauley, proposed grabbing the property of their
Japanese counterparts as retribution. But China fell so fast to the
communists that the United States government was afraid a take-over would lead
to civil war and a leveling of both American and Japanese wealth.
America's
war plan had three phases: cut off Japan's oil, take its military bases in the defense perimeter and finally, take
Japan itself. The plan set forth the number of bases, troops and ships needed
for each step.[366] So that even before he was born, some of
America's policy makers had pre-ordained the role of Ed and his generation. Initially after 1907, when Japan
surprisingly won the Russo-Japanese War, Orange had focused on the Philippine and Hawaiian Islands
as a foundation for making war. But later, aircraft carriers, which could be
created from existing mercantile hulls, became basic to the plan. Orange
directed the Navy's Bureau of Ships to insist that certain naval attributes be built into a
variety of merchant designs authorized by the United States Maritime
Commission. As a result many of these requirements found their way into the
twelve 7,256-ton T3 maritime tankers, which included the future Chenango,
which were built in 1939-1940 to a joint Navy-Maritime Commission design.[367]
Orange
detailed the strategy for defending America's empire in Asia, but once the war
started there were a number of disputes about implementing it. General MacArthur, the Southwest Pacific commander,
favored an Army-dominated land approach along the New Guinea-Philippines axis. The Balikpapan (Borneo) and other oil fields were in the South. In contrast there was little of value in
the Central Pacific. The attack at Pearl Harbor in the Central Pacific had only been to cut it off
as a forward base for a counter-offensive in the South, against the Philippines, Malaysia and the Dutch East Indies.
Opposed
to MacArthur were Admirals Ernie King, the Chief of Naval Operations, and
Chester Nimitz, the Central Pacific Commander. They
maintained the Pacific had always been the Navy's interest. It would be best to
capture key Central Pacific islands to win strategic air and naval bases that
could then be used to cut Japan off from its oil supply. From these bases the home islands could also be attacked.
Russell Spurr in his study of war strategy, found that "Nimitz felt he was
fighting not one but three enemies: MacArthur, The United States Army and the
Japanese--in that order."[368]
The
route initially decided upon by the Combined Chiefs of Staff on July 2, 1942 was the Southern approach. The Navy lacked the
shipping, warships and troops to stride across the atolls toward Japan. Its
only military arm, the Marine Corps, was too small. The Army had the troops.
They were being shipped from training camps to Australia in growing numbers. In deciding on the Southern approach, however, a compromise was made. The Navy was given an
equal share in the fight. Task One, which went to the Navy, was the capture of
the island of Guadalcanal east of New Guinea. Task Two, which was for the Army, was
an advance into New Guinea and its offshore island of New Britain, where Japan
had a major base at Raboul.
It
was not long, however, before the route was shifted to the Central Pacific. At the Casablanca Conference in January 1943, Roosevelt, Churchill and the Combined Chiefs of Staff gave assent to the revised plan.
The Navy had rebuilt itself and expected by mid-1943 to have sufficient new
battleships and carriers for ship-to-shore bombardment in preparation and
support of amphibious landings and to provide heavy anti-aircraft support.[369] On July 20, 1943 the Joint Chiefs of
Staff authorized Nimitz to prepare a landing operation on Makin and Tarawa in the Gilbert Islands. These were British islands lying at the edge of Japan's defensive perimeter. They
were too distant from Japan to serve as an airbase for United States attacks.
But they were a necessary step toward the Marshalls, Carolines, and Marianas, which were closer to the target.
Despite the change toward the Central Pacific, elements of the Southern route
were retained. MacArthur would still capture northern New Guinea and islands
lying between New Guinea and Mindanao, the southernmost island of the
Philippines. The Chenango from time to time served both with Nimitz's
forces in the Central Pacific and on the Southern front.
Disputes
did not end with the decision to give priority to the Navy's island-hopping.
There was also a dispute within the Navy between aviator and sailor admirals. Admiral
Raymond Spruance, who headed the Fifth Fleet and the
Central Pacific operations, and whose plan prevailed, was a sailor, having formerly commanded a battleship.[370] In his island-hopping he used carriers
only for direct support of amphibious landings in well-defined geographic
areas. He believed the Japanese would be defeated primarily through costly
amphibious warfare.
The
aviator admirals, led by Vice Admiral John H. (Jack) Towers, were unhappy with the amphibious
emphasis. They wanted the carriers to be used more aggressively to roam the
ocean, employing their mobile power to destroy Japanese air power at its source
before it could counterattack the amphibious forces.[371] Thomas Buell summarized the
thinking of the air admirals:
The prime objective
- in the eyes of the aviators - was the "fleet engagement," and they
cited Clausewitz and Mahan (out of context) in stating that the primary objective
in war is the destruction of the enemy's army (or fleet). Destroy the enemy
fleet, urged the aviators, and the war would be won.[372]
When still in the states, Ed and his friends had expected
to be sailing freely to engage the enemy
fleets. This was the Naval strategy they had studied in flight school, which
included the battles by the British Navy at Cape Trafalgar off the strait of Gibraltar on October 21, 1805 and at Jutland in the North Sea on
May 31-June 1, 1916.[373] The Battles of Coral Sea, Midway and
Guadalcanal were of this nature. The amphibious battles which they actually
did fight were a surprise but, unlike the air admirals, Ed had no objection to providing protective umbrella operations near
the landing beaches. He and the CVEs were always concerned about day-to-day
support operations and "taking life as it came, one day at a time."[374] It was the fast carriers that felt
downgraded in a support role.[375]
While
Spruance's carrier policy for the fall of 1943
emphasized a support role, it evolved during the island-hopping, just as it had
evolved from the three big Naval battles in 1942 and early 1943, in the last of
which the Chenango had a role. In these earlier encounters the U.S. restricted Japan
from further strengthening its position. The first of these defensive
operations was the South Pacific Battle of Coral Sea, which lasted from May 3 to May 9, 1942.[376] A month later on June 4, a second battle
at Midway Island in the Central Pacific again turned the Japanese back.[377] The third battle preliminary to the
Pacific offensive began in August 1942. This was in the Solomon Islands of the South Pacific. It was actually a series of battles
that included Bougainville and Guadalcanal, where the Japanese were making an
airbase. This third battle prevented the Japanese from launching an all-out
assault on Australia. Spruance believed the United States was hurt too often by
Japanese aircraft and ships at Guadalcanal while the carriers were
"roaming" at sea, too far away to help.[378]
Preparation for Gilbert Islands Invasion. The first step in the Navy's island-hopping strategy for the Central Pacific
offensive began in the Gilbert Islands (Makin and Tarawa) in November 1943. The
code name for the offensive was GALVANIC.[379] The assembly point for the Gilbert
invasion fleet was Espiritu Santo. By the time the Chenango arrived there on November 5, the crew was beginning to learn
where they fit in the Navy's strategy. Brooke Hindle explained how
the crew educated itself about its mission:
Wartime policy
required keeping plans and objectives secret in order not to inform the enemy. Yet numbers of crewmen did look at maps and draw upon
memories in an effort to guess the next point of attack. Airmen were given more
immediate information in new maps, new photographs of the regions to be
involved, and precise details. Not only were our specific locations and actions
unreported generally, but information on Japanese positions and movements were
also restricted. Fortunately, however, Captain Ketcham believed that
everyone had to be kept well informed so he quickly arranged to have data
supplied regularly to all, beginning effectively with the Tarawa enterprise.[380]
As noted, not only Ed but Hazel educated herself about the Chenango's
mission.
After
a weekend in port at Espiritu Santo in early November 1943, the Chenango
and the task force to which she was assigned, sailed to Panga Point on Efate. This was 200 miles northwest of
Espiritu Santo but still in the Southern New Hebrides. They went there to
rehearse for a few days their part in the proposed landing on the twenty-two
mile-long Tarawa atoll and the other
islands in the Gilberts. Then they set out on November 13, as part of Task
Force 53 in company with their sister CVEs, the Suwannee and Sangamon and covered the northward advance of the transports and warships
toward Tarawa.
Task
Force 53 was commanded by Rear Admiral Harry Hill. It was one of four task groups involved
in the invasion. Called the Southern Attack Force by Thomas Buell, TF 53 included the Second Marine Division under Major General Julian C. Smith.[381] Its objective was Tarawa. Other groups attacked Makin, which was another of the Gilberts,
about one hundred miles north of and half the size of Tarawa. Some smaller and
even less defended islands were also targeted.
On
the morning of November 18, Hill's force, coming up from the south out of
Efate, made rendezvous with the Northern Attack Force. Tarawa was 400 miles to
the northwest. Admiral Spruance, commander of the Central Pacific
operations, aboard his flagship, the Indianapolis joined the Southern Attack Force that day. He was concerned about
the need for surprise and quick occupation of Tarawa before the enemy could
react.
In
the weeklong approach toward Tarawa, Ed and his crew flew anti-submarine scouting patrols on November 14
and 16, and then daily missions starting on November 19. Brooke Hindle described the
approach:
The Chenango sailed along with TF 53 for six days without any real
crises. They zigzagged frequently, but not constantly, and they ran at varying
speeds. On the fourteenth, they were ordered to search for the airmen from a
plane that had crashed in its takeoff from Suwannee, but they could not find them.
Throughout the trip Chenango and her
sister ships fueled escort destroyers and other ships.
The bulk of TF 53 considered
submarine attacks a serious threat. The fear was that attacks by Japanese
submarines might begin early and increase dangerously as the task force moved
closer to Japanese-held areas. Those on Chenango
became concerned and on the morning of the fourteenth, the first submarine
contact was reported to them by a destroyer that dropped depth charges, without
any evidence, however, of hitting the submarine. As a result, the ships then
changed their course and resumed zigzagging, with Chenango running up to nineteen knots, very close to her maximum
speed. Later that afternoon another submarine was reported at only a thousand
yards off, leading Chenango to follow
orders to increase speed again and switch courses several times. The following
day's rainsqualls cut down visibility to less than a thousand yards, raising
additional problems. On the eighteenth, the Chenango
radar picked up a plane without an IFF (Identification Friend or Foe), but as
usual it turned out to be friendly. Early the next day when the approach to
Tarawa was at hand, the ship went into general quarters as a drill.[382]
Bob Exum, who was in the ship's company, wrote of the atmosphere
aboard the Chenango when
they were preparing for combat: "Loosening my collar, I head down into the
cold and dark hanger deck. Before me are numerous planes prepared for the next
battle. The voices are louder now, and seem closer. The clanging of machinery
along with the men's shouting commands leave no doubt that they are loading
planes up with ammunition, bombs, and torpedoes. Walking among the aircrafts, I
hear the commotion intensify. My eyes shift swiftly, as I continue for a face I
might recognize. "Now hear this, now
hear this, the smoking lamp is out throughout the ship! The smoking lamp is out
throughout the ship!"[383]
The
objective in taking Tarawa was the Betio Island airstrip, the main one in the
whole area. A tactic in waging amphibious warfare was, as Thomas Buell summarized,
isolation of the area, which was a corollary to the doctrine of "violent,
overwhelming force, swiftly applied."[384] This tactic influenced every plan for
amphibious campaigns from the Gilberts to Okinawa. "Isolation" implied not only sea and air
superiority in the immediate area, but also secure lines of communication so
that amphibious forces could safely move to the objective. Even beyond that
consideration, secure lines of communication included the period after the
forces had seized the objective. There had to be safe passage for the ships
that brought supplies and personnel to develop the newly won base.
Tarawa: November 20-December 8, 1943. The approach to Tarawa and the work of
the Chenango illustrated the
isolation tactic. Early in the morning before the arrival of TF 53 on D-day,
November 20, nine fast carriers in TF 50 bombed and strafed both Tarawa and
Makin.[385] Next, four slow battleships in TF 53 attacked Tarawa while three in TF 52 attacked Makin with massive shellfire. During this time cruisers
and destroyers also attacked, but before any escort carriers could participate
in the invasion, reports came through that both the Tarawa and Makin defenses
had been satisfactorily destroyed. That bit of news turned out to be wrong, especially at Betio (Bay-she-o), the biggest of the Tarawa atolls, where more than
half of the Japanese were still alive and in good shape having been protected
in their trenches and dugouts. Neither the air nor ship attacks had been
effective.[386]
On
the Tarawa D-day the Chenango
launched patrol planes beginning at 4:25 a.m., which included Ed, who was
flying before sunup. He could see the Betio Atoll despite having no light
because the phosphorus in the sea highlighted the land. The 20th of November was the 22nd
birthday of his younger sister, Rosemary. Her birthday was one of the things he
was thinking about as he was flying. Birthdays were always important to him. He
would not have minded being back home celebrating it.
Patrols
by air were possible but not air attacks while the ship bombardment was still
continuing. Ed recollected that he flew three scouting missions on D-day,
although his log recorded only two.[387] The early one was for 4.3 hours. The
second was later in the day for 2.3 hours. He was Creepy Flint's wingman at 10,000 feet. He could not
see a lot of detail because of frequent clouds and smoke. He did see the bright
flashes as bombs went off and ammunition dumps exploded. The pilots that flew
exclusively attack missions on the Chenango
had to wait from early in the morning on deck until the bombing from the ships
stopped. When the bombing ended around 9:00 a.m., CarDiv 22's attack planes took off. However, almost immediately, the first landing ship
headed for the beach at 9:13 a.m. This meant that the planes could not bomb.
They did not want to hit their own troops.
A
journalist's account of the TF 50's bombing at 6:00 a.m. gives an idea of the
fireworks:
The first streaks of
dawn crept through the sky. The warships continued to fire. All of a sudden
they stopped. But here came the planes - not just a few planes: a dozen, a
score, a hundred. The first torpedo bombers raced across the smoking conflagration and loosed their
big bombs on an island that must have been dead a half hour ago! They were
followed by the dive bombers, the old warhorse SBD's and the new Helldivers, the fast SB2C's that had been more than two years
a-borning. The dive-bombers lined up, many of thousands of feet over Betio,
then they pointed their noses down and dived singly, or in pairs or in threes.
Near the end of their dives they hatched the bombs from beneath their bellies;
they pulled out gracefully and sailed back to their carriers to get more bombs. Now came the fighter planes, the fast, new
Grumman Hellcats, the best planes ever to squat on a carrier.
They made their runs just above the awful, gushing pall of smoke, their machine
guns spitting hundreds of fifty-caliber bullets a minute.[388]
The Marines on the ground had
difficulty in making their landing. Tarawa was surrounded by a high reef. The
attack plan called for the troops to be transported from their ships to shore
by 125 of the new shallow-draft amphibious tractors, which were called
amphtracs or LVTs. The first three waves of Marines in amphtracs were
able to make it over the outer reef. But in the final 1,000 yards between the
reef and the shore they came under heavy fire from anti-boat guns, mines,
barbed wire, beach barriers and grenades. Some 90 amphtracs were eventually destroyed. By the time the fourth attack wave was
ready to be ferried from their grounded Higgins boats to shore,
there were no amphtracs. They had to wade in chest-high water, which then
turned milky white from the crushed coral.
The Marines suffered heavy casualties and then on the
beach found themselves pinned beneath obstacles which offered the only cover.
The Japanese machine guns were behind beach barricades. There were also 5.5 to
8 inch guns at the corners of the island, and 37 mm and 75 mm guns inland from
the beach. Only a few emplacements had been knocked out by the early attacks.[389] As Thomas Buell remarked, the Americans
were in trouble. Reinforcements could not come ashore by landing craft owing to
the unpredicted low tide over the barrier reef. Boats circled in confusion with
nowhere to go.
The Chenango
planes could not bomb the front-line Japanese forces for fear of hitting their own troops, but they did
manage to bomb and strafe the enemy beyond the beaches and protected the
convoys off shore. They also helped hit the Betio powerhouse, gun emplacements,
and bomb shelters. They located one great eight-inch "Singapore" gun still in position, and an Air Group 35 SBD dropped a
thousand pound bomb, eliminating it totally. The eight-inch guns had been
captured from the British at Singapore.
A
problem visible to Ed in his later patrols was that the Marines were being
fired at from under a long peer at the center of the major invasion area in the north beach.
They were hit as they approached on both the east and west sides of the peer.
Ed had seen the Japanese running onto the peers during one of his
patrol flights. He attacked particular points on the peer and believed they
should bomb the whole thing. But the orders were to preserve it for American
use! Some Japanese also shot from an old, partly sunk ship offshore. Out of the
5,000 Marines from the First and Second Battalion, Second Marine Division and
Third Battalion, Eighth Division that went in on the first day, some 1,500 were
either killed or wounded, leading to doubts about ultimate success.[390]
In
his second patrol around noon, Ed could see dead Marines. The clear blue water had turned red from
the blood. It was a good time to be a pilot and not a Marine down there
receiving $100 per month. In the afternoon Marine General Julian Smith reported heavy casualties at Betio, and requested permission to
land the reserve regiment. "The issue is in doubt," Smith concluded.
Night fell, and the fighting lulled. Most of the ships stood out to sea, except
for several destroyers which provided call fire throughout the night. Next
morning the ships returned and the fighting resumed.[391]
It
took three days to occupy the Betio Atoll, which was less than two miles long.
The fighting on Makin Island also lasted three days rather than the expected single day.
There were only eight hundred troops and laborers there, but they put up a
stiff resistance. The United States Army's 650 member 27th Division, a National Guard unit, not the Marines
were the invading force. From the view of Admiral Spruance, the delay on Makin resulted from the
"lack of moral fiber" of the [Army's] officers and non-commissioned
officers."[392] Unlike the Marines, the National Guard officers were not motivated to take needless losses to promote
their military careers.[393] In the view of Thomas Buell, the Army's
inept performance on Makin and Marine General Holland Smith's resulting wrath "would have tragic repercussions during the remainder of the
war in the Central Pacific. Joint Army-Navy-Marine Corps operations required close cooperation, but interservice relations were
poisoned on Makin and would steadily deteriorate."[394]
The
National Guard was not the only one with doubts about the tactics of military
careerists. Both during the invasion and later, Ed believed that the bombing which he did at
Tarawa and that bombing in general was of little military value against a
dug-in enemy. It was bayonets and hand grenades that brought the victory.[395] Ed's views were shared by others. Rear
Admiral Johnny Hoover, commander of one of the four Central
Pacific task forces, remarked that the high-flying Air Force's accuracy was as poor as their claims
for success were exaggerated.[396] According to Russell Spurr's study, most
aviators felt that not only air power but sea power was overestimated: the destruction of the entire Japanese Navy would not bring an
end to the war.[397] The Japanese Navy was eventually
destroyed and the war continued.
On
D-day plus two (November 22) Ed flew a bombing mission that lasted 2.8 hours.[398] The following day the island invasion
was completed. In all 1,000 Marines were killed and 2,000 wounded out of 17,000
United States invaders.[399] Nearly all of the 4,500 Japanese defenders were killed. Only one officer, 16 enlisted men, and 129
Koreans were taken prisoner. The Marine battle cry at Tarawa
was "Kill the Jap bastards! Take no prisoners!" Not all the enemy
fought to the death or committed suicide. Those that did not were killed
anyway. According to one historian, the Marines were bitter at being society's
sacrifice and took it out with excesses against the enemy. This was repeated in
the island hopping.[400]
In
addition to the hostilities received from the Japanese, who were shooting at
him, Ed received animosity from one of his squadron mates. TBFs did less echelon (formation)
flying than fighter planes, but bombing runs were done in formation. On one of
these runs, Ed was third back in the stack, followed by the tail-end plane. As
Ed released his bombs, the last plane drifted under him. Ed's bombs narrowly
missed the wings of the last plane. The pilot of the errant plane accused Ed of
bombing him intentionally and held it against him. It was untrue. Ed and the
tail-end pilot were close buddies. It made for bad relations between the two
for the rest of the cruise.[401]
The
Betio invasion was the most difficult one at Tarawa. The ten adjoining islands
were more easily invaded from November 24 to 28. Ed flew anti-submarine patrols of three and four hours each on
November 24-26 and November 28. On November 25 his fellow TBFers, Joe Sims, Richard Stagno and Edward P.
"Shorty" McMahan, had some unwanted excitement when they crashed into a barrier.[402] Ed also flew anti-submarine patrols in
support of the landing on Apamama Island south of Tarawa. In
the Apamama operation, he flew three and four-hour scouting missions on
December 1, 4, 7, 10 and 13. Apamama had only twenty-five Japanese stationed
there and was captured easily. According to the official report, all the enemy
who were not killed committed suicide, leaving none to be captured.[403] By contrast, Kuria, another of the southern Gilbert
Islands, was not invaded because there were no Japanese. Airmen and
photographers flew by and watched the natives wave and call to them.[404] During the Tarawa-Apamama operation,
those who flew with Ed were radio-operator Frederick K. Meche from Philadelphia and turret gunner Clark T. "Dutch"
Schoonmaker, both of whom had been flying with Ed
off-and-on since April 1943.
Throughout
the invasion of the Gilbert Islands, only a few enemy planes were sighted and
no Japanese air attacks occurred. The Chenango had more torpedo defense calls
than general quarters for plane attacks because submarines continued to be the
major concern. A Chenango patrol
plane spotted a sub on Wednesday, November 24, the same morning the Liscome Bay, a carrier, was sunk by two torpedoes
fired from the Japanese submarine I-175.[405] Some on the Chenango saw the flash over the horizon. Information was quickly
received that the ship had gone down fast and that 600 of her 900 crew were
lost. The Liscome Bay's reveille had
been sounded at 4:30 a.m. She then returned to routine general quarters at 5:05
a.m. as flight crews prepared their planes for dawn launchings. There was no
warning of a submarine in the area until 5:10 a.m. when a lookout shouted,
"Here comes a torpedo!" The missile struck near the after engineroom
an instant later with a shattering roar. A second major detonation closely
followed the first, with the entire interior bursting into flames. At 5:33 a.m.
the Liscome Bay listed to starboard
and sank.[406] Although it was understood that the Chenango was less vulnerable, because
her wing tanks were filled with water, her crew was led to conclude that their
concern for submarine attacks was justified.[407]
At
the time he arrived in the Gilbert Islands on Saturday, November 20, Ed told Hazel in their code, where he was.[408] A week later on November 27, using their
code, he told her about being in combat and that he was safe.[409] He apologized that he had missed six
days of letter writing. He had been "busy and naturally was in no mood to write."[410] He promised to resume his daily letters
and he did. He had been flying four to eight hours per day and was flying so
much that he did not feel dressed if he was not in his overalls and parachute. He
was going to sleep at 8:00 p.m. and waking up by 3:00 a.m. to fly. Generally,
alcohol was not allowed
aboard ship but one night the captain permitted the pilots one shot each of
whiskey because they performed so well. Ed found the whiskey helped with his
fatigue.[411]
The
day Ed resumed writing Hazel on November 27, the Chenango received news that Butch O'Hare and his crew had been lost early that morning. Ed had met O'Hare
at Alameda in the spring of 1943. O'Hare had won the Congressional Medal of Honor the previous year for shooting down five Japanese bombers in a
single battle. He headed a flight group stationed aboard the Enterprise which was also covering the Gilbert invasion. O'Hare died while
trying to stop Japanese bombers that were defending the Gilberts. Each night
during the invasion, land-based Japanese bombers from Roi, which was 500 miles distant, had been
flying to the Gilberts to bomb. The Americans called them the Tokyo Express.
Unlike Flight Group 35 on the Chenango,
O'Hare's flight group had no training in night
combat. Nevertheless, O'Hare devised a plan to intercept the night-flying
Japanese bombers. Since TBFs were the only carrier planes with radar at the
time, the plan was to launch two TBFs along with two fighters for each TBF, as
soon as the Japanese bombers were picked up by the ship's radar. The TBF would
close in on the bombers using its radar. The fighters would stick to the wing
tip of the TBF so as not to become lost in the dark. Once the blue flames of
the Japanese engines became visible, the fighters would go on the attack.
When
he later heard about the scheme, Ed was critical. In his view, O'Hare was a hero who thought he had to
be in on every flight and who did not know the limitations of TBF radar and
night fighting. The radar could not identify enemy aircraft or anything else. Ed had tried
to use the radar in bad weather to measure the height of waves and thereby
establish windspeed. But despite taking his set apart and putting it back
together, he could not make it work.[412] In the case of O'Hare's attempted
nighttime interception, one of the Japanese bombers mistakenly
joined one of O'Hare's formations. In the confusion a TBF turret gunner then
mistakenly shot O'Hare down.[413]
On
March 1, 1944, five months after the Gilbert invasion, Smiley Morgan had become Ed's skipper, Creepy Flint having maneuvered
himself back to the states. Smiley recommended Ed for a Navy citation for
bombing enemy personnel and gun emplacements on November 21, 1943.[414] Several years after that on November 10,
1947, the Secretary of the Navy, John L. Sullivan, gave Ed, among other awards, the Navy "Air Medal" for five flights between October 18 and
November 20, 1943 in "a combat area where enemy anti-aircraft was expected
to be effective or where enemy aircraft patrols usually occurred."[415] Later, on February 20, 1948, the U.S.S. Chenango was awarded the Navy unit
commendation for the Gilbert
Islands operation between November 20 and December 8, 1943.[416] What interested Ed a lot more than the
medals in December 1943 was going home to Hazel.
Christmas 1943: San Diego. After Tarawa the Chenango and CarDiv 22 headed for Pearl Harbor on Tuesday, December 7 and arrived on
Tuesday, December 14. The same day, Fleet Admiral Chester Nimitz came aboard the Chenango to congratulate the troops. They assembled in full dress on the flight deck. That
was the one time that Ed saw Nimitz in person.
The
next day they headed for San Diego. Their on-board newspaper, The Chenanigan of December 17, headed its first page with a U.S. flag planted on
a map of the U.S. and the caption, "Long may it wave." Below the map
was a poem about coming home:
We're
on our way home once more,
To
the bright lights, cars, women, and liquor stores,
To
cafes, and cabarets, to lit beaches and shores,
To
babes and beers and happy cheers,
AND
A LEAVE TO ------WE HOPE.
On the way home, having survived Tarawa, Ed received a
scare of a different type. He was the squadron's mess officer. Among the rights maintained by Naval officers was that of selecting and paying for
their own food. As mess officer, Ed had collected about $3,000 in cash
to pay the grocery bill. There was a safe in the desk in his room, but he
forgot to put it there. He had left it on the top of the desk. Later, returning
to his room, he discovered the money was gone. He feared the worst. He made a
rare visit to the enlisted quarters. Stewards cleaned the quarters of the
officers. They were African-American. It turned out the steward assigned to Ed's area had taken
the money to safeguard it. He had put it in a safe. Ed commented, "He was
honorable."
The
Chenango landed at San Diego on
December 21. According to one account, they came back because on November 29,
three of the Chenango's four boilers
had been damaged and needed repair.[417] The ship was at the National City Naval
Repair Base for seven days, and then moved to North Island where supplies
were received. The following verse was written in the Chenango logbook by the duty officer, Arthur Michielssen, on New Years night, Friday-Saturday,
1944, as he kept watch:
The
night is dark, the stars are bright,
Pier
"F" North Island is our berth tonight.
Six
lines of manila, two of wire,
Boilers
one and two on fire.
Our
starboard side is against the pier,
San
Diego, California, we're glad we're here.
The
Solomons, Midway,
Sangamon & Suwannee,
At
North Island's side in company.[418]
Late on the morning of New
Year's Day the Chenango got underway
to join TG 53.6 off San Clemente Island for three days of rehearsal. The rest of
the time before leaving was spent at North Island where ammunition, oil,
gasoline, and many other supply items were received and stowed.[419]
Throughout
the period December 21, 1943 to January 12, 1944 the air group stayed ashore,
where they flew, worked and visited their families. After Ed had left for sea
in October 1943, Hazel had been invited by Dr. Kellogg and his wife to live
in the main house with them until she could find another place. The cottage was
rented to another military couple. Dr. Kellogg was on the war rationing board and knew a civil servant, Mary Rogers, who worked on the board. Through Dr.
Kellogg, Hazel met Mary in early November 1943. Mary lived at 709 Twin Oaks in
Chula Vista. She was also married to a naval officer, named Ben, who was at
sea. Her place had two bedrooms and she sublet one of them to Hazel. Ed met Ben
Rogers in the South Pacific about six months later. He made a poor
impression. Ben was a "dipsomaniac," that is, an alcoholic, always headed to or away from a bar.[420] Ed remarked, "Very shallow - a good
deal like Mary - he had not made lieutenant commander," which should have been automatic.[421] Ed thought Ben and Mary might end up divorced.[422]
When
Ed returned to San Diego for Christmas 1943, he and Hazel shared the room at
709 Twin Oaks which she rented. Ed was grateful and surprised that they were
able to spend Christmas together. He later commented:
I certainly didn't
think we'd get home for Christmas. Wasn't that fine. Us being together for the
holidays. We were fortunate & it was very wonderful being with you.[423]
One of the things they did
that Christmas was go to the bakery where they met the wife of his squadron
mate, Herb Magnusson. She was a "little gal - really small." She ended
up having a baby on August 24, 1944, which Ed wrote home about at the time.[424] Herb's marriage did not last very long.
On
New Year's eve, Ed invited Henry "Hank" Bethune Hall to came out for diner. He was one of the squadron's air combat
intelligence officers and good at his job. He was about 40 and from St. Louis,
where he had a wife and children.[425] Hazel cooked the meal. At Ed's request,
she had bought some "booze." The drinks were made by Hazel from rum
and cranberry juice. This disguised the taste of the rum. As a result, it was
not possible to tell how much one had drunk. Hank kept asking for more. He became so
drunk, he was hardly able to go home. Ed was mad at Hazel for continuing to give him more.[426]
There
was a negative incident during the holiday period, the details of which Ed
could not later remember. It involved Hazel and her mother, Annie Hogan. Hazel was not one to be pushed around. Ed later wrote to Hazel in April 1944:
Very sweet of you to
remember to send mother some tea, but don't forget your own mother. I
hope you won't hold the Christmas episode against her. I'm sure she meant well.
I'll send both of them a card.[427]
On Ed's last day of leave, he asked Hazel if she had
enough money. She said yes. He had told her that when she needed money for
groceries and other expenses, to cash a check for $25. What she had been doing
was to spend only part of each $25 check. The rest she was putting in a
box, which she showed Ed. She had accumulated a good bit of cash. It would not
be the only time that Ed was not impressed with his mate's financial dealings.
The war brought prosperity to working people. The Terrars did not sit down and map out an
all-inclusive family budget. But one evolved day-to-day with Hazel
leading the way. After Ed went back to sea in mid-January, 1944, she spent much
of the next year as a homemaker, corresponding, taking lessons to become a
Catholic, socializing with her friends and making ready and then caring for the
baby. She continued to share the house at 709 Twin Oaks with Mary Rogers. She neither took nor wanted an outside
job. She had been working the entire twelve
years of her adult life. The war allowed her more time to herself. She was not
overly interested in money. Both she and Ed viewed child rearing and house keeping positively. Ed did mention to her the
possibility of taking a job but Hazel was not interested.[428]
Shopping was an important part of Hazel's life as a housewife. For example,
on May 8, 1944, she and her nurse friend from Michigan, Josephine Threlkeld, who had come to California in October 1943, went to
Tijuana in Mexico for the day.[429] Hazel bought a pair of sandals there.[430] She always liked to shop and dress well. A week later she made another visit to
Tijuana but bought nothing. Ed thought it was great she spent no money.[431] It was at this time that he began making
an attempt to obtain a Naval commissary and dependents card for her.[432] This would help in making ready for the
new arrival. Typically, in one of her letters she sent Ed a clipping from a
newspaper picturing six carriages sold by Sears and Roebuck, ranging in price from $18.95 to $49.95.
Ed wrote back that the one for $39.95 seemed like the best for the money.[433] In March she bought a baby bathtub and a
"Kiddie Koop."[434]
The
Terrars had a joint checking account at the First National Bank of Coffeyville. Ed was paid about $300 monthly and put at least $150 in the checking account.[435] The exact amount he earned was always
difficult to determine because it consisted of five different elements: base pay, flight pay, sea duty, quarters and
food allowance. Hazel never had any trouble spending what was in the checking
account. But he also had an account aboard ship. It consisted of the part of
his monthly pay which he did not request from the ship's paymaster. It
accumulated without interest. By April, he had saved $350 to $400.[436] By September, it had accumulated to $700. He told Hazel, "Don't get any bright ideas on how
that's going to be spent."[437] It had to go toward buying a car and
paying for their contemplated visit to the relatives for Christmas, 1944, unless she "happens to have a
little saved, not that I expect you to save any - nor do you need to."[438]
Added
to shopping for herself and the baby, Hazel spent time and money in sending
magazines subscriptions and other gifts to Ed and to his and her relatives
and friends. At his request, she sent Ed subscriptions to Colliers, Time, Life
and the New Yorker.[439] Likewise to Estelle Hunt in Europe and her youngest brother, Hugh Hogan, who had enlisted in the Navy, she sent
subscriptions.[440] She made fudge for Ed and sent him pecans, which he liked.[441] She sent her father-in-law in Kansas, Ed Sr., who had a sweet tooth, some candy.[442] One of the joint gifts, which the
Terrars made until the summer of 1944, was a periodic check to Ed's sister,
Mildred (1925-1998). She had graduated from high school in May 1943. At
the time of her graduation Ed told her that if she wanted to go to college, he
would help pay her way. That was before he met Hazel.[443]
Budgetary Planning. The war was run on a deficit budget. Those with the money, as the American Legion and United Mine
Workers complained, did not want to pay for it. In contrast, the Terrars and most others ran their part of the war on a cash basis. Hazel
was liberal in her domestic spending with the focus on day-to-day needs. But
she did not go into debt. Ed was more cautious with an eye on the long term. He
was sometimes not impressed with Hazel's budgetary arrangements. He regularly
mentioned the desirability of her saving money, what with the baby on the way.[444] It was no good living from paycheck to paycheck.[445] He was drawing little from his pay. But
at the same time he told her that he did not care how much she spent as long as it was not thrown away.[446] Hazel regarded this advice as a
"slap in the face." He answered that he was "only stating the
facts."[447]
In
reply Hazel suggested they buy some United States Savings Bonds. Ed did not think this a good idea. But
he also said it would be all right. Ed's thinking about the bonds was in
keeping with the Republican Party's prewar policy on war financing. The
party platforms, as noted, had called for future wars to be paid for by a levy
or draft not only on working people but on capital. This would take away some of the
economic incentive for war. The closest the government came to an economic levy was
the war bonds, which were directed at working people. At a three percent
return, they hardly kept up with inflation. At the same time the corporations were making twenty percent yearly on their investments.[448] Ed had an eye on the type of profits
which the corporations were making.
He
explained his thinking in April 1944 while temporarily in the hospital:
Since I've been in the hospital and
here I've had quite a bit of time to read and think about a few things -
concerning you, & our family and its future. Perhaps you being pregnant now doesn't
make you feel like doing a lot of thinking about the future aside from the
forthcoming event etc. But anyway perhaps you don't want to and if you don't
why just don't bother reading this or forget about it till you feel better
because I certainly don't want to add more to your worries and troubles. I know
they're many darling and I only wish I could be with you to help you out. As I
see it the future doesn't look at all bright - firstly the war looks to me like
it could drag out for quit a few more years - our only problems now are for us
to be together which I sometimes think are minor compared to our postwar
problems.
You mentioned in your letter of a
day or so ago that you felt there would be a lull after the war and I quite
agree. I fear the problems facing our country following the war will be much
greater and more difficult than the ones leading to a successful termination of
the hostilities, what with the inevitable racial and labor difficulties. I am afraid an economic revolution and am
sure there will be terrific inflation in which of course money is worthless. The only possible means of
paying off the national debt and prevent a
bankruptcy of the federal govt. is an inflation - either of which are
catastrophes so far as money is concerned.
You mentioned putting money into war
bonds as a means of savings. Now here's the thing - all those people employed
as civilians are being forced to make paycheck allotments for war bonds. Following the war these
people will find themselves unemployed and without means of an income so will
have to turn in their bonds for money to live - the result being that the govt.
will either refuse to pay them off or if they do so will have to devaluate the
dollars and that is probably what they will do and of course that action will
cause inflation to ensue and the dollar won't be worth much.[449]
In the same letter, Ed told Hazel that she should save
their money and they would invest it. He liked the idea of buying a farm as a
goal. As he had mentioned to her, it was his belief that after the war, the
United States would probably return to a depression-type
economy with racial and labor difficulties and perhaps an "economic revolution." He wanted to be prepared and
self-sufficient. He wrote:
So I've been thinking that instead
of putting our money into war bonds - it might be better to invest it in
property. I have in mind buying a small farm -
not too large - but something one could make payments on and rent during the
war and then if things come to the worst following the war we can and will have
someplace to go that is our own and some place where we will at least be sure
of food. That would insure a roof over our heads and food for us at least. By
that plan I'm preparing for the worst to happen.
It might be tough having to farm for
someplace to live and something to eat but darling we have each other and we will
have at least one child and I think we can manage. I feel pretty confident that
we'll never have to worry too much about finances. I have too much confidence
in my abilities to make a living but I think we should be prepared for the
worst and certainly we couldn't go wrong with a small farm even though prices
are high now - if we could get it paid for we'd be safe.
Let me know what you think of this
idea. We will have some cash I'm sure when I get out of the service because I
will get my aviators bonus of $500.00 per year for each year I'm on active duty so that will
probably be $2000.00 by the time I
get out and with a farm and $2000.00 we should be able to live over pretty hard
times.
Well my dear I don't want you to
worry - the situation won't face us for several years I am sure and in the
meantime I'd like to be with you constantly. I will knock off and get some
rest. Will go to mass and then work tomorrow.
Love
and Kisses
Ed[450]
Correspondence and
Socializing. In addition to shopping and managing the budget, Hazel corresponded
and socialized. She wrote a letter each day to Ed. It was not unusual for him
to receive fifteen of her letters in a single day.[451] Mail was delivered to the ships only
when they were in port. So it would accumulate when they were at sea. Some of
Hazel's letters were three pages long.[452] They detailed her domestic activities
and her concerns. She was afraid he would become bored hearing of them. But he
never did.[453] In her letters she also enclosed the
letters of Estelle and others who had written to her.[454] Ed commented about enjoying Estelle's
letters:
The two letters from
Estelle were very pleasant, as usual. I always enjoy her letters. Will be very
happy to meet her. She must be quite a gal.[455]
From the last week in February until late May, Ed was in Hawaii and their letters reached each other within a week's time, so that
they kept relatively close tabs on each other. Once, on March 23, Hazel even
had a phone call from Ed.[456] He wanted to hear her voice, but had
trouble hearing it. He had written that she might not hear from him for a
while. She took this to mean he was not going to write everyday, which upset
her. He answered that he was writing everyday, but because of their operations,
the letters might be delayed in getting to her.[457]
In
her letters Hazel expressed her worries. Among them were that Ed might be hurt
or killed and that after the war they would return to an economic depression.[458] She missed having him there and commented that she was a bride with a baby on
the way.[459] Ed numbered his letters to Hazel. When
there was a gap of three numbers in late April, she accused him of failing to write
for three days. He explained that he had not missed a day since February, when
he had been in combat. The problem was he had not remembered at what number he
was.[460]
Hazel's correspondence included taking pictures, developing them and
sending them on to Ed. Shortly before Easter she sent him a card which had a
picture of an ivy-covered cottage. It was the home in which they had lived
the previous September and October in the Kellogg's backyard. As shown in the
picture, part of the house was in the shade under a large eucalyptus tree, but
a corner of it and the door were in bright sunlight. Printed on the card was
"Easter Joy" and a graphic of a bunny carrying two baskets of eggs.
The one note that Hazel wrote to Ed, which was saved, was in the margin:
Do you remember
this? Keep it regardless. I want it for my scrapbook. Hope this reaches you by Easter.
Love
Hazel
Another of the pictures
she sent at Ed's request was of how she looked with her big belly.[461] When she sent it, she said she was
afraid he would laugh at her for the way she looked.[462] For mother's day on Sunday May 14, Ed
sent her two cards and a third for the baby.[463] He also offered up his communion for her and prayed for her at the 10:15 a.m. mass that day.[464]
Hazel
was becoming progressively larger with the baby as the months went by. She
complained in January about headaches and Ed commented that they might be from strain and "slight
emotional disturbance."[465] She was given a diagram on a sheet of
paper that outlined ten physical exercises, which would help her stay in shape
in preparation for the baby.[466] In late February she had begun to feel
the baby moving around inside her and it was lively.[467] At about the same time she was briefly
in the hospital, perhaps from fear of a miscarriage. But the problem went away.
Nevertheless, she went to the doctor frequently.[468] In late March she was seeing the doctor
three times per week.[469] She went to the Naval Hospital in Balboa
Park, where she had worked earlier and knew the obstetrics department well.
They did not have the appointment system. One could spend a good part of the
day waiting. Ed commented on Saturday, May 13, that she should have an
appendectomy when she delivered the baby.[470] She was having stomach problems.
When
Hazel lamented about becoming fat, Ed joked that he would not let her become
fat until he became fat.[471] If she was still fat after having the
baby, he would buy a bicycle when he returned and ride it along side her, while she did
roadwork to lose weight.[472] In May her housemate was commenting on
how much she was waddling. She could use her stomach as a desk on which to
write letters.[473] That month she had a near miscarriage.[474]
One
of the tasks in making ready for the baby and about which there was regular
correspondence was deciding on a name. If it was a girl, Hazel said she liked
the name Cassandra.[475] Ed wrote back about the legend of
Cassandra. She had great powers of intuition and
prophecy, but unfortunately she was believed by no one.[476] Ed liked the name Patricia, but later
said he did not care for it.[477] As early as November 13, 1943, Ed had
suggested that Hazel write to his Welsh-born dad, to obtain the names of Welsh girls.[478] Ed preferred that the name not be a
common one, but would be happy with whatever Hazel came up with.[479] Not much was said about boy's names. But
Ed made his thinking clear in the last letter he wrote before the child was born.
He told her to "have Mr. E.F.T."[480] Besides the name, the baby's date of
arrival was also a topic of discussion. It ranged from June 25 until early
July. Ed speculated it might be a "firecracker" (July 4) and did not
doubt that the child would be
"just about as noisy."[481]
Hazel's
corresponding did not prevent her from socializing with those nearer to home.
She liked to cook and was good at it. She both invited friends over for dinner and
visited her friends, like Rosemary Carr and Peggy Dalzell.[482] These women were married to Ed's squadron
mates and both were pregnant and had babies at about the same time as Hazel.
Hazel commented that Rosemary was able to be out and around despite having a
baby.[483] Sometimes Peggy would write Ed, as on April 12, when he was in the hospital in
Hawaii. She told him she had had her baby and that she thought the squadron,
which was at Espititu Santo, might come home in June.[484]
Hazel's
socializing included her Michigan friends Russell de Alvarez (1908-1987) and his
wife Becky. They had just married and come to San Diego in mid-April. He had
been a student at the University of Michigan, obtaining his medical degree in 1935 and his master of
science in 1940. He was an obstetrician and had joined the Navy. He was in San
Diego only a short time before serving on an aircraft carrier. But while in San
Diego he delivered Hazel's baby.[485] Dr. de Alvarez went on to become a
professor at the University of Washington's School of Medicine (1948-1964) and then at Temple University. Over the
years he wrote and edited several textbooks on gynecology.[486]
Catholicism. Among Hazel's activities during the
first part of 1944 was the continuation of her lessons with Fr. Brown in Chula
Vista to become a Catholic. Ed inquired frequently about the lessons and
commented in January that he wanted her to tell Fr. Browne to speed up the lessons, so that she could be a Catholic by
mid-March.[487] She did not miss that date by much. On Easter
Sunday, April 9, she made her first confession and communion as a Catholic. She did not need to be baptized, since she had
already been baptized in the Methodist church. John Donlon, who attended the service and was one of
her sponsors, said she had "a natural sense of Catholicism."[488] Her other sponsor was Estelle Hunt, who was in the Army and was represented
by proxy. Ed was grateful that she had joined the church. He had "always
wanted a Catholic wife" and was thinking of her when he went to mass at 6:50 a.m. on that Easter Sunday in Hawaii. He offered his
communion for her.[489] He suggested to her that it "is
very comforting when the going gets tough to drop into the church and relax for a minute or two."[490] Hazel's idea of comfort included
material considerations. She bought a new outfit in which to join the church.[491]
Ed
had some doubts about Hazel's commitment to her new religion. At least his
admonitions were as frequent after she became a Catholic as before. In May he wrote that he hoped that she had gone to
mass, as it was a holyday of obligation, "We have to go (to mass) on
holydays under the same obligation we go on Sunday."[492] He further instructed her that it was
not necessary to go to communion but that she obtained special graces by going. He went every opportunity he had. However, if it hurt
her to go to mass without eating breakfast, then she should not go to
communion. He suggested that if she went to an early mass, then she would not
have to fast so long. Another admonition was that she needed to make a
concerted effort not to eat meat on Fridays, except if her health were in danger.[493] On June 4, he was hoping she was going
to church on Sundays, but it was not necessary to go "if you do not feel
well enough."[494] A week later he remarked, "You try
to ease in an occasional prayer for me dear and everything will be fine and I'll do the same for
you."[495]
Housing. An aggravating activity for Hazel in
April and May 1944 was house hunting. The landlord at 709 Twin Oaks where Hazel was staying,
sold the place in April. They said she would have to leave.[496] Ed suggested she find a place near the
Kelloggs in Chula Vista. This turned out to be difficult. Housing was tight. Ed
also told her not to let the landlord push her out without giving her
sufficient notice. The Office of Price Administration (OPA) required a 90-day notice. She should stay at least until
June 1.[497] The new owner wanted to move in
immediately even if she was still living there. Ed objected to this.
Hazel
ended up moving back in with the Kelloggs at 669 Del Mar in Chula Vista in early May.[498] At the same time she continued to look
for a place. She mentioned a two-bedroom possibility that cost $125 per month.
She wanted to share it with Peggy Dalzell, which would have brought the price down
to $62.50 when split two ways.[499] Initially Ed thought this was too
expensive, "We aren't rich, darling, you know and if at all possible I
think we should get something cheaper."[500] He felt she should pay no more than $75
per month.[501] Several weeks later he told her that
$125 was a lot for rent but not to worry if it was necessary to pay that
amount.[502] Ed liked the idea of her having Peggy
Dalzell but not Rosemary Carr as a housemate. Rosemary was married to Tim Carr, who flew SBDs in Ed's squadron before the SBDs became
detached. Ed was worried that the SBD pilots would return from sea earlier than
the others, meaning Hazel would lose her housemate.
Hazel began to think that buying a place might be the solution. A home
would cost about $6,000. Ed said they did not have the money for a down
payment.[503] Further, OPA rules gave prior tenants 90
days before they had to leave. That meant that if Hazel obtained a place, she
would not be into it for three months. By then Ed would probably be back and
there was no telling where he would be stationed. There was a good possibility
she would never live in it and that someone would give her a
"soaking." Finally, as noted earlier, Ed was thinking that a farm was
what they should be aiming for.
By
mid-May the housing problem was solved. Hazel found a nice place that cost only
$25 per month. It was located on Queen Avenue near Avocado Boulevard. in the
Mt. Helix area of La Mesa, which was east of Chula Vista.[504] It was a large two-story house on two
acres of land. There were avocado and other trees all around. It was owned by a
widower, Mr. E. D. Ludwick. He had a son who was in the army. Mr. Ludwick lived in the
downstairs, which consisted of a garage, bedroom and bath. Upstairs were three
bedrooms and a bath, which he rented to Hazel, Peggy Dalzell and Rosemary Carr.[505]
The Baby: June-December, 1944.
Ed remembered in early June that he had not sent the card for Hazel to be
admitted to the Naval Hospital in Balboa Park, San Diego, but concluded she would sort it out.
She did.[506] As noted she knew the obstetrics
department well. She had worked there the previous year. On June 27, Ed mailed
her a naval commissary and hospital card, which she was supposed to sign.[507] But the baby, a boy, arrived long before
the hospital card. He was born at 11:49 a.m. on Thursday June 29.[508] Hazel's friend, Dr. Russell de Alvarez and nurse Wassick, delivered the baby. John Donlon was also there to
help.[509] Forceps were used because the baby did
not want to come out. As a result, the baby's head was elongated and beaten-up.[510] Ed commented that he too had been a forceps
or instrumental baby and had not been up to normal birth-weight.[511] The new arrival weighed 8 lbs., 7 1/2
ozs. and was 21 1/2 inches-long. By July 9, when mother and son were discharged from the hospital, she had him circumcised
and he weighed 8 lbs, 1 oz.[512]
Ed
lamented that he was not present "to pace the hospital deck while"
Hazel delivered but was glad she had him circumcised.[513] Hazel named the new arrival Edward
Francis Terrar, III, after his father. She nicknamed him "Tersh,"
which was short for tertiary or the third. Within three or four months,
however, the nickname had changed to "Toby" at the suggestion of
Tommie Kellogg, who thought he looked like an English
Toby jug when sitting up. That name stuck.[514]
Ed,
"who was plenty anxious to find out how everything went," had wanted
to be notified of the birth by telegram through the Red Cross or the fleet post
office. But he decided the mail would reach him just as fast. Neither telegrams
nor letters were generally delivered until the ship reached a port.[515] Ed asked Hazel to have John Donlon
telegram his parents and her mother. Annie Hogan had taken a trip to Florida
but she soon knew about her grandson and wanted a picture.[516] In August after she received a picture,
Annie wrote that she was elated with her grandson.[517] Ed too wanted a picture of "Mr.
Tersh."[518] When some arrived on August 16, Ed
commented:
The pictures are the
greatest boost to my morale I've had in a long time. Boy will
I be glad to get back & see him - by the time I get there he should be
crawling, it's going to be great when he gets big enough to walk & we can
play with him. I can hardly wait.[519]
According to Hazel's first observations, the new arrival
looked like Ed and was a "wonderful baby."[520] Mrs. Kellogg went by to visit
Hazel and the baby at the hospital. She said that when the nurse showed her the
baby, he was awake and took in the whole picture.[521] Ed hoped the baby would have Hazel's red
hair and temperament. But the baby's hair turned out to be brown. Hazel wrote
so much about the baby, she was afraid Ed might become bored. He replied, "I don't think I'll
ever tire of reading what you're doing & what EFT III is doing."[522]
The
Terrars had a list of relatives and friends to whom Hazel sent little cards
announcing the new arrival. On July 5, Ed told her not to send an announcement
to his cadet-school classmate, Bernie H. Volm, Jr.[523] He would explain later. Bernie had been
killed in an accident in the Atlantic. Ed did not want to bring up to her the
dangerous nature of war.
Gifts
and cards were sent to the new mother and baby from relatives and Hazel's
nursing friends.[524] Her adoptive mother, Clyde Jones sent a gift and a
note:
Dear Hazel,
Just
a little gift for the baby. Hope you all are getting on fine. Wish I could see
both of you. Has Edward seen the baby yet? Write me a long letter soon.
Lots
of Love
Aunt
Clyde[525]
Hazel's housemate, Peggy Dalzell, and her baby daughter sent a card to
"Master Ed F. Terrar III," saying, "Welcome to 'Hacienda la
Mesa' with love from Bonnie B [Brooks Dalzell] and Piglet & Mary
Martin."[526] The Cillessens, who lived up the alley
from Ed in Coffeyville, sent a savings stamp, for the baby's savings book. They
wrote:
Dear Edward III
Enclosed you will find stamps for
your book which I trust you already have. Have mother put these away for you
& when you come to see grandmother just come up the alley & see us too.
We saw daddy's picture in the paper the other night & were almost afraid to
read under it for fear it would say he was missing in action but not so. It was
that he was first to land on Guam.
The
Cillessen family[527]
In mid-August Tommie Kellogg brought over some toilet water for Hazel.[528] She gave the baby a rattle, which became his favorite toy.[529] About the same time Hazel and the baby
received a visit from Ben and Mary Rogers, her old housemate. Ed wanted to obtain some scientific
toys "to develop his mind."[530] John Donlon, who had a cocker spaniel, was transferred in October 1944.
He talked about giving the dog to Hazel and the baby, but, to Ed's relief, did
not.[531]
In
having a boy, Hazel kept up the squadron "tradition." Ed had written on June 22:
Smiley [Morgan] is sitting
here besides me. He says you'd better not let down the VT tradition by having a
girl child - everyone in VT has boys. All the fighters have girls. So I guess
we'd better have a boy - but actually I don't really mind - in fact I'd sort of
like to have a little girl - just so she is like you - she'd be perfect. All my
love.
Ed[532]
Several weeks after being released from the hospital,
Hazel had the baby baptized on Sunday
July 16, at her new parish church, St. Martin's in La Mesa. The priest was Rev. Thomas Lehane. The pastor was Rev. A. L. Hagenauer. John Donlon was the godfather and Estelle Hunt, the godmother by proxy. John
said he would put the baby through school. Hazel repeated this to Ed, who
complained:
I don't know why
John thinks he would have to put the baby through school. What does he think
I'm going to be doing. John is jealous. He should marry & settle down.[533]
By September Ed was owing
a letter to John. He remarked, "The spirit [to write] is willing, but the
flesh is weak."[534]
Work. Hazel's routine after coming home from the
hospital centered largely around the baby: cooking and feeding, changing and
washing diapers, and bathing and playing with him. The hospital gave written
instructions to Hazel on the "formula" to feed the baby.[535] She continued to live with Peggy Dalzell on the second floor
at Mr. Ludwick's. They sometimes did their chores
together. Hazel sent Ed a picture of the baby and Peggy's daughter, Bonnie, being bathed together. Ed commented that they looked cute
together but the pictures might be embarrassing to them in 18 years.[536] Hazel was dressing the baby in blues and
rompers.
For
the first months the baby was waking up at 2:00 a.m. to be fed. Not obtaining a
full night's rest was hard on Hazel.[537] She maintained her hair was turning
gray.[538] In August she reported the baby was
keeping her very busy and sometimes he was "mischievous."[539] At such times, he was "Ed's
baby."[540] In September he was crying a lot and she
had to hold him. Ed thought it was a good way for him to exercise his lungs and
obtain air.[541] Ed advised her not to spoil the child
and to do only what he needed and was good for him.[542] The baby acquired a rash about the same
time, which Ed thought might be the result of the heat.[543] According to a scrapbook, which Hazel
kept, the best things which the baby did were "eat and sleep."[544]
When
given a bath, the baby liked the taste of soap. But he did not like spinach or
asparagus. He was eating solids by September and was spraying Hazel with the
spinach.[545] She had started smoking and Ed speculated
the baby might be objecting to it by spitting the spinach at her:
I thought you quit
smoking. I don't want you blowing smoke in Tersh's face like you used to do me.
Maybe that's the reason he blows spinach in yours.[546]
By the time the child was
four months old in October, Hazel was toilet training him. She had purchased a
"little toidey" which was a small chair with a hole in the bottom,
which was put over a regular toilet.[547] Ed was surprised, as he did not know
they could be trained that young.[548]
Taking
care of the baby was hard work and it exhausted Hazel not only physically and but emotionally. "Maternity
blues," "baby blues" or mild post partum depression was a normal
part of having a baby. It took a while to adjust to new the responsibilities
and limitations. Spontaneous outings were no longer possible but took planning.
Ed was far away and his
safety was in doubt. She had problems with breast feeding and had to resort to
a bottle. Fatigue, loss of sleep and weight changes in recently delivered women
were typical, as were feelings of inadequacy and worthlessness. Hazel was no longer the center of attention.[549] She felt that, with all the attention
being put on the baby, her worth, especially in Ed's eyes, was not appreciated.
He reassured her:
Don't worry about
playing second fiddle to our son. Remember sweet that you are mine - Mr. Tersh
is ours. I love you both very much. I love you darling because you're mine,
because you're very wonderful, sweet & lovely & he's ours because he's
part you - in other words a filial love -
but darling I'll never neglect one for the other - don't you worry.[550]
Hazel was too far away from her mother and family to
obtain coaching and relief. Her emotional difficulties extended to her dealings
with Peggy Dalzell. Having a housemate who also had a baby
had advantages, but also disadvantages, which Hazel complained about. Ed
advised her not to have troubles with Peggy, if at all possible. She only had
to endure there for several more months and then he would be back.[551]
In
addition to her baby and housemate, Hazel had a demanding husband. For example,
he wrote:
How's that young son
of ours getting along these days? He's probably a very active young man - you
have no idea how much I'd like to see him. Darling do you put him outside for a
while every day. - He needs to be out several hours per day for fresh air &
sunshine.[552]
As the baby put on weight,
Ed talked about Hazel losing weight, but nevertheless, "You'll be beautiful to me
always."[553]
Despite
the blues and the demands made upon her, Hazel continued to function and keep
the Terrar household egalitarian. She made her own demands when necessary
and saw no virtue in long-suffering patience. For example, when she visited
soon after the birth, Tommie Kellogg noted how the baby took everything in. Ed
commented that that was what he wanted, a child that kept his eyes and ears
open and his mouth closed. Hazel let Ed know that she did not appreciate those sentiments. Ed defended himself,
"Of course I want him to howl & talk lots when he's a baby but not a
loud mouth & I'm sure he won't be when he grows up. Compre'vous, petite."[554] At another point Hazel accused Ed of
putting the Navy first, apparently before her or the family. To this he pointed out
that he had frequently voiced his dislike of the Navy, "You made some remark about the
Navy coming first - I thought you were familiar with my 'love' for the Navy."[555]
The
demands of single-parenthood did not stop Hazel's normal routine of shopping. To go out more easily, she purchased a
new carriage in September in which to push the baby. He liked being wheeled.[556] Ed commented on hearing of a shopping
spree, "I'm glad you got some new clothing. It sounds to me like you got
it very reasonably. One thing I don't mind is you spending money on
yourself."[557] However, he warned her from time to time
not to count on staying in "Dego." She should not buy a lot of
material that would be trouble carrying. "We'll have a lot to drag around
the country [even] without the household goods."[558]
Along
with shopping, Hazel went out each Sunday for mass. Ed inquired if she left the baby with Peggy Dalzell when she went.[559] Hazel also had time for politics. She
voted in the November 1944 presidential elections. She advised Ed to do
likewise. In turn, he was worried about her Southern Democratic politics, "You needn't get on me about voting - I voted for the right man -
you're the one I'm worried about - hope that Southern Democratic influence hasn't
been the cause of you going astray."[560]
Another
of Hazel's duties which remained undisturbed was the household finances. The
baby was hardly a month old when she was down at the bank opening up an
account for him.[561] This was encouraged by the savings
stamps, which George and Mary Cillessen and others sent. By late September she had a stampbook finished for him.[562] Stamps were bought for $.10, $.25 or $1
at the post office and pasted into the stampbook. When the value of the stamps
reached $18.75, the book was exchanged for a $25 savings bond.
In
late July Hazel asked about Ed's expenses. He replied that they were never more
than $85 per month. As noted, he was making nearly $300 per month and putting
half of it in the bank for her.[563] She sent him a bank statement several
months later and he thought she was "doing very well with finances."[564]
Part
of Hazel's routine, which the baby did interrupt, was movie attendance. She had
to stop going. She was eager that they buy a car to increase her mobility. Ed's
father had, in one of his
jobs, worked in auto sales. The Terrars did considerable planning in the late
summer about obtaining a car.[565] It was mentioned that if Ed's dad
obtained one, John Donlon might go back to
Kansas to drive it out.[566] Hazel leaned on John for favors.
Hazel
was not being shot at by enemy forces, but Ed's absence, the dangers of war,
raising a child and running a household single-handedly were difficult. From
the Terrars' perspective the home front was as much a battleground as the South
Pacific. Ed remarked, "It's just a situation of a very dirty job to be done - me
doing mine out here & you doing yours back there."[567] Hazel made the best of it.
While Hazel was holding down the fort at home, Ed went
back to sea. On Wednesday January 12, 1944 his leave in San Diego ended. The
next day he departed with the Northern Attack Force, TF-53, the same group the Chenango had been assigned to during the
Gilberts invasion.[568] Their mission was to continue the
Central Pacific island-hopping. With the Gilberts as a base, they were ready to attack the
Marshall Islands. They went by way of Hawaii.[569] As at Tarawa, TF-53 was one of four task
forces that composed the task group now designated as the Fifth Fleet.[570] Rear Admiral Richard Conolly, a veteran of amphibious landing in the
Mediterranean, commanded it.[571] Over him as commander of the Fifth Fleet
was Admiral Raymond Spruance. The other task groups were TF-58, TF-52
and a land-based task force.[572] Ed was aware of being in the Fifth Fleet
and of being part of TF-53, but he had no knowledge of Admiral Conolly or his
predecessor, Harry Hill, who were far removed from him in the chain of command.
Absent
as the Chenango left San Diego was
squadron-mate Charley Dickey. He missed the boat and had no excuse.
As a result he was kicked out of the squadron and reduced to the rank of ensign for the
duration of the war. He later went to sea with another squadron in which almost
everyone remained an ensign until the war's end. In losing Dickey, the Chenango lost a natural-born historian.
During and after the war he published stories of his war experience, including
his part in the sinking of the Japanese battleship Musashi in the Sibuyan Sea of the Philippine Islands on October 24, 1944.
But he was then with Air Group 20 aboard the U.S.S. Enterprise.[573]
The Trip Back to the Central Pacific:
January 12-31, 1944. As on their earlier trips, the westward
cruise gave the entire formation time for torpedo defense, damage control, and anti-aircraft firing at
sleeves towed by SBDs. Three days out Ed was reading
Frederick Mears' Carrier Combat (New York: Doubleday,
Doran & Co., 1944). Mears had died in 1943. Ed had met him and the book was better than he expected.[574] The following day Ed was reading a book
by Ashender (?) about the British secret service in World War I.[575]
A
week out of port a team came to recruit for the regular Navy. Ed had nothing to do with them. He wanted
out. He commented to Hazel:
I do not like this
sea duty and most of all I don't like being away from you. I think I can make
more money in civilian life but
I'd rather make less and be with you than to make a lot and not be with you.[576]
A week later he again
complained of missing Hazel and proposed that he would obtain duty as a flight
instructor when the squadron's rotation at sea was over. This would allow him
to stay in the states and be with Hazel.[577]
On
January 21, they arrived at Hawaii. Instead of stopping at Pearl Harbor, however,
they went to Lahaina Roads just off Maui, where CarDiv 22 was assigned berths behind some transports. The Northern Attack
Force did not stop at Pearl Harbor because the rest of the Fifth Fleet,
including Task Force-58 and the Southern Attack Force, was packed into it. Pearl Harbor
looked like it was paved with steel. The Undersecretary of the Navy, James
Forrestal, and Fleet Admiral Nimitz came over to Lahaina Roads to take a look. That night Ed played bridge until 1:00 a.m.[578] The next day, Friday they headed out to
the west without having obtained liberty.[579] Ed was reading John Carlson's Under Cover: My Four Years in the Nazi
Underground of America, The Amazing Revelation of How Axis Agents and Our
Enemies within are Now Plotting to Destroy the United States (New York:
E.P. Dutton, 1943). He did not think much of it and did not finish it. Not only
Ed's Northern Attack Force but the entire Fifth Fleet was sailing for the
Marshalls and Operation FLINTLOCK. Pearl Harbor was nearly empty. The
carriers and their numerous escorts did not return to Pearl until the end of
the war. Only individual ships, chiefly those requiring extensive repairs, came
back.[580]
On
January 28, three days before the Marshall Islands D-day invasion, the Chenango reached the general area of
attack.[581] A day earlier, Ed had hurt his middle
finger playing volleyball, but it did not slow him down. That evening he visited
another carrier and spent the night.[582] He saw some friends from cadet days,
including George Stouffer and John Murray, whom Hazel had met briefly in El
Centro. The next morning, January 29, was Sunday. Ed went to confession and mass, the main purpose of the visit, as there
was a chaplain on board. Everyone knew that combat was ahead, and, if one was going to die, it was best to be ready to meet the
maker.
Marshall Islands: January 31-February 22,
1944. Operation FLINTLOCK, the planned attack
on the Marshalls was, in Chenango
veteran Brooke Hindle's view, the real beginning of the Navy's
move through the Central Pacific. The Gilberts had been taken to permit the
capture of the Marshalls. Occupied by Japan since World War I, they were a major
military center and well defended. A number of ships and planes were based
there, which had already been sent out in destructive actions.
The
details of the invasion were mapped out soon after the Tarawa conquest. On
December 25, 1943, while Ed and Hazel were celebrating their first Christmas
together, Admiral Spruance conscientiously labored with the help of his assistant, Carl Moore, in their Hawaiian headquarters from eight to five.[583] There was a dispute about details of the
plan. Ernie King, Chief of Naval Operations, wanted to maintain an offensive momentum against the Japanese through relentless
attacks both in the Central Pacific and in the Southwest Pacific, in order to
deny them time to reorganize and to consolidate defenses. He was adamant that
the Marshalls be seized on January 16, even if the American forces were not
entirely ready.[584] Spruance knew that the earliest date he
could assemble the forces was February 1, owing to the long distances they had
to travel. The CNO finally agreed to January 31. Spruance conformed to this
date by landing artillery on undefended islands adjacent to Kwajalein and Roi-Namur, but the main assault did not begin until February
1, the date Spruance wanted from the start.[585]
Among
the strategic improvements for the Marshall invasion were more amphibious landing craft (LVT). They had proven their value. In addition,
Admiral Kelly Turner and his Southern Assault Force (TF-52) commanders operated from specially designated
command ships, equipped with new, reliable communications equipment that would
not fail as at Tarawa. Most important, the preassault bombardment lasted three
days, not three hours as at Tarawa. The assault was expected to be more
difficult than Tarawa.[586] In this they were mistaken.
In
the attack on the Marshalls, the objective of the Chenango and of the Northern Attack Force (TF-53) was Roi-Namur Island at
the northern end of the Marshalls. It was to be seized by 21,000 Marines of the
4th Marine Division. The division was not experienced and needed more
training before D-Day, but it ran out of time. The number of escort carriers
(CVEs) assigned remained the same as in the Gilbert invasion with the Manila Bay replacing the sunken Liscome
Bay and the Natoma Bay replacing the functional but detached Barnes.[587] Along with the destroyers which escorted
it, CarDiv 22 made up the bulk of TG-53.6, which was part of TF-53. Ed remarked that the force was the largest that had ever been
assembled by the Navy, "it was formidable."[588]
On
D-day minus two, January 29, the carriers struck the
Japanese air bases at Wotje, Maloelap, Eniwetok, and Kwajalein. Admiral Hoover's land-based aircraft,
operating out of the Gilberts, suppressed the enemy air forces at Mili and Jaluit. Immediately following the strikes, fast
battleships from the carrier screen peeled off and bombed the airfields in
order to prevent their reinforcement. One carrier task group stood by Eniwetok,
which was on the western edge of the Marshalls, to plug the aircraft corridor
from the Carolines and Marianas.[589] The shelling of the Roi-Namur Islands
knocked down almost every tree, causing more desolation than at Tarawa. This
destruction was nicknamed the "Spruance Haircut" for Vice Adm.
Spruance.[590]
Some
345 trained Japanese fighters defended Roi-Namur, backed by 2,100 Air Force personnel and
a thousand miscellaneous "ineffectives." They had no chance against
the larger American force. On D-day the Chenango along with the rest of CarDiv 22 steamed away from the task force
about 30 miles northeast of Kwajalein and then cruised some 10 to 25 miles to
the north and northeast. Ed flew a five-hour scouting mission from 5:20 a.m. onward. His initial assignment was to confirm that
the components of the attack and transport forces had properly rendezvoused.
These consisted of 150 ships in the battle group and 700 transport ships. In the
darkness, he could see only the wakes created by the ships. They stretched for
as far as the eye could see. High above the Pacific, he thought to himself,
there had to be a God, because no human could have brought so
many ships and people together in one place.[591] Ed's anti-submarine scouting patrols
also supported the attack on Jacobs, Albert and Allen Islands, just south of
the northern islands. Most of the smaller islands were taken on the first day
and American guns were quickly installed there to hit Roi-Namur.
The
real D-day for Roi-Namur and Kwajalein, as Spruance insisted, was February 1.
On that morning, the carrier escorts (CVEs), protected by two slow battleships,
two cruisers, and additional destroyers, sent them planes to support the
landings on Roi-Namur.[592] Ed bombed enemy personnel and a gun
emplacement at Namur that day for which he later was awarded a gold star.
Because of the censorship, he was limited in his discussion of his missions to
the code that he and Hazel
had worked out.[593]
The
landing on Roi-Namur by Conolly's transports took place after the planes did
their bombing. With the fireworks and large numbers involved, there was chaos
among the landing craft, but the smallness of the opposition saved them. Thomas
Buell described the scene:
The bombardment of
Roi-Namur roared into a crescendo, the weight of steel and explosive far
exceeding that at Tarawa. The island, shuddering with explosions, belched
spectacular fires and towering columns of smoke. Offshore, however, Conolly's
LVT's and landing craft were milling about in chaos, owing to
the fatigue and inexperience of the drivers and coxswains. Realizing the
futility of attempting to restore order, Conolly ordered everything afloat to head ashore, and the disorganized
mass of small craft began to move. They hit the beach without opposition, and
the Marines moved inland to grapple with the surviving Japanese defenders.[594]
While TF-53 was taking Roi-Namur on D-day plus one, the
object of TF-52, the Southern Attack Force, was Kwajalein Island, which was 45 miles to the south. TF-52
was composed of 22,000 assault troops from the 7th Infantry Division. They were
veterans of the dismal Aleutians campaign. Their opposition was about 1,800
Japanese soldiers and marines and about 2,800 laborers and base support
personnel. Kwajalein, near the center of the Marshalls was, at 60 miles in
length, the largest and most developed atoll.
Within
twenty-four hours of their attack the Marines seized Roi-Namur, and Kelly
Turner reported that the 7th Army Division was slowly winning Kwajalein Island. The estimated
American casualties on Roi-Namur were light, about a hundred killed compared to
the thousand dead at Tarawa.[595] Ed's squadron mate, TBF aviator Bill
Marshall, summarized in his "Diary" the first several days
of the Marshall campaign:
January 31, 1944: Today was
first day of attack on the Marshall islands by our task force. I flew from 1400
to 1745. Bombed Abraham Island east of Roi Island of the Kwajalein Atoll. I
dropped a 2000 # lb. I flew with another squadron from the U.S.S. Suwannee. They were short one TBF and 2 SBD. The
SBDs had a mid-air collision over target. One of their plains hit Holloway's
plane (one of ours) and knocked his left wing off. He bailed out and was picked
up by one of our DD's. He was carrying Lt. (jg) Adams, ships photographer. Had
received no word of Adams at 1100. One of the fighters knocked his hook off and
had to make a water landing, was picked up ok by DD. Battle is coming along
fine. We won't have much trouble I hope. I had a good bomb hit. Right in the
middle of the island. Hope God protects me in future as he has in the past. That is all for
today. The three carriers lost 5 planes all together today.
February 1, 1944: Second day
of Marshall Island Battle. Marines landed on main islands in the Kwajalein
Atoll, Roi and Namur Island. Roi Island is the air field and Naumr the barracks
and other buildings. They had taken all but the N.E. and S.E. ends of Namur
Island. Tanks had landed.
I flew a 5 hrs. ASP hop today. After
hop one was sent to search for a pilot down at sea but could not find him. Did
not drop any bombs today. We did enough damage yesterday it seems. There are no
buildings at all standing on any of the islands in the atoll. I fly again first
hop tomorrow at 0615. All planes returned safe today to our ship.
February 2, 1944: Flew two
hops today. One for 4 hrs. and 45 mi. The other for 3 hrs. and 30 mi. The
Marines have taken just about everything. They were still knocking out pill
boxes with tanks today but otherwise have everything under control. I saw a
wrecked Jap two man sub on the coral reef about 28 miles south of Roi Island.
That is about all I saw new today.
The Seabees were landing on the
airfield today about 1630. So guess they will have it in shape for operation in
a few day.
We lost no planes today thank God.[596]
The Chenango's
on-board newspaper, the Chenanigan on
Thursday, February 3, starting with a message from their task force
headquarters, reported the progress of the invasion and pointed out that the
main Japanese base of Truk was 938 miles from Roi, a distance which America's heavy bombers
could now cover.[597] It was further noted that as an air-raid
precaution, the Japanese had ordered partial evacuation of several large cities
on its western side facing the Marshall Islands about 2,700 miles away,
"not much further than San Francisco to Honolulu."
The Chenanigan also contained reports on the war in the South Pacific, China and Europe,
including two articles on the Soviets and advances made by the Red Army. Finally there was a story about
the New York Stock Exchange showing its first profit since 1936.[598]
Ed,
like most of the Chenango TBFers,
flew anti-submarine scouting patrols and some bombing missions of four hours or more, not only on February 1, but each
day until February 8. On February 5, he was up twice for flights of four hours.[599] The squawk box kept all informed of the
developments, so that those who were not flying, were able to listen to what
was happening on the islands. Ed was up in the plane so much that his nose was
"as red as a tomato." Dr. Thornburg told him he should put some salve on it. Ed replied, "It always
gets that red when I'm in the sun a lot and it never bothers me, so I'm paying
no attention to it."[600] Fifty years later, however, he was
incurring repeated bits of skin cancer on his nose and head, a delayed war
injury.[601]
When
not flying the aviators as usual played cards and read. The wardroom was like an
"old men's club."[602] It included a machine on which they
played records. Late at night on February 1, Ed wrote Hazel that they had added
an icebox and sold Cokes, which "tasted good."[603] Ed was reading Betty Smith's A Tree Grows in Brooklyn (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1943),
which was a "humorous and touching" novel about a girl and her days
in Brooklyn until she went to college. He was also reading a book by Oliver
Wisewell (?) about the American Revolution. It gave a view of the Revolution that he had never seen.
Ed
was impressed with the beauty of the coral atolls, which were six to ten feet high with small coconut and
palm trees.[604] He described to Hazel the wonder of the
mountains in the full moon and the light sea breeze.[605] On the evening of Monday February 7, he
and Sam Dalzell "walloped"
Joe and Larry by 3,000 points ($3.00) in bridge. They made three slams, one of
which was a grand slam. They had "wonderful cards." The preferred
game on the second cruise was no longer poker, which had become too rough.[606] Bill Marshall's diary described the Chenango's refueling in a lagoon:
Feb. 8, 1944: Flew 4 hours
ASP again today. My plane was back in commission. Nothing else going on. Except
we are going into lagoon tomorrow for gas.
Feb. 9, 1944: Entered lagoon
of Kawajilien Atoll at 1000 today. Everyone rested. Some people fished. Had a movie tonight.[607]
On February 10, the Chenango was still in the lagoon and
some of the crew went ashore but not Ed. Sam brought Ed some souvenirs, such as a Japanese rifle,
helmet, paper money and Japanese writing.[608] At some point Ed also obtained what he
called a "hari kiri" knife.
During
the night of February 11-12, while the Chenango
was outside the crowded Kwajalein lagoon, where her sister ships were anchored,
a Japanese reprisal raid attempted to catch them napping. They could see flames
shoot skyward from a fuel dump on the beach as the Japanese bombs hit it. Those
aboard the ship then watched the Japanese bombers wheel overhead at 1,500 feet
on their way home.[609]
Western Marshalls. By February 2, the rapid progress on
Roi-Namur and Kwajalein convinced American commanders King, Nimitz, and
Spruance that Harry Hill's floating reserve of 9,300 assault troops would not be
needed. It was decided to press on to Eniwetok and its neighbors, including
Parry and Engebi, and seize them with the uncommitted
reserve. A flurry of messages passed between Washington, Pearl Harbor and
Kwajalein. The upshot was that by the third of
February the JCS had approved an assault against Eniwetok with the D-day being Thursday, February 17. At the same time a
covering strike against Truk was also approved.[610] The original plan had been to attack the western-most
part of the Marshall Islands on March 19. The western part was 375 miles
distant from the eastern part.
CarDiv
22 was assigned to TF-51 to help with the Eniwetok assault. In anticipation of more combat,
squadron-mate Bill Marshall arranged for a
Catholic chaplain to come aboard the Chenango who heard confessions and said mass for
about 100 of the crew on February 14.[611] Ed missed a liberty to go to mass and
confession and "it was worth it."[612] He also flew a four and one-half hour
scouting mission that day. That evening he wrote Hazel that it was Valentine's Day
and "the only thing that makes this life endurable is the prospect of
getting back to you."[613]
Ed
did little flying between February 12 and February 16.[614] But on the new D-day, he flew a combat
scouting-bombing mission of 4.5 hours against Eniwetok.[615] Each day thereafter until February 25 he
flew anti-submarine scouting and bombing missions. The Chenanigan of Saturday, February 19, reported on the campaign:
UNDATED PACIFIC WAR:
American amphibious troops stormed ashore on Eniwetok Atoll nearest to Tokyo in
the Marshall Islands while carrier-based planes were blasting Truk, the mightiest enemy stronghold in the
Central Pacific. Admiral Nimitz disclosed the invasion of Eniwetok today, while
radio silence still cloaked details of the Truk attack. Tokyo radio said
American ground forces landed on Truk in a strong reconnaissance action. But
this was turned aside by Secretary of the Navy Knox who described the operation as a strike by carrier planes.
Eniwetok, only 750 miles northeast of Truk was invaded by marines and soldiers
Thursday, the day after the bombing of Truk started. It extended the lines of
the growing Central Pacific by 380 miles from Kwajalein which was captured the
first week of February.
Admiral Nimitz did not disclose the
progress of the newest invasion accomplished under cover of the big guns of
American battleships. The landing by marines and infantry was under command of
Marine Brig. Gen. T.E. Watson. The assault would indicate that Nimitz plans to isolate other Japanese held Marshall Islands and
starve out their garrisons rather than attack them. Simultaneous blows at Truk
and Eniwetok emphasized the Knox statement that the attack on Truk is the
growing ability of our sea power and our air power to project it's strength
westward and strike the enemy in times and places that we select. He described
the Truk attack as a victory the full proportions of which will not be known
until the need for radio silence is over.[616]
All during the Marshalls campaign, Ed had difficulty
sleeping. On the night of February 18, he slept outside in the cool air and
obtained seven hours of sleep, his best since leaving port three weeks
earlier.[617] On February 20, he was up twice for two
separate bombing missions. On the following day he reported flying over a village
of twenty-five houses on stilts, thatched with reeds and leaves in the Sea
South Islands. The women were the same color as the houses, light skinned and
wore nothing above the waste. The men had shorts or pants with the
legs cut off.[618] On February 21, Eniwetok was finally
taken by the Marines after five days of fighting a suicidal Japanese defense. On February
22, Parry Island fell.[619]
Ed
later obtained a citation for his four bombing missions that targeted personnel and gun emplacements from February 16 to 20,
on Engebi, Parry and Eniwetok Islands.[620] Being shot at and coming back with
shrapnel holes in their
planes was not unusual for Ed and his comrades.[621] Squadron-mate Bill Marshall described in
his diary the Japanese anti-aircraft fire:
Feb. 19, 1944: Sure had fun
today. Flew two hops. First hop we dropped twelve bombs apiece on Heartstring
Island real name is Parry Island. Then we strafed Eniwetok Island. The Japs
were really shooting at us too. I could see their guns flash then follow the
tracers right up to our plane. But none of them hit thank God. The second hop
was precision bombing. We each had twelve more bombs but only dropped them one
at a time on different pin point targets. All together I dropped 24 bombs and
fired over 500 rounds of .50 caliber ammunition at the Japs today. We received
a very well done for our work today from the big admiral. We do the same thing
tomorrow.[622]
Marshall did not get hit on February 19, but two days
later the defenders were more accurate:
February 21, 1944: Flew
another bombing hop. Dropped twelve bombs on Heartstring Island (Parry). Came
back with shrapnel holes in my plane. First time I have been hit by anything.
Was standby pilot for two more hops, but did not fly.[623]
By February 24 the Chenango's
mission in the Marshalls was completed. Along with CarDiv 22 she headed back to
Pearl Harbor in a four-carrier formation. Ed was not happy with the way things were going. He commented to
Hazel that day that sometimes it seemed as if the only thing he could recall
was depression and war times. He wanted a rest from the "battle of
Existence" and he was about to obtain it.[624]
There were limitations on how much combat one could
sustain before becoming ineffective. In World War I the problem was labeled shell
shock or war neuroses. Ed's dad was affected by it.[625] In World War II it was called combat fatigue.[626] While it was present among civilians who
lived in cities that were being bombed, it was mainly associated with that ten
percent of the military which
carried the war to the enemy and at which fire was directed.[627] These included the infantry, submariners
and combat pilots.[628] In some squadrons a third of the
aviators were grounded because of it.[629] Combat fatigue could be triggered both
by a single traumatic event and by cumulative stress, such as frequent exposure
to death.[630] It was aggravated by separation from
family, primitive living conditions (food quality, climate), boredom, grief over the loss of buddies, and
anxiety about events at home, such as the loss of a girlfriend or birth of a
child.[631]
By
March 1, 1944 when the Chenango
reached Hawaii, Ed was ready for a rest. He and the
doctors he saw never used the term "combat fatigue," but he was
feeling bad. A principle of military medicine was not to label soldiers with a
psychiatric or physical diagnosis, not to let them know the range of symptoms
of medical disorders and not to withdraw them from the combat zone.[632] Ed suffered from insonomia, loss of appetite, weight below
one hundred pounds and he could not take his mind off flying. He was smoking
heavily and drinking too much coffee.[633] He complained of somatic problems such
as leg pains and he wanted to return to Hazel. He hated the Navy, shipboard life and what the policy
makers called Plan Orange. Squadron-mate Bill Marshall summed it up in his
diary entry of March 15, the day Ed went to the hospital, "We got 3 new
TBF pilots, one replacing Ed Terrar who was sent to the hospital because of bad
health. Sea duty did not agree with him."[634] During his stay in Hawaii, Ed hoped to
solve his problems by returning to Hazel. Ultimately he was not able to pull
that off, but he did gain a three-month vacation from combat.
Hawaii: March 1-March 15, 1944.
Ed's rest started off as a two-week port call. Air Group-35 flew ashore on
March 1 and several days later the Chenango
obtained her first camouflage paintings.
While in Hawaii, the SBD squadrons were eliminated from CarDiv-22 and put aboard larger carriers. Aboard the Chenango, the SBDs were replaced by twenty-two new F6Fs and nine new TBMs.[635] Among the SBD aviators who left were a
number of Ed's buddies, such as Tim Carr, spouse of Rosemary Carr, who was Hazel's housemate.[636] As before, the TBFs were used for
long-distance anti-submarine patrols, bombing and torpedoing. The fighters, which did not have a great fuel
capacity, remained close to the task force to protect it from enemy planes.
Friday
March 3, was a good day for Ed. The mail from home finally caught up with the ship at Hawaii. Plus it was
the six-month anniversary of the Terrar's wedding and
he did not forget it:
Today has been a
very outstanding day for several reasons. First, it was six months ago today we
were married and that was "the" day of my life. Honey I recall in
every detail our wedding, what a sweet bride you were, how happy I was and I
still am and how much I love you. Sometimes I actually think I love you more now than I did then if that is possible but darling
I do love you from the bottom of my heart. Another reason today was wonderful
was because I received our mail, which finally caught up with us and to say the
least it was wonderful hearing from you. It just hurts me that we can't be
together. However I hope that before too many weeks we will be together.[637]
In addition to Hazel and
his parents, there was a letter from Coffeyville friend, Don Mitchell, whom Ed thought might make a match for
his sister, Mildred. She was talking about joining the
Women's Flying Corps.[638] However, she never left the ground in
that ambition.
Several
days later on Sunday March 5, Ed and his roommate, Smiley Morgan went ashore to go to mass and spent the rest of the day
"bumming around."[639] In the evening Ed, Sam Dalzell and Hank Hall had dinner together. Ed had one martini. Sam
got "tight." On Tuesday March 7, Ed and Sam stayed ashore and had a
Chinese dinner of "delicate tasting food." Ed had pork with vegetables, boiled rice,
crisp noodles and Chinese vegetables.[640] What with the bright moon overhead, the
waves smashing up on the beach, the palm trees and a cool sea breeze, Ed wished
he could have had Hazel in his arms. The following day he went with Rex Hanson, who had a jeep, on a tour all over the island of Oahu, which was the largest of the Hawaiian
Islands. They saw beautiful mountains, scenery and beaches. Ed wrote,
"Darling someday when we've made some money we're coming out to some of
these beaches. Yd' love the beauty of them."[641]
On
Sunday March 12, they had a mass aboard ship.[642] Then Ed and Smiley Morgan had a big breakfast
of waffles, fresh figs, eggs, toast and good-tasting
coffee. Ed went to a movie that day and started to do some woodcarving on a
piece of white pine, which he made into a letter opener. With the SBDs gone Ed
obtained a new room on the forecastle with Smiley Morgan as his roommate. It was cooler there. Ed would
have stayed with Howard Tuttle but they could not obtain a room together.[643] The following day they were making ready
to sail and Sam Dalzell became "drunk
as a hoot owl and talked Yiddish." His wife Peggy did not
often write him and this made him unhappy. But he did not write her very often
either.[644] Ed suggested to Sam that he write. But
he would not. Ed commented, "So to hell with him."[645]
Recuperation: March 15-May 31, 1944.
After two weeks at Pearl, CarDiv-22 moved out on Wednesday March 15. The plan was to leave the Fifth
Fleet for about two months
and join the Seventh Fleet and support its capture of several sections of western New Guinea. This was to aid Gen. MacArthur's capture of the Philippines in the Southern
Pacific. The continuation of the Central Pacific island hopping was to be taken
up again after this delay.
Ed
had flown on Sunday and Monday, March 12 and 13, at Hawaii. But on March 15,
two days before his 24th birthday, instead of sailing on the Chenango he went into the Naval Hospital
at Aihia Heights, Hawaii. He stayed there for five weeks, until
April 21. Prior to his arrival in Hawaii, he had been having a pain in his leg and could hardly walk. Dr. Thornburg, the squadron's flight surgeon, did not know what it was
but felt it could be anemia.[646] Ed went to another doctor while in Hawaii who told him to
obtain a more complete exam. He then went to the ship's captain, who ordered
that he go to the hospital and obtain a complete physical.[647] This was at the last moment before
sailing. Ed spent a hurried 40 minutes taking his gear off the ship. He exited
so quickly that he left his souvenir hari-keri knife aboard.[648]
Ed's
weight was down to 98 pounds and his blood count indicated a problem.[649] He had no appetite and was fatigued; he
had not been sleeping well; he had been drinking too much coffee with cream, and smoking
excessively, even while flying. He had his mind too much on flying. In an
"Officer's Qualification Questionnaire" which he filled out a year
later in March 1945, Ed summarized what had happened:
Because of physical
strain I spent 6 weeks in the hospital following 5 months aboard a carrier.
After rehabilitation I spent 6 months aboard a carrier and I was found to be in
such poor physical condition I was placed in an I "B" physical
condition. Loss of weight and inability to sleep prevailed during time aboard
carrier.[650]
At the hospital in Hawaii they analyzed his blood, gave
him a basic metabolism test and regularly took his pulse and temperature.[651] He was still having slight pains in his
leg. He was diagnosed with malnutrition. He wrote Hazel on Thursday March 16, that it all boiled down to a
diet. He would convince the Navy that she was a good cook and they should send him home. The commander said it would be
three to six months before he would fly and that his carrier days were over,
which did not bother Ed. He was seldom caught up in the mysticism of war or aviation. He wrote home about his hospitalization:
My dearest -
Probably if you've glanced at my
return address you're all excited wondering what I'm doing in the hospital.
Well don't worry darling because everything is alright. I'll give you the whole
story & then you'll have nothing to worry about. A few days before we put
in port last I developed quite a pain in my legs which has stayed on as I told
Thornburg & as per usual he was at a complete loss to know what to do. I
could hardly walk so finally talked him into testing me for rheumatism & he
found I didn't have it but he did find that I am anemic so he sent me to a hospital &
I talked to a commander who said I should be sent to the hospital for a
complete checkup to see what was causing it. I took the recommendation back to
Thornburg who went to the captain & told him he thought I could make
another cruise. After some little difficulty I finally got orders transferring
me to the hospital - got them forty minutes before sailing time so I spent a
wild thirty eight minutes throwing my gear together & getting myself off
but made it so here I am sitting in the hospital & taking it easy.
I
did not write last night because I hit the sack to rest a minute & dropped
off to sleep & didn't wake til this morning. Got up about 0615 this morning
& went to mass & communion at 0630 then
breakfast. Had some blood tests made, had a consultation with a Dr. in which I
did all the talking - answering questions - also was a chest plate made this
afternoon & that's all the exams I've had today. Tomorrow morning I get a
6.m.c. (basic metabolism count) & what else I don't know. Honestly darling
I feel alright outside of a slight pain in my legs. I guess I don't have much
reserve energy & need to be built up & that's what I'll get here. If
the thing resolves down to going on a diet & not having to be in a hospital
I'll probably get sent to a hospital in the states. Personally I think there's
a good chance of being sent home. I'm going to try & convince them that
you're an excellent cook & you are darling & that I should go to the
mainland. I don't know how long it'll be before I fly again but the com. said
it would probably be 3-6 months. He also led me to believe that my carrier days are over probably.
So honey please don't worry about me
because I am not feeling bad. I've told you the truth about the whole thing so
will you not worry? I'm in a wonderful hospital & with just a little luck
will be home before long. So much till tomorrow honey.
All
my love
Ed
P.S.
Send my mail here.[652]
A few days later on Monday Mar 20, the doctor told Ed
that nothing was wrong with him except that he was underweight and a little
nervous.[653] Dr. Thornburg had been wrong about his
having anemia. Nor did he have T.B. or an ulcer. He would be in the hospital
four to six weeks to put on weight and would not be able to go home. In
connection with his diet he noted somewhat later that he was
drinking a quart of milk per day and forcing himself to eat liver, which he did not like, in order to
become healthy.[654] One of the dishes he did like was curry and he asked if Hazel could make it.[655] By Wednesday April 12, he weighed 124
pounds and, in his opinion, was ready to leave the hospital.[656] On April 30 he reported his weight as
128 pounds.[657]
Ed
wanted to go home to Hazel. Being in the hospital gave him time to size up that
possibility, "I'm working on every possible angle to get home, but havent
hit the right one yet. You know me, if its possible I'll make it, if not, well
there's just nothing can be done about it."[658] One step he took soon after going to the
hospital was to make a novena to the Sacred Heart that he would be back with
Hazel by the time she had the baby. A novena included going to mass and communion on nine
consecutive days. Novenas had played a positive role in the life of Ed's
mother. For example, she made a novena that Ed's father would obtain a better job,
and he did.[659] Ed summed up his love and need for
Hazel, remarking that prior to meeting her, he had always been involved in some
difficulty:
Darling you're my
only thought & inspiration & what a wonderful one you are - I just
don't know how I ever managed to get along without you dear - guess that's why
I was always in some difficulty - anyway, I know I'd never trade my former life
for this.[660]
Being in the "zoo," as he called the hospital,
was boring, "If I do not get something to do, they will be
sending me to the B 2 ward (psychiatric) in a couple of weeks."[661] He wanted to work or do his recuperating
with Hazel.[662] Typically he wrote to her about wanting
to either go home with her or return to the fighting:
I feel pretty stupid
here taking life easy in the beautiful hospital while the [illegible] are out there hitting the wall. Certainly wish I could
get out of here. I want to be with you or if I can't be with you enjoying
myself I'd rather be out of here one way or another pretty soon.[663]
He concluded, "Guess
we can't have our cake and eat it."[664] He expressed the same sentiments in a
letter to squadron-mate Howard Tuttle about a week later,
saying that, since he was making no progress in being with Hazel, he wished he
were back with the Chenango.[665]
Despite
the protests, Ed made the best of his stay at the hospital. He went to mass and communion at 6:30 a.m. most days. His routine also
included breakfast and sometimes a long five-mile hike with another hospitalized person in
the beautiful hills surrounding the hospital.[666] It gave him a good appetite.[667] One of the nurses on the ward had been a
friend of Hazel's at Michigan. Hazel sent him the names of other nurses to look
up, including Caroline Neevies and Mary Matula. Hazel had become acquainted with Mary in early
1943 at the San Diego Naval Hospital.[668]
During
his five week hospital stay, Ed read Paul Elliot's The Last Time I Saw Paris (Garden City, N.Y.: Sun Dial, 1943),
about politics and life in France; H. Allen Smith's comedy, Life in a Putty Knife Factory (New York:
Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1944); Etta Shiber's Paris-Underground (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1943), Peter Arno's Cartoon Revue (New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1941); and Emily Kimbrough's We
Followed Our Hearts to Hollywood (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1943).[669]
Among
the movies he saw were "Best Foot Forward"
with Lucile Ball, which he "enjoyed for a
change," and "Fleet and Fantasy" with Charles Boyer and Barbara
Stanwick, which was enjoyable but he still did not care for it very much.[670] He found "Wrestling in
Brooklyn" with Red Skelton "a fairly good
show, humorous" but he did not think much of Skelton.[671] He felt both the story and the actor
were bad in "Jonie Came Late" with James Cagney, but it passed a few hours.[672] "Saraha" with Humphrey Bogart was good and
"Princess O'Rouke" was "the best movie I have seen since leaving
the states, really enjoyed it."[673]
Ed
corresponded with his family and friends: besides Hazel on a daily basis, he
wrote his mother, mother-in-law, sisters and others.[674] He also socialized with some friends who
were in Hawaii. Bert Thompson, with whom he had gone to high school and
double-dated, graduated from the Naval Academy, class of 1943, which actually graduated in 1942. He was on
a destroyer. Ed tracked him down and had lunch with him aboard the destroyer.[675] Later they went down to a club and had a
few drinks, "the first I've had in some time." Ed's mother had written him of Bert's presence. Ed remarked to Hazel
that Bert had the typical "trade school" spirit and
planned to make a career of the Navy. But he was still a "good egg."
The
next day, Saturday April 8, Ed met Burke Martin, the pilot for Pan American who had gone through basic training with Ed and intentionally dropped out just before obtaining a commission.[676] He spent two weeks per month in the
states, one of which was off. He made $425 per month, a "good deal."[677] A third friend he looked up was former
squadron-mate and historian, Charley Dickey.[678] A Coffeyville friend he met, named
Plattone, was a Seabee. They went swimming.[679] He also met an un-named person from
Kansas who had been a Beta, that is, fraternity brother with Don Mitchell at Kansas University.[680]
Along
with writing, hiking, meeting friends and going to movies, Ed played ping-pong with a fellow patient named Smith.[681] He noted that Smith had a back injury
and was a "screw ball."[682] He also played several rubbers of bridge
from time to time, made charcoal drawings up in the hills and painted water colors which
"stink, but I enjoyed it."[683]" An instructor had told him not to
do water color but draw flowers with charcoal.[684] Ed ignored the advice and did what he
enjoyed.
Ed`s weekend outings in Hawaii were especially interesting. On Saturday
March 18, the day after his 24th birthday and three days after going into the
hospital, he went with a friend to the home of a 45 or 50 year old woman for
dinner. The house overlooked Honolulu and the ocean. He wrote that the house in its simplicity was beautiful:
Lt(jg)
EFTerrar, Jr. USNR
USN
Hosp. Navy (10)
Fleet
P.O
San
Francisco, Calif.
#
57
March
18, 1944
Darling
-
Today I had a delightful day but it
would have been so much more pleasant if you would have been here. Started off
the day with mass & com. this morning. Then sick call & captains' inspection.
This same fellow who went over to
nurses quarters with me last night has friends in town & this lady had
invited him out for the day & told him to bring a couple of friends so he
asked me to go & I went. She is a woman about 45 or 50 I guess & has a
beautiful house up on a hill overlooking Honolulu, the ocean, bays, etc. Its
not such a large house very simply furnished but the simplicity is what makes
it so beautiful. The living room has plain cream-colored walls. Teke wood decks
with a beige colored rug & a chinese design not in color but raised - you
know. There's a large fireplace, spinet piano, radio-phono & several
oriental tables of Philippine mahogany & the usual easy chairs. In the
dining room she has a dining table of Philippine mahogany, which is a light colored,
fine-grained wood. All in all a very beautiful house. Her husband is dead I
guess & she has a couple of rooms rented to an Army colonel & his wife.
She works at her brothers rubber plant or whatever it is - I'm not sure. Anyway
we met her uptown at about one. She took us over to her house & we listened
to the record player - played the
"Nutcracker Suite" and honey it would have been perfect if only you'd
been there to enjoy it with me. I beat around on the piano & we generally just took it easy - she spent the
afternoon fixing dinner so we just relaxed. For dinner we had French bread with garlic butter on it. You chop up garlic & put in
the butter, spread it on the bread & heat in the oven. Also had some kind
of a Hungarian goulash - cubed steak with onions, garlic, tomatoes & I
don't know what else. For salad we had sliced carrots & pineapple on a
lettuce leaf. You can imagine how we smelled! Had banana cream pie & coffee
for desert - all in all very good. Had dinner out on the veranda & with the
ocean so quiet, the town at our feet. The beautiful beaches, hills & green
grass and flowers it hardly seemed possible that there was a war going on. I
haven't seemed so far from the war since I was with you - the whole world seemed at peace & life would have been sweet & perfect if only we could
have been together. All in all a very enjoyable & pleasant day only I wish
--
Well it's almost 2200 [10:00 p.m.]
& time for lights out so guess I'd better secure. So good nite sweetheart
with
All
my love & kisses
Ed[685]
The next day on his first Sunday in the hospital, March
19, he went to a Red Cross picnic out on an estate. They listened to records, played bridge
with the Red Cross ladies and had a nice lunch of meat balls, spaghetti,
lettuce, salad, peas, buttered bread and pineapple fritters.[686]
On
another Sunday, April 2, Ed had an enjoyable day at the Outrigger Club. He wrote that it was "a very nice
place, exclusive & all." It was the only place around where
service people could go as guests of members. He went as a guest of William
Judd of the nineteenth-century missionary, land-grabbing clan, who was a friend of a friend at the
hospital. The friend was the chief flight surgeon, who came to see Ed on his
first day there. The surgeon invited Ed to dinner that night. It was probably
the largest Naval hospital in the world and had several thousand beds. The
surgeon wanted to talk about Ed's adventures in flying. The Outrigger Club was
at Waikiki near the Royal Hawaiian Hotel and the Moana Hotel, which was
known for its long-limbed Cabana trees. It was not far from Diamond Head. They
had outrigger canoes, many surfboards, a dining room, sun deck,
volleyball courts, a beer garden and a cocktail lounge. Ed went on founders
day, which honored Pop Ford, age 76 who had started the club.
Ed
had earlier that day gone to mass and then with a doctor from the hospital was
driven over to the club at 10:30 a.m. The food, drink and everything else were
free. Ed "signed" for what he obtained but was not sure who paid.
While at the club, he went swimming and tried to ride a surfboard that was
twelve feet long and two feet wide. He commented that one catches a wave and
stands up and rides the breakers and it seems like one is going 60 knots but
not actually. Being a beginner he could not keep his balance. He would stand up
and then fall. After falling he would go under. When he came up he would be hit
in the head with the surfboard. He commented that "its a real sport and I
am going to try some more before long."[687] It was a great day for someone whose
swimming experience had been confined to the public pool at Coffeyville's
Pfister Park.
A
week later on Saturday April 7, the day before Easter, Ed and his friend Smith
visited some of the cultural highlights in Waikiki. They spent two hours in the
art gallery, then went to the aquarium and
finally dropped by the Moana Hotel. There they ran into Ed's Pan American pilot
friend, Burke Martin.[688] Ed’s experiences in Hawaii were not
unusual. Many soldiers found Hawaii a positive part of the war.[689] Their Japanese counterparts, such as
Saito Mutsuo had similar vacations on other Pacific shores. After combat, even
“normal” life took on a new dimension.[690]
After
three weeks in the hospital a flight surgeon told Ed on April 5, that he had a
fear of small carriers and that he should either be land or big-carrier
based.[691] This news did not bother Ed. It would be
good duty to be on a large carrier but a
land-based job would mean it would be a year before he returned to Hazel. He
did not like that idea. However, if he did obtain land-based service, he would
fly big military planes and go to Oakland once or twice per month. He could
spend at least a couple of days per month with her. He remarked that it would
be good experience for what he and Sam Dalzell had in mind after the war. They planned to start
a charter service to fly sports people into the backcountry of California to hunt and fish.
Barber's Point, Hawaii: April 21-May 31,
1944. On Monday
April 17, Ed went over to see the captain about being assigned to a transport
squadron. It would have meant a year's assignment in Hawaii but would allow
him to fly to the states once or twice per month and stay for two or three
days. It would have also meant no more combat flying. He would only be in the
"big boats." After a year he would be in the states for the duration
of the war. Within several days of his visit the captain found Ed a temporary
job helping to run a ground school to train pilots in VT-100, a replacement squadron located at NAS Barber's Point,
Hawaii.[692] Steve Mandarich, Ed's old captain in California, was the air group leader
of VT-100. He had earlier become detached from Air Group-35 and they worked
well together.
Ed
checked in with VT-100 on Friday April 21, and went to "Com Air Pac" and obtained his orders. He would
not do a lot of flying but it was good duty and he was glad to have something
to do, because he was tired of just sitting around.[693] In his job he tried to pass on his
experience to the new pilots.[694] At first he was living in a quonset hut but was soon in the BOQ. He found his routine pleasant. On a typical day such as
May 22, he worked from 8:00 to 5:00 p.m., then played tennis, had chow and
finally wrote a letter to Hazel at 7:00 p.m.[695] Sometimes he worked hard but did not
seem to achieve much.[696] There was a lot of office work involved in his job, so he would occasionally work in the evening
up to midnight.[697] He felt it was good administrative experience that would be
useful after the war in making a living.[698]
VT-100's
executive officer was Stephen Moylan Hart. Steve was not a flyer but what they
called a "ball-bearing wave." From the perspective of the "warriors,"
he did "women's work." He had attended
Harvard Business School (1929-1930) and
then worked as a junior executive with National City Bank in New York City. Their conversations convinced Ed that he would
never amount to much if he did not attend Harvard Business School. Steve's
father, Henry Gilbert Hart (1878-1958), a 1901 graduate of Harvard
College, was on the business school's board of overseers.[699] Steve promised that if Ed applied to the
business school, he would have his father put in a word to the admissions
office. Ed did not make it to the business school,
but he always held it in high regard.[700] Years later in 1960 Ed run into Steve at
LaGuardia Airport in New York City. They were both taking the shuttle to
Washington, D.C. Steve was a senior vice president at City National Bank. Ed
invited him home for dinner.[701] Later Steve ran into legal trouble for
currency exchange dealings in Latin America.
Ed's
station at Barber's Point had a fairly good "O" club and he drank beer there on April 21, though he never liked beer very much.[702] On some Saturdays at the club they would
have a dance with a live band from 1630 to 2200 (4:30 to 10:00 p.m.). Ed wrote
home on Saturday May 6 that the club was a half block away from where he was
staying and he could hear the band. He did not go to the dance but was going to
the squadron picnic for lunch the next day. One evening when he went to the club, they
had "native" entertainers who sang
Hawaiian songs and did traditional dances. Ed did not think they were very
good.[703]
On
his first Sunday at Barber's Point, Ed went with his new roommate, who was a Catholic and an
ensign, on a tour of the "rock," that is, Oahu.[704] The ensign had a jeep with no roof. First they went to mass at 8:00 a.m. at a pretty
church surrounded by palm trees in a native village. Ed remarked to Hazel,
"I'm certainly looking forward to peace time when I can bring you to these places."[705] During the ride around the island they
went swimming on a beautiful beach with surf so heavy that Ed did not enjoy it
too much.[706]
A
few Sundays later Ed took the train at 8:15 a.m. into town and went to the
10:00 a.m. mass at the cathedral. He then caught a bus out to one of the
best residential areas away from the business district where he had been invited for dinner. The trees had yellow
and purple blooms and the grass was deep green. The couple who hosted him were
friends of the Kelloggs in Chula Vista. They were in
their 30s and had little children. The husband was an assistant treasurer of
American Factors Limited, one of the "big five" corporate monopolies
in Hawaii. They had a high ball before eating, the first Ed had had in a long time. Then
there was a fillet mignon steak, potato chips, lettuce and tomato salad and a
kind of custard and brownies for desert. Ed found his hosts to be a nice couple
and he enjoyed the evening. After differ they took a ride up the valley. Ed
observed:
The little boy was as sharp as a whip. I thought of you and I wished we could
be together. . . Gee but I'll be glad when this war is over and we can have a house, our child (or
children) and we can all be together.[707]
While at Barber's Point, Ed regularly played games such as tennis and became tan. He
commented on May 8, "I'm not getting athletic but I do enjoy a bit of
exercise & it is good to get out & work up a sweat occasionally, don't
you think?"[708] On Sunday May 14, which was Mother's Day, he slept late and went to mass at 10:15 a.m. He offered
his communion for Hazel and prayed for her.[709] In the afternoon he played a couple sets
of tennis with George Watson, from his hometown and after dinner they
played a couple games of cribbage.[710] Among Ed's in-door activities at
Barber's Point were lectures on Mondays and Fridays about naval courts, boards and
court martial law. He said he probably never would use it but it was
interesting and a "profitable way to pass time."[711] About the time he completed the lecture
series in mid-May, he sent away for a correspondence course in strategy and tactics from the war college, which cost him no money.[712] It was something that he later included
in his job resume.
Ed Catches Up with the Chenango. During his two and one-half months in
Hawaii, Ed looked at the options. Confronted by many fatigued and
resistant aviators such as Ed, the Navy policy makers were
also looking at their options. In January 1944 ComAirPac decided that complete air groups would be rotated after six to
nine months of combat.[713] In April 1944 this was lessened to six
months because of the intense Central Pacific operations and the corresponding
resistance of the aviators. The Navy had estimated pilot numbers on casualties alone and underestimated the factor of stress and fatigue under
constant operations. In time some air groups were replaced after four months.
For
Air Group-35 the Navy’s evolving policy might just as well not have existed.
They were in combat for a year before they were rotated. Ed’s attempt at
self-rotation was one way to fight back. However, Ed found on May 4, that he
would not be able to fly the "big boats."[714] On May 26, he was assigned back to his
old squadron. He had not expected it, but was glad. He only regretted not being able to hear from Hazel very much.[715]
During
his absence from the squadron the Central Pacific operation had been suspended
and the Chenango helped in the South Pacific.[716] General MacArthur was accelerating the pace of the advance to the Philippines.[717] The Cairo conference in November 1943, which approved Nimitz's offensive into the Marshalls, appeared to MacArthur to downgrade his
campaign. That is the reason MacArthur speeded up the South Pacific campaign.
By February 1944 Rabaul in the Solomons, the main Japanese base in the South Pacific, had been neutralized by American
bombing. It was left behind without a land invasion and an attack was made to
its north on the Admiralty Islands. These were secured between February 29
and March 18. At once it was decided that the following month they would make
the longest leap yet, 580 miles, to Hollandia, halfway along New Guinea's north coast.
It was as they were preparing for the long leap that the Chenango and CarDiv-22 joined the southern campaign with an attack on the
western Caroline Islands. CarDiv-22 operated as part of the Seventh Fleet, Task Group-78, which
consisted of four destroyers and some Kaiser class
(fast) escort carriers.
On
the way to their mission, five days out of Hawaii, Chenango fighter pilot Edgar Newman and crewmember Bundy were lost on March 20.[718] Ten days later on March 31 and April 1,
the squadron supported the bombing of Palau, Yap and Woleai Islands which were part of the western Caroline Islands in the south
Central Pacific. Gen. Douglas MacArthur wanted to invade Palau with troops rather than just bombs. But
Admiral Nimitz, the Central Pacific commander, opposed
it. He did not want all the killing involved with a troop invasion. Bombing would serve well enough to keep the Japanese on the islands out of
action and unable to provide surface or air support when the Hollandia campaign
began three weeks later.
The
Chenango's focus at Palau was air
patrols (CAPs and ASPs), not bombing. Ed's buddy, Bruce Weart, summarized the battle in his "Diary":
March 30, 1944: Attacked Palau, Yap (Woleai) and Truk.
Sunk 1 cruiser, 2 destroyers, and a total of 125,000 tons shipping. (17)
Destroyed 90 planes on ground and shot down innumerable others. Lost 27 planes.
April 1: Task force re-united. Langley refueled. Band played for us.
April 4: Crashed into barrier. Smashed 3 TBFs and one F6F. Tail
hook pulled out on landing.[719]
At one point because of
the poor weather, the Chenango pilots
could see neither the ship nor the sea even as low as 300 feet. At Woleai Atoll the air operations were guided by the submarine U.S.S.
Harder. By maneuvering into the lagoon
submerged and panning with her periscope, she located the air strip, which was
hidden by jungle.[720] By April 4, with its mission completed,
the Chenango and the other CVEs
headed for Espiritu Santo in the New Hebrides Islands. The planes landed ashore
at Luganville Field several days later.[721]
On
April 13, CarDiv-22, still as part of the Seventh Fleet (TG-78) and still without Ed, steamed to Port Purvis on Florida Island in
the Solomons. From there starting on April 22, the Chenango flew CAPs and ASPs and did some
bombing in the attack on the port at
Aitape on the northern coast of New Guinea.[722] This was done at the same time as and in
conjunction with the attack on Hollandia. Bruce Weart summarized the Chenango's role in the battle:
April
16, 1944: Sailed for
task force roundezvous. 0800. No mail.
April 18: Roundezvous, 150 ships.
Arpil 22: Struck Aitape, Hollandia, New Guinea.
Dropped 2000# and 100# bombs. Took off in heavy rain. Ross forced landing on
Sangamon.
April 23: Strike, 500# bombs. 12 100# A.P.
April 24: Sailed for Admiralties, Seeadler
Harbor, Manus, anchored.[723]
On April 24, CarDiv-22 went to refuel at
Manus, which was north of New Guinea (Papua).
Two
days later on April 26 the Chenango
went back to the Hollandia battle zone.[724] The Japanese on Hollandia, when
surprised on April 22, had uncharacteristically fled into the hills in panic.
MacArthur drove forward in
pursuit. As the Chenango started her
operations near Hollandia on April 27, her catapult blew up. For the next month
Air Group-35 was placed on other ships because TBMs and F6Fs often could not be free launched due to low winds. Throughout May,
the Americans drove forward to Wadke and Biak off the north-west coast of New Guinea. The Japanese
fought so hard for Biak that the strategic program could not be completed until
July 30, with the seizure of the Vogelkop peninsula, in the "head" of
the New Guinea "bird." This became the departure-point for
MacArthur’s return to the Philippines.
While
the New Guinea operation was still under way, the Chenango and TG-78 left on May 7 to return to Pallikula Bay at Espiritu Santo,
where the air groups landed ashore at Luganville Field. This was in
anticipation of resuming the Central Pacific campaign. A week later they flew to Henderson Field on Guadalcanal where they practiced attack landings.[725] After a week there they returned to
Espiritu Santo. While in New Guinea and at Espiritu Santo, Lt. Newton Howard of the Chenango did water color painting and wood
sculpture. Hollandia and its neighbors were new geological territory. The
mountains had been created by volcanoes. They came right down to the sea. Roads
were scoured out on their flanks. With their straight peaks, they looked like
those that little children drew.
On
June 2, CarDiv-22 finally left Espiritu Santo as part of TG-53.1 to recommence the Central Pacific
island-hopping with the Marianas Islands as their next target. This operation was code-named FORAGER. It was as they were making ready to
leave that Ed rejoined VT-35 after his stay in Hawaii.[726] Leaving a sea bag full of books stored at Ford Island, Hawaii, he hitched a ride down to
Espiritu Santo on a PBM or PBY flown by a
classmate. It was a twin-engine freight plane. The trip was 700 miles on a
bearing of 190 degrees. That is, if due south was 180 degrees on a compass,
they flew slightly west of south. The pilot let Ed fly it for four or five
hours. He enjoyed it. Half way down they spent the night on Funafuti. Before the war, Pan American Airways used the island as a stopover on the trip to the Orient. The
passengers and crew would spend the night. Ed spent the night at a hotel there
with no air conditioning. He took a shower and went to bed.[727] He was too tired to write Hazel that
evening.
They
left the next morning at about 3:00 or 4:00 a.m. Joining them were several
native Samoans who worked at the facility where they had stopped and were due to
go home. Ed described the send-off, which the "duded-up" Samoans
received:
This morning we
picked up two natives and had them aboard for a while. They had been working on
one island and were going back to another. All their friends were out to see
them off. They were dressed in lavelarum [lava-lava] - a piece of bright cloth
wrapped around their mid section like a towel - put on a song and dance for the
departing men - the departing men were all "duded" out in bailous
dungerees with shoes and sailor's hats. The shoes proved to be too
uncomfortable so they took them off. Every time one of the Americans would look
at them, they would burst into a grin.[728]
There was a bottlenecked harbor where they had spent the
night. As the plane was clearing the harbor, the left engine went out. They had a choice of either going back and
being delayed or going to Espiritu Santo on one engine. To go on one engine
meant reducing the weight. They decided to go to Espiritu Santo and tossed
over-board the freight they were carrying, including an airplane engine. The
only thing Ed lost were two letters he had written. They were confiscated by
the censors when he cleared customs on Espiritu Santo. He was told the letters
would be censored and sent to Hazel along with some snap shots.
When
he initially went aboard the Chenango
Ed's squadron was on the beach celebrating
their approaching departure.[729] Ed obtained a new room on the porch or
bow of the ship. Howard Tuttle had a new roommate,
so Ed roomed with several ensigns who had just joined the squadron, including
James B. Gladney of Columbia, Tennessee, Jack Ross and an Ensign Fansler. Gladney was married and, like Ed, had a
child on the way, James B. Gladney, Jr. Ed had steak and ice cream the first
day back and pork chops and pie the second.[730] On their last night in port the squadron
threw a party on the beach. Ed wrote Hazel about
it at 1:00 a.m. in the morning:
I am writing in the
head because the boys are in bed. We had a squadron party because this will be
the last night ashore for a long time. They had it at a beach where there is an
officers club. They invited all the local hospitals and infirmaries to attend.
They had 4 nurses and 40 fliers - bad ratio - went swimming, toasted wieners and had
pickles, mustard. The first wiener roast I've been on in years.
Didn't try to dance. Would have been nice to dance with you. They had beer and
coke, I drank coke only. Didn't talk to the girls - too many wolves. We will have to have some steak fries when I get home - don't you love them?[731]
Soon after coming back to the war, Ed sent his dad a father's day card in early June.[732] On Ed's mind was obtaining "a 30
day leave [when he returned] & taking
Hazel to see his family & her family."[733] All would be anxious to see the baby.
For Ed, "Life will be complete when I can be with you & the baby."[734] On Saturday June 10, Ed wrote Hazel,
this "will be the last note I will get off for some time," because
they would be at sea. He told her "to have Mr. E.F.T. III."[735]
As
the Chenango was departing from
Espiritu Santo on the way to the Marianas, Ed ferried a TBM and two passengers
aboard on June 2. One of his passengers was William "Bill" Gentry from Morrisville, Pennsylvania. Bill had been at Espiritu Santo
and did not like it there. In seeking a transfer, he had gone to Jack Burdoe, who was on the Chenango crew. Jack in turn went to Rex Hanson, Squadron-35's intelligence officer. Hanson worked it so
Bill could come aboard the Chenango.
Bill along with Clark Schoonmaker crewed with Ed until
the end of Ed's sea duty. Ed did not miss crewmember Frederick Meche, who had flown with him since Alameda. They did not
function well together. The other passenger aboard the TBM that Ed ferried
aboard was Marine Captain V.T. Wills from Salem, Oregon. Wills stayed with the squadron for six weeks.
He worked as an artillery spotter in coordinating the combat of the Navy air and Marine ground forces.
Ed's
landing with the two passengers was his
first on the Chenango in several
months. It was memorable. The pin in the tailhook of the plane had not been set,
although the electric light indicator said it had. They usually checked the pin
manually prior to each flight because they knew the electric indicator was not
reliable. But Ed had been away and forgot about the problem. He neglected to
check it. So there was a big crash. The tailhook sheared off, pulled out and did not catch. The plane went through
a barrier and into several planes at the end of the deck. After the crash the
Marine, who had no flying experience and was nervous, asked if that was the way
they always landed. Bill Gentry jokingly asked the same question.[736] A number of the planes into which they
had crashed were so damaged they were pushed over the side rather than
repaired.
Ed's stay in Hawaii restored his weight and convinced him there would be no quick return home. He returned to the Chenango just in time to join the Central Pacific campaign where it had left off in February.
Leaving from Espiritu Santo on June 2, 1944, the Chenango joined the troop transports and support gunfire ships of
the Southern Attack Force (TF-53) under Rear Admiral Richard Conolly at Eniwetok in the Marshalls.
The
next stepping-stone toward Japan after the Marshalls was the Marianas Islands, which stretched for 400 miles and
included Guam, Saipan and Pagan. These were
fifteen hundred miles east of Manila Bay and thirteen hundred miles
southeast of Tokyo. They were a major fueling and
supply station for the Imperial Navy. They had been captured by the Spanish in the 18th century.
Saipan and Tinian, which Spain had sold to Germany, came under Japanese control after World
War I. Large sugar plantations were developed there. The United States government had
seized Guam in 1898 when it also took the Philippines and Puerto Rico.[737] Knowing trouble was on the way, an
American-paid, indigenous militia was organized on Guam in early 1941. U.S.
dependents were evacuated on October 17, 1941 and classified material was
destroyed six weeks later on December 6. On December 9, the Japanese took over.
The
chain of command for the Marianas invasion included the Central Pacific
commander, Admiral Chester Nimitz and under him the Fifth Fleet commander, Admiral Raymond Spruance. Under both of them came TF-53's commander, Richard Conolly and Marc Mitscher, who commanded TF-58. In launching the
Marianas campaign, Nimitz was in a hurry. To the south, in New Guinea, MacArthur was accelerating the pace.
For
those on the Chenango,
the Marianas campaign was just as bloody as that in the Gilberts. It was not
like the monotonous routine ASPs and CAPs that had characterized the New Guinea
interlude. The Japanese reacted violently, because they knew the Central
Pacific Islands would be used to launch air attacks against Japan. The Japanese staged frequent and
determined raids down from the Bonins to the north. In addition the enemy had seen in the earlier
fighting that the Marines were not interested in taking prisoners. They believed they had nothing to lose by fighting to the death or
committing suicide. It meant more killing on both sides.
The Beginning of the Campaign: June 2-21,
1944. When the Chenango, as part of TF-53, reached the battle zone in early June,
they met up with the planes, battleships and cruisers of TF-58. This included
fifteen fast carriers operating in four task groups sporting nine hundred
planes. Their job was to destroy by repeated air strikes the aircraft and
aircraft facilities at Tinian, Rota and Guam that could hinder
the invasion of Saipan, which was the first island scheduled for a land
assault.
When
TF-53 arrived, TF-58 had already been bombing and shelling Guam and Saipan, the
largest of the islands, for three weeks.[738] The landing on Saipan began on June 15.
TF-53's focus during the Saipan invasion was to
hold down the Japanese on Guam and prevent them from coming to the aid of their
comrades on Saipan. There were 20,000 Japanese army troops and 5,000 Japanese navy construction
personnel on Guam, which was 34 miles long, five to nine miles wide and 100
miles to the southeast of Saipan. In his first month back in the war zone Ed flew ten ASPs on June 5, 12, 17-19, 21-22
and 26 to protect the American ships in the area around Guam.
The
entries in the diaries of the Chenango's
TBF crews reflected the difficulties:
June 20, 1944: TBF shot down by our DD [destroyer]. No
survivors. Fierce fighting on Saipan. Nearly 6,000 casualties already!! Maryland caught a fish. Pennsylvania, Colorado shell hits. Fanshaw Bay -
1 bomb hit. Funeral services for F.J. Mulligan.[739]
Ed and the crew he flew with had their own difficulties in
the Marianas campaign. During one anti-submarine patrol the weather was so poor
that even at launch they had trouble seeing where they were going. Poor weather
or not, during battle one had to fly. After they were well into their mission
and 200 miles from the Chenango, their
TBM’s electric generator became overburdened and burned out. The turret gunner
was using the power to move his turret around, the radio was on for the
intercom and the tunnel gunner was using the radar. With no radar, radio and
bad weather, they were in big trouble and were afraid they would not make it back to the
carrier. A combination of factors saved them. During Ed’s flight training one
of the aviators who had flown with Admiral Richard Byrd over the South Pole lectured on conserving fuel. Both Ed and
Howard Tuttle routinely conserved fuel by keeping the air-gas ratio in the
carburetor lean; that is, they set the prop at a low speed (1,500 RPMs). This
meant flying slower and at a lower altitude than most of the squadron were
willing to do. Another factor that helped was that Ed was a good navigator,
always keeping track of the wind direction and velocity. To find the ship they
had to fly squares. Because of the visibility problem, they had to fly at a low
altitude.[740] They made it home safely.
While
Ed and TF-53 was holding down the Japanese on Guam, TF-58 covered the landing on Saipan. On June 15 Nimitz's Marines and the Army's 27th
Division debarked at Saipan.
It was a large island with a garrison of 32,000 troops; the American operation
against it was proportionately large also. Seven battleships fired twenty-four hundred
16-inch shells into the landing zone before the troops touched down and eight
older battleships kept up the bombardment during the landing, strongly
supported by aircraft. Over 20,000 American troops were put ashore on the first
day. This was the largest force yet delivered in a Pacific amphibious operation
and equivalent in size to those debarked in 1943 in the Mediterranean. The
Japanese defenders resisted fiercely. After the initial landing, the Marines
pushed them back into the hills.
General
Ralph Smith led the Army's 27th
Division ground forces on
Saipan; he was cautious, seeking to minimize the casualties. After several days
Spruance replaced him with General Jarman, who Spruance soon also found to
be too cautious. On June 28, General George Griner was substituted.[741] The casualties were heavy, 14,100, or
twenty percent out of the 71,000 troops that landed.[742] Among the Saipan casualties was Tojo Hideki, the Japanese Army minister who had
become prime minister on October 18, 1941. He resigned on July 18, 1944 because
of Saipan’s loss and Admiral Yonai Mitsumasa replaced him.[743]
In
the process of providing cover for the Saipan invasion, TF-58 met and turned
back the Japanese fleet. The intensification of MacArthur's offensive in the south had an
unintended effect on the conduct of the Central Pacific campaign. So alarmed
were the Japanese by the landing at Biak in northern New Guinea, they determined to call a halt to it by
concentrating their Combined Fleet in the East Indies to recapture the island.
At the end of May their ships, including the new giant battleships Yamato and Musashi, were
already at sea.[744] Then clear evidence that Nimitz was
preparing to spring forward from the Marshalls to the Marianas and approach the
Philippines obliged the Japanese to cancel the operation, and the Combined
Japanese Fleet then moved to the Central Pacific to defend there.[745]
On
June 19, as Ed was attending the funeral aboard the Chenango of one of his shipmates, and the land invasion of Saipan
was still underway, TF-58 with its fifteen carriers attacked
the enemy, which had nine carriers. The Japanese established Mitscher's
position before he did theirs; but because of the superiority of his radar,
fighter control and aircraft, the new Hellcat was faster and better armed than
the Zero, all four of Admiral Jisaburo Ozawa's attacks failed, either in dogfighting
above the carriers or against the guns of the ships. When the "Great Marianas Turkey Shoot" was over, 243 out of
373 Japanese aircraft had been shot down.[746] The First Battle of the Philippine Sea, as the two days of action were called by the Americans,
halved the operational strength of the Japanese carrier force, reduced its
aircraft strength by two-thirds and left TF-58 almost intact.
The
aviation admirals such as Mitscher and Joseph “Jocko” Clark, who commanded TF-58-1, were, as usual, critical of Spruance because he kept TF-58 close to Saipan
on June 18, to protect the landing fleet.[747] They would have preferred sailing west
to engage the Japanese fleet. On the other hand, Mitscher was criticized for overreaching himself and causing needless loss
of life. He launched an attack on the Japanese fleet late in the day of June
22. The Japanese were so distant that 49 pilots and crew died and 104 American
planes went down in the water at night because they did not have the fuel to return to their carriers.[748] At launch time one of the aviators had
acknowledged the thumbs-up given him by his crew and sarcastically thought, "Thumbs up, hell!
What they mean is 'so long, sucker!'"[749]
On
the positive side, at the time the Chenango
initially joined the Marianas campaign, the radio carried news on June 6 that
the second front in Europe had finally been
opened. Ed and his friends were glad, as it was a step in the direction of what
they wanted. The government had been delaying it for too long. Ed wrote:
The big news is the
second front started in Europe today. We have been waiting a long time for it.
We can begin to see that the European war will end. The Germans will resist a long while but the end is
in site. The sooner the war ends there, the sooner here. . . I want to come
home and be with you forever. I can't imagine what it would be like to come
home every evening to you and a baby but I'm sure it would
be very wonderful. . . Another thing this war is delaying us so much in is
getting started in the work we're going to do for the rest of our lives.
Personally I think I can make up for lost time but I'd like
very much to get started and find out.[750]
The difficulties of the war in the Marianas and in Europe
were not the only thing that Ed had on his mind in June. For example, after a
"long and trying day," meaning stressful combat flying on Monday June 19, he had steak and potatoes for dinner. He felt
"better, now that my stomach is full" and he shared with Hazel the
thoughts he had been having about child raising, which were more and more
on his mind.[751] From June 16-18, he had been reading Will Durant's The Mansions of Philosophy: A Survey of Human Life and Destiny
(Garden City, N.Y.: Garden City Pub. Co., 1941). He had heard Durant lecture.[752] In Ed's view, Durant had "too much
of a tendency to quote someone else to substantiate his contentions," but
he "makes interesting reading despite the fact I do not agree with him." In Mansions
of Philosophy Ed liked the chapter in which the author described how he
raised his children.[753]
Another of Ed's activities on the same day on which he wrote
Hazel about child rearing, was attending a funeral. F. J. Mulligan, a Chenango
cook, had gone from the kitchen where it was 125 degrees to a walk-in freezer,
as he had done frequently. Shortly after he went inside, he dropped dead from a
heart attack.[754] Funerals at sea were impressive ceremonies. In later years Ed recollected
another burial. The Chenango had been
launching early in the morning while it was still dark.[755] One of the crew walked into a fighter propeller and was killed. Ed was flying that
morning and was already launched before the accident. He did not known of it
until he returned to the ship. The body was sewn into a canvas bag along with
weights to carry it down. The bag was covered with a flag and laid on greased
plywood between two wooden sawhorses. Everyone aboard dressed in full uniform. Prayers were said by the chaplain, hymns were sung
and, as the body was consigned to the deep, all brought their right hand to
their forehead in a farewell salute. The ship's hard-nosed first-lieutenant,
Orville Hardcastle, commented about the greased plywood, "It will be the
fastest this bastard ever moved."[756] Hardcastle had been a merchant mariner
before the war and was the top sailor in the ship's company. He knew everything
there was to know about sailing.
Pagan: June 21-24, 1944. After the Japanese fleet was turned
back in the First Battle of the Philippine Sea and with the Saipan invasion
well underway, the Chenango was
ordered on June 21, to conduct an air strike against Pagan, smallest of the
four large Marianas islands and the only one not to be occupied by the U.S. It
had been struck four days earlier by TG 58 planes, but because of its runway,
it was essential to keep it out of operation. The Chenango with three destroyer escorts set out for Pagan at 11:00
p.m. on June 21 going eighteen knots. Just before dawn the next day every one
of the Chenango's 32 planes was
launched. While 30 planes attacked Pagan, including Ed's TBM, only two F6Fs remained over the
ships as the smallest CAP she had ever provided.[757]
The
squadron flew at 500
feet for some 90 miles toward Pagan. Prior to attacking, they rose to 8,000
feet, then descended to 1,500 feet as they released their bombs. The
anti-aircraft fire increased over the course of the thirty-minute attack. There
were no operative Japanese planes, so the squadron hit the airstrip with seventy-two
bombs. Each bomb contained one hundred pounds of explosive. They also hit
fifteen sampans, luggers and
barges in the 300 to 1,200 ton range.
After each operation an official
“Aircraft Action Report”
was filed. The five-page Pagan report was typical. Classified “C-O-N-F-I-D-E-N-T-I-A-L,” it
listed the take off time as 1915 to 1945, the return time as 2215 to 2257, the
latitude as 16-32N and the longitude as 147-15E. Time over the target was 2025
to 2100. There were scattered clouds at 2,000 feet. The report stated further:
The formation of 9
VT and 19 VF flew at 500 feet for the first 90 miles to the objective PAGAN
Island, to avoid detection by radar or coast watchers. When about 30 miles from
the target the formation climbed rapidly to about 8000 feet, fighters flying
high cover, close cover and close support. Three divisions of fighters went
down on target ahead of TBM's and one division followed, strafing AA emplacements surrounding the field (see attached target map),
barracks, and hangar areas. Partially filled belly tanks were dropped by VF in an attempt to cause fires, but
exact results were unobserved. Since only one damaged and no operational
aircraft were observed on the ground, these fighters were ordered to strafe the
shipping anchored in KANAKA Bay on their retirement from the airfield.[758]
The official
report of Air Group-35’s attack on Pagan continued, “The TBM's approached the
airstrip from the East and went into a 40 degree glide at approximately 7500
feet. One division of three planes dropped their bombs on the barracks area and
on the west end of the runway. The other two divisions of TBM's made bombing
runs from east to west to the north and south of the runway and also attacked
shipping in KANAKA Bay. Two of the small AK's [ships] were left burning
furiously as a result of bombing and strafing, (see photos attached). Bombs
were dropped in train at an average interval of 100 feet. Since the mission of
this strike was to destroy aircraft, the loading was 100# GP bombs. One
division of VF went out 30 miles and searched general area from 300' level to
3000'for enemy aircraft or surface craft. Results negative. After rendezvous of
Air Group three divisions of VF carried out orders and strafed shipping for the
second time. AA fire was light at beginning of attack due to surprise, but
increased to intensive by end. For entire duration of attack this may be
classified as medium AA, inaccurate and moderate. The Air Group returned to
base without incident.”[759]
At the end
of the Pagan report was a section called “Comments,” in which the writer stated
that the attack helped the squadron’s morale.[760]
Not all the troops understand the “Pagen” doctrine that their morale was
improved by killing or by risking their own lives. Ed’s view about combat, at
least at some points, was that it was hateful. The positive thing about it was
that by doing it, he would eventually be released from it.[761]
With improved morale for some and despite the anti-aircraft
opposition, all the Chenango planes
returned intact. There was only minor damage to two TBMs and one F6F-3. But
just as all but the two fighters on patrol had come aboard, a Japanese Betty, which had
apparently followed them home, tried to close in on the ship. It was shot down
by a TBM piloted by squadron-mate Lt. (j.g.) William Marshall and four F6Fs under Herb Magnusson from the Chenango amid
spectacular flames and in full view of the ship.[762]
It was said that the crew felt one could call June 21, the longest day of the year, only if one had not lived
through June 22.
Rest in the Marshalls (Eniwetok): June
25-July 10, 1944. On June 24, the Chenango headed off for Eniwetok in the Marshall Islands with TF-53.1.11 where it stayed for
almost two weeks.[763] They went there to obtain fuel and
supplies and to work out preparations for the coming landing on Guam, which
was scheduled for July 21. The original date had been June 18 but because of
the difficulty on Saipan, it had been delayed. Spruance wished to delay until July 25 to
give time for the Army's entire 77th Infantry Division to arrive. Nimitz wanted it on July 15. He felt the Marine III Corps would be
sufficient; and at least some of the 77th Infantry would be available. Nimitz
finally was forced to take July 21.[764]
As
the Chenango sailed into Eniwetok on
June 25 and anchored next to the Yorktown, which was the second Essex class CV of
that name and one of the most celebrated of all carriers, having been named
after the carrier sunk at Midway back in May 1942, there was a beautiful sunset. Many of the Chenango crew as well as of the Yorktown's were standing and strolling
about on their flight decks, enjoying the sunset and the balmy air. Ed was thinking of Hazel, "It's a
wonderful evening out and I wish we were together - my world would be complete
if I were with you - I desire nothing but you and a descent living - what more would I
want."[765]
Ed
had much mail while at Eniwetok. On June 29 alone he received 44 letters, of which 38 were from Hazel. He was so
busy reading them that he did not write that day.[766] He remarked, "I can't remember such
a pleasant day for a long time." Ten thousands miles away, Hazel was
having a memorable day of her own with the birth of her baby. On July 1, Ed received five more letters from Hazel,
which covered up until June 23, plus letters from his mother and sister Mildred.[767] Taking inspiration from the Chenango's
resident artist, Newton Howard, he was painting a picture of an island with some
native huts on it and one of a TBF coming aboard the carrier. Howard Tuttle told him they were "descriptive but naive. In other words
they get across the idea in very much of an amateur fashion."[768] In the evenings he sometimes played hearts.[769]
The Big News. Between June 26 and July 10, while the Chenango was at Eniwetok, Ed did not
fly. By his calculation, which proved to be off by four days, Hazel was to give
birth on Sunday June 25. This was on his mind all that day.[770] The baby actually came on June 29. Both
Hazel and Mrs. Kellogg wrote Ed the next day. The letters were post-marked July
1 and reached him at Eniwetok a week later on July 7.
Ed wrote back about how happy he and squadron-mate Howard Tuttle were:
Letter 2-49
July
7, 1944
My
dearest -
I hardly know what to say. I'm so
very happy. I received the most wonderful news today. I'm just almost at a loss
of words. Isn't this the most wonderful thing that ever happened to us darling
- just to think that we now have a baby boy - all our own. I can hardly believe
that I could be so fortunate. This past twelve months has certainly been an eventful
one for me. First I married you - the sweetest & most wonderful girl ever
and then we have a son. God has certainly blessed me. I'd give anything if I could be there
with you & see & hold this boy - it certainly is wonderful. . .
I'm so glad that both of you are
alright. Gee it's a big baby, isn't it darling? I gather you had some
difficulty - well darling I hope it wasn't too bad & besides that's all
past now. . .
Tuttle is almost as excited about this as I am - he thinks it's very
wonderful too. Says to tell you hello. Right now he's not feeling too good -
the officers are having a party over on the beach tomorrow & he has the duty. However he may get to
go anyway. He says he has the duty every time something interesting happens
& and he'll probably have a girl - when he starts in having children. . . .
Well my dear guess I'll knock off
for now. You're the most wonderful person ever. I just love you [not
decipherable]. Give that son of mine a big hug & kiss & tell him his
old man says for him to do as you say. To you sweet all my love & kisses
for ever & always.
Ed[771]
Guam (July 10-30,
1944).
During the Chenango's stay at Eniwetok, the battle for Saipan made progress.
The defenders were unable to re-supply themselves and ran out of ammunition.
Understanding that the Marines did not take prisoners, most then chose suicide rather than
surrender; among the Japanese on the island were 22,000 civilians, of whom a
large number are alleged to have joined the survivors of the 30,000 combatants
in killing themselves rather than capitulate. Saipan was declared secured on
July 8.
With
the Saipan land invasion achieved, the focus then became the land invasion of
Guam, which stated on July 21. To help with this, the Chenango on July 10 sailed back to the Marianas with the new
commander of CarDiv-22, Rear Adm. Thomas L. Sprague, temporarily aboard.[772] The Japanese had strengthened their
defenses on Guam, especially along the beaches, but much of that was knocked
out by the lengthy bombing and shelling of Navy ships and planes. During the
last fifteen days of July, the Chenango's
planes flew 364 sorties. Strafing, bombing, photographing,
and supporting the landings kept them busy and earned them thirty-two medals
and commendations.[773]
Starting
on Tuesday July 11, Ed and the crew flew daily scouting missions of four and five hours
until July 16. He wrote about being back out at sea:
Today I'm back at
sea & glad. The sooner we get this mess straightened out the sooner I'm going to get back to
you. Just sitting some place isn't doing much towards getting us back together.
I'm certainly happy to have been in port when we were because I found out what
I wanted to know so badly [being a father].[774]
On various days such as
July 13, he told Hazel, using their code, that he had been in combat and that he was well.[775] That day had been a long one of flying.
He was very tired and they had told him he had to rise early the next day so he
was going to sack out early.[776]
From
the time when he had first gone out to sea the previous fall, Ed's thinking
about and making plans for the future, such as being a LSO, helped him
put up with the stress and boredom of combat. The type of duty he would have
when he returned home was a repeated topic in his letters: "I want shore
duty - if I can't get it, then landing signal officer (LSO). I'd rather come back out
here waving flags."[777] While in Hawaii he had saved $500 for a
possible down payment on a farm, "if we decide to get one."[778] Steve Hart, the executive officer of his squadron in Hawaii had
been a junior executive with City National Bank in New York prior to the war. He "was pretty sharp and thinks
buying a farm is better than war bonds."[779] Going to law or business school was another of the things
he was thinking about during the Marianas campaign.[780]
On
Friday, July 14, Ed remarked that almost the only thing he accomplished that
day was flying.[781] However, he did make some progress in
his course on naval strategy and tactics. While in Hawaii he had signed up to
take a correspondence course from the War
College. The first lesson arrived the day after
he received news of the baby.[782] From time to time he worked on the
course. For example on July 12 after doing flight duty he studied 18th-century naval history and battles, which he found
interesting.[783] On July 14 he finished an assignment and
put it in the mail.[784]
As
the land offensive approached and then began on Guam, Ed and the crew flew eight missions on July 15-16, 19-24,
27-30 and August 1 and 3. They both bombed and did gunnery runs. Bruce Weart described the battle from an aviator's perspective:
July 12, 1944: Struck Guam. 2000 - incends - 500s.
July 15: Continued strikes all day. Dick got all shot up with AA. Terrible operating weather. Mostly
instrument.
July 16: Continued Guam strikes. Two torpedo planes lost. Lots of
AA last hop last night. Left for Saipan.
July 17: Arrived Saipan 0550. Refueling, re-arming. Dropped total
of 49 1/2 tons last three days. Saipan fell on 9th - 18,000 Japs buried. We had 11,000 casualties! Left 1900 for Guam.
July 18: Arrived Guam. Strikes all day. 2 planes shot down, 4
others shot up on my hop.
July 19: Strikes all day. Saw a SBZC go in. Two fighters crashed.
July 20: Strikes all day. TBF crashed.
July 21: Invasion of Guam. "How" hour 0700. Beachs
established - advances good.
July 22: Strikes all day.
July 23: Singletary went down over Guam. Strikes all day.[785]
On July 27 Ed and the crew were
up twice. One of their three-hour flights that day was a bombing mission.
CarDiv-22 planes initially supplied CAPs and ASPs to support the ships that
were bombing Guam, but when the landing force arrived they protected them as
well. Overall, the weather was not very good, with frequent cloud covers and
rainsqualls. Japanese planes, nearly all Bettys, continued to attack U.S. forces
as they had at Saipan. Most of them came from Palau, Yap and the Bonins to the north.
On
Guam D-day, Friday, July 21, Ed and the planes from the three carriers in
CarDiv-22, among several others, carried out air support missions, running into
heavy anti-aircraft fire. But the initial invasion turned out to be relatively
easy. Air liaison parties controlled the strikes, but a few planes
accidentally struck American troops in the process. Despite Marine complaints that the
Navy did not answer their requests for instant air action adequately, which
they asserted Marine planes would
have done, the bombing was successful.[786] On July 28 and in two flights on July 30
Ed worked as a spotter. Capt. V. T. Wills, a
Marine, was on board to assist.[787]
Suwannee aviator John F. Smith in his account of the campaign described how
planes and spotters worked to support ground combat:
Strikes
in support of ground troops were controlled by experienced combat officers.
Sometimes these controllers were on the ground and sometimes in the air. At that time the radio call sign of a
controller was “Uncle” followed by a number. As the fighting on the ground
shifted from place to place, one or another combat unit would find itself
encountering difficulty from the Japanese. The unit would pass the word through
chain of command to the appropriate Uncle controller. The strike aircraft would
be in orbit on holding station with adequate bombs and ammunition, and the Uncle
would call them with instructions as to where they should expend their
ordnance. Sometimes the call required bombing as close as a hundred yards from
our own front lines.[788]
Because
of their long exposure to the pressures of the ground war, some of the controllers
were short-tempered and sarcastic. An example given by Smith involved a lead
plane that had difficulty finding the target. Finally it was ready to make a
bombing run. The pilot called the Uncle station to say that the target was
identified as a tank at a set of coordinates, which were on a gridded map of
the island. There followed a stream of profanity from the Uncle controller
which included the information that that particular tank was sacrosanct because
he was in it. [789]
In
the initial invasion, the Marines landed north and south of Oronote Peninsula,
which the U.S. wanted for an airfield. The Japanese, with 2,500 troops were dug in on the
peninsula and had excellent defenses. It took a week for the U.S. to secure it.
Historian Harry Gailey described day-by-day the battle for the peninsula:
Backed
by corps and 77th Division artillery augmented by naval gunfire, the 1st Marine Provisional Brigade began its offensive on Oronte Peninsula at 0700 on 26 July. The
22d Marines' advance on the right was channeled down the Agat-Sumay
road. The regiment was slowed by swampy ground, whereas the 4th Marines moved
rapidly ahead against light resistance. The attack the next day (July 27)
bogged down as both regiments advanced slowly against concerted mortar and
machine-gun fire. Despite support from tanks, the Marines gained only five
hundred yards. However, there were indications of a breakdown in Japanese
morale when some of the defenders broke and ran. On the twenty-eighth,
resistance against the 22d Marines collapsed; the old marine barracks area was
taken, and by evening the destroyed village of Sumay was captured. Meanwhile,
the 4th Marines ran into the strongest defensive line on the peninsula and
needed tank support before forcing the defenders back to a ridgeline. The final
drive began the next day (July 29). The airfield was captured, and most of the
defenders began to commit suicide while a few tried to escape by attempting to swim to the reef
line.[790]
The enemy who survived the initial attacks withdrew, most
of them going toward the town of Orote, but leaving snipers at other positions
closer to the Americans. A journalist who was on the scene wrote of the
retreat, "It took invading U.S. troops only nine days to wrest from the
Japanese defenders two of the island's most valuable military prizes - Apra
Harbor and nearby Orote
Peninsula. Not only have the Japanese been forced back into the
rugged interior but their armored strength has been seriously depleted with the
loss of nearly 30 tanks. At least five enemy troops have been killed for every
American lost. The Guam 'investment' now promises to be even more costly for
the Japanese as Major General Roy S. Geiger's Third Amphibious Corps gathers momentum. Atop mountain crests overlooking this harbor, joint
Marine and Army forces are poised for new large-scale thrusts against enemy
troops. During the last 48 hours Army patrols of the 77th Division have
followed winding mountain trails nearly seven miles across the island, reaching
Ylig and Togcha Bay on the east coast without encountering resistance. Other
patrols exploring Agana on the west coast found the peacetime capital of 11,000
a shambles, evacuated even by the mongrel dogs that once roamed its streets.
Only desultory sniper fire molested Marine patrols advancing beyond Agana's
shell-cratered cemetery."[791] In the end it took several months before
the last of the enemy were hunted down. Thirteen hundred American Marines and 18,500 Japanese died.[792]
Even
during the land invasion, Ed had more than the war on his mind. The Sunday
after D-day he was wondering if "John D" (Donlon) was over to
Hazel's and if the baby was baptized.[793] He had finished reading Armine von
Tempski's Born in Paradise (New York:
Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1940) about Hawaii's social life and customs, which he
enjoyed and had started Arthur Koestler's Arrival
and Departure (London: J. Cape, 1943). It was about a German during World
War II who escaped from Germany to Lisbon, a neutral city. The German had mental anguishes while there
and was "a good study of an underdog psychology & well handled."[794]
On
Friday July 28, Ed was thinking about the baby's first monthly birthday:
"Tomorrow our youngster has his first monthly birthday."[795] The next day some of Ed's mail caught up with him, including many New Yorker, Life and Time magazines: "I will have enough magazines to read for a
while." He was also reading Treasure
Islands of the Pacific by an English author about New Caledonia, a French
colony. He found it "a good book - digs the French."[796] Among the letters he received were three
from Hazel, one from his dad and one from Mrs. Kellogg. Ed used their code to tell Hazel he had been in combat that day. In the evening he
was given a rub down and a shot of grog. The ship's athletic director did
the rubdowns. Ed complained that the ship should have been relieved by then but was
not, "so just hope for the best."[797] He was happy to note that his son was now one month old.
By July 30 the Orote Peninsula Airfield on Guam had finally been captured and made operable, but
the Japanese remained close by to the west. It was at this point that Ed and
the crew of radio operator Bill Gentry, turret gunner Clark Schoonmaker and Marine spotter, Captain V. T. "Bucky" Wills, happened to become war heroes, or at least have their names in the newspapers. They made
the first landing at the Orote Airfield after it had been captured.
In
making the Guam landing, Ed remembered years later, probably not too accurately, that it was a
lazy day and he wanted to work. The crew received an assignment to chauffeur
the Marine artillery spotter to find Japanese snipers. The spotter had a map
with coordinates. While doing the spotting, they received a call from some Navy
people there, including a Navy captain, who were in charge of repairing the airfield.
They wanted to steal the show from the other services and have the Navy be the
first to land. There was an Air Force squadron that was flying out
from Saipan and would soon be there. The Marines also wanted to be the first to
land. The Navy asked Ed and the crew if they could land. They flew over, looked
at it and said they could and did.
Bill
Gentry, who was twenty-one years old at the time and the radio operator,
summarized the events leading up to the landing, "While sitting contently
on the hangar deck writing a letter home, I was disturbed and told I had a hop.
It was to be a spotter hop over Guam. I was a little peeved as we had already
had a 'spotter' plus this was shoved off to us . . . also our flight-log noted
we had flown over 70 hours this month. The radio transmitter had to be set up
on an odd frequency; this added to making me a somewhat miserable radioman this
afternoon. Things started to go better once in the air. The transmitter really
put out and we had perfect radio communications. We flew all around the island
at about 100 feet or less, sometimes I think 25 or 50 where terrain and tree
height were suitable."[798]
Gentry's
account of the landing continued further, "'CONGO' . . . . the call of the
communication ship directing the flight called and told
us to switch to channel one VHF. We did so and the observer attempted to call
CONGO. When he stopped we heard the last portion of a transmission which was,
'do you think you can handle the job or do you want a pilot of more
experience?' (This was a message to the observer not to Lt. Terrar. . . . and
we knew Ed had enough experience for any thing they wanted.) We started to
sweat this one out and were eager for him to repeat the transmission telling us
what this job was. I thought they had found a Jap gun position. Then CONGO's
repeat came and it was this . . . 'On Orote peninsula on Guam there is an
approach of 3000 feet and a clearance of 2000 feet on which we want you to
attempt to land. Land from east to west with left hand turns. I want you to get
the lay-out of the field marked with white cards by making a sweep. Then if you
are satisfied, make another approach and a touch and go landing. Then if you feel it
is sufficiently hard enough to make a landing, do so.' Well we had the happiest pilot and he had the happiest combat
crew in the Naval Air Corp. On our sweep
all that could be seen from my position as we went over the field was a small
narrow clearance of 2000 feet at the beginning of which were the remains of Japanese
dead and their destroyed protection, sided by bomb craters. The marines waved
for us to come down. They sure looked healthy with their red and tan dirty faces. My
thoughts were. . . I wouldn't want to swap places with them for anything and
some told us later they would not want to be flying with someone intent on ending that flight
abruptly. At least I knew as long as they didn't end our flight, I had a clean
bed to sleep in that night and eggs from the shell and a good breakfast back on
board the carrier. We reported back to CONGO telling him we were about to make
our touch and go landing and asked him if he would call the station on the
field and suggest that the marines along the side get a safe distance from the
runway just in case. Dutch and I had all the confidence in the world of our pilot's ability
and he realized it was our neck as well as his if anything went wrong, but we
swore we'd go through with the landing."[799]
About
the actual landing, Gentry remembered:
We made our approach
for out touch and go, came in nicely, hit hard several times in order to size
up the hardness of the field and determined the location of the craters. We
told CONGO, "we're going in." We made our approach, wheels and flaps
down. Landed fast in case we had to throttle up. Rolled up to a stop at the end
of the 2000 feet. We grabbed the mike and told Terrar that it was a beautiful
landing. Ed told us to jump out for a few minutes and he cut the engine on
Charlie 27. The marines swarmed around us and the first question they asked
was, "do you have any beer," followed by over a hundred more. War correspondents from many large news services were on hand with questions and
cameras. There was excitement, pictures were taken, for you see, we were the
first United States plane ever to land on Guam. There were four of us . . . our
pilot Lt (jg) Edward F. Terrar, Jr., Army Captain "Bucky" Willis, the
observer, C.T. "Dutch" Schoonmaker AMM2/c and myself.
The correspondents and the marines
told us of a few of the happenings and remarked that there were still many
snipers around the airfield. We found out later that a couple in the crowd were
hit by the Jap snipers so we thought for the safety of
those around us and ourselves we had better take off and were encouraged to do
so.[800]
Gentry concluded his account of the landing, "We
taxied down the field and took off in 1200 feet of runway. We called CONGO and
gave him the condition of the field. He congratulated us and told us it was a
feather in our hats. We thanked him for the opportunity as the pleasure was all
ours. Actually other pilots who heard the transmission tried to horn in on our
assignment, Ens. Mann for one. We scouted around the island a little more before we went
home. It looked as thought there must be about 200 Japanese aircraft destroyed
on the ground and also we saw a zero that had been shot down in the harbor very
close to where Singletary, a hellcat pilot from the Chenango, went down. Dutch
spotted a Jap. Pictures were taken of our crew next to C-27 the following day
on the flight deck. These were for the Bureau. Carpenter's crew were mad at us because earlier we had damaged their
plane when our tail hook sheared and we went through the barriers and now we were in their plane C-27 when we were
hastily called for the spotter flight . . . . . . . . So the day turned out
super after all!"[801]
When
they were taking off from the test run on the Orote Airfield, the plane was
shot at from about 100 yards beyond the runway. They thought it was the
Japanese. But 35 years later Ed found out that it was U.S. Marines that had done the shooting. They
were jumpy and shooting at anything that moved. They thought the TBF was a
Japanese plane. Snipping was still going on nearby. Someone was shot or killed
even while the TBF was on the ground. Several Marines received Congressional
Medals of Honor for clearing the peninsula.[802]
Back
aboard the ship that night, Ed wrote Hazel about the landing and
asked her to clip any newspaper account of it.[803] A week later he wrote her about the
details:
We were in the
Marianas of course - Guam, Saipan, Rota & Tinian. The reference I made a
week or so ago to you about the possibility of seeing my name in the paper was
to the fact that I was the first to land a plane on Guam. Guam is the final
island we've retaken from the Nips, i.e. the final U.S.
soil the Nips took from us & we've retaken. We didn't have a field on the
island when we had it so I was the first American to ever land on the island -
at least that's what some newspaper people told me when I landed. It was just a
coincidence that I happened to get to do it - just luck of course. There wasn't
anything to it - but it was somewhat of an honor. There were a lot of cameras &
reporters around when I landed so I thought perhaps my picture might be in the
papers - if it is & you see it, why cut out and save - I'd like to see them.[804]
Several versions of the Guam landing were published. The
version done by the Chenango
crewmembers shortly after the war stated, "Right at the end of the
Marianas Campaign a single honor came to the Chenango. On the 30 of July at four in the afternoon, a Chenango pilot, Lt. (jg) Terrar, was
ordered to try landing at Orote Airfield on Guam. He completed his mission
successfully, reported that the field was operational for all but heavily
loaded planes, and by this act became the first American pilot ever to land and
take-off from the island of Guam . . . the first United States soil in the Pacific
to be re-captured!"[805]
As
Bill Gentry observed, while on the runway the crew disembarked from the plane
briefly. On the ground there was a quick ceremony in which their pictures were taken with the commander of the
ground force, Marine Colonel Peter P. Shrider. Present for the ceremony were numerous
journalists.[806] In the media at the same time was
President Franklin Roosevelt. He had ordered Admiral Ernest King and General Douglas MacArthur to
meet him in Hawaii.[807]
Among
the newspaper articles that reported the landing was one titled "U.S.
Takes Southern Half of Guam: Pennsylvania Radioman on First Plane to
Land," which was in Philadelphia's
Evening Bulletin:
The first plane, a
carrier-based torpedo bomber, landed on Japanese-built Orote Airfield only 24
hours after Marines of Brigadier General Lemuel C. Shepherd's First Provisional Brigade captured the peninsula. Marine engineers under Lieutenant Colonel
C.O. Clark appeared on the field at 11 A.M. yesterday. Six hours later Navy
Lieutenant J.G. Edward F. Terrar Jr. set his torpedo bomber down on one
hastily-repaired runway. Sharing the honor of being the first to land an
American plane on Guam were Terrar's gunner, Clark Schoonmaker, and his
radioman, William Gentry, Jr., of Morrisville, Pa.[808]
According to historian William Y'Blood, the Marines were
disappointed that it was not one of theirs who made the first landing.[809] The history of Guam's recapture
published by the Marines also discussed their disappointment.[810] Years later the “Congressional Marines,”
an interest group on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., where Ed was then working,
gave him an award for his role on Guam. His thank you note apologized for
having upstaged them.[811]
Despite
losing out on the first landing, the Marines managed to pile up plenty of media
glory. For example, when Marine General Roy Geiger declared Guam secured on August 10, Carl Moore, who was Admiral Spruance's aid, wanted
to raise the first American flag. In 1899 Moore's father, a Naval officer in
command of a detachment of sailors, had landed on Guam to take possession from
Spain after an earlier imperialist war. He had personally raised
the first flag. Admirals Kelly Turner and Holland Smith thought it
appropriate that his son, a Naval officer, raise the flag when the island was
retaken. But they did not inform General Geiger. The Marines raised it.[812]
Significantly
for his parents, Ed's landing on Guam made the front page of the Coffeyville Journal two days later on August 1.[813] Below the article, which included a
picture of Ed that he felt looked “gooney” in his brown leather flight helmet
and goggles, was an article about his parents.[814] Ed's Coffeyville neighbors, the
Cillessens were initially afraid to read the
article, fearing it might be about him being killed.[815] Three weeks after the landing, Ed
received a letter from his parents describing their pride.[816] Others who congratulated Ed and the crew
included President Franklin D. Roosevelt, or at least his public relations
department, and Admiral Chester Nimitz.[817]
American
ships and planes began to make regular use of Guam on July 31, the day after
the landing, as eye-witness Charles Arnot described at the time, "American
men of war led by the flagship of Rear Admiral Richard L. Conolly, who heads TF-53, steamed triumphantly into Apra Harbor
today with victory flags flying while a procession of American warplanes landed
on the broad coral runway of newly-won Orote Airfield. Thus exactly two years,
seven months and 21 days after Japan's lightning conquest, Guam again is an
operating U.S. Naval base - this time a potential weapon to be turned against
the Japanese themselves."[818]
That
same day the Chenango sailed to Saipan to re-arm. While anchored there they could see Tinian, which neighbored Saipan at a
distance of three miles and on which fighting was still underway. Guns were
being fired at it from Saipan. According to one authority, it was the first
battle in which napalm bombs were used in war.[819] The battle there had started on July 25.
Resistance was light and it fell on August 1. While at Saipan some of the crew
visited a sake distillery.[820] On Saipan itself the invasion was
finally completed only on August 9. Shortly afterward, P-47s were flown in from the two Kaiser CVEs.
By
August 11, after 53 days of battle, all the territory that the Americans then
coveted in the Marianas was theirs.[821] Guam cost 1,400 U.S. and 10,000 Japanese
killed and 5,600 U.S. wounded. For all the Marianas the total was 5000
Americans and 60,000 Japanese. Several years later on August 6, 1947 Ed was
awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross for his work between July 16-30, 1944.[822] From Guam America's new bomber, the B-29
Superfortress, was able to make the 1,000 mile raid on
the Japanese home islands directly. Likewise from the Marianas as well as from
the newly captured territories to the south, the Americans were able to bring a
halt to the shipping of Japanese oil and other necessities.[823] Finally, from the Marianas the Pacific
Fleet could begin preparing the assault on the northern islands of the
Philippines, whose southern islands were threatened
by MacArthur's advance on the East Indies.[824] From Hawaii Chester Nimitz moved his command headquarters to Guam.
The
conquest of the Marianas and the landing on Guam did not change Ed's views
about the war and his part in it. He felt the war was both boring and
pointless, as he stated the day following the first landing:
Life out here is
becoming more boring & pointless everyday & I want more & more to get home with you and
Tersh - I'm so very anxious to see the young man.[825]
Ed had hoped with the
capture of the Marianas, that they might be able to go home. He found out on August
1, that that was not to be. He commented:
I'm afraid I won't
get back as soon as I had expected & hoped. There's just nothing can be
done about it though - reconcile yourself to it & make the best of the situation - that's about all we can do. I
had so hoped & really thought we would get home this month but if we can't
we'll just sit tight & keep your chin up & some day I'll surprise &
come walking in.[826]
Rest at Eniwetok
(Marshalls) and Manus (Admiralty) Islands: August 3 - September 10, 1944. Following their part in the Guam
invasion the Chenango and her sisters
steamed back to Eniwetok in the Marshalls. Brooke Hindle remembered that the
crew was growing tired of the continuing D-days. For some, even "the clear
blue water of the Pacific had lost its beauty" and they were anxious to
return home. Ed thought, "The days are just a broad procession of time -
it's very difficult to tell one day from another - very monotonous."[827] He was beginning to believe it would be
the "golden gate in forty-eight."[828] On the positive side, he had heard that
"if you spent a year out, you don't have to come back."[829] He was not sure if this was accurate but
he had heard it. He was dreaming of just being able to be in a single place for more than a few days:
Pretty sure I will
get shore duty when I do get back & if I do everything will
be wonderful perhaps we'll be able to settle down for a year or so - live in
one house & enjoy life for a change. I just can't imagine what it would be
like to be in one place for more than a few days or weeks but I'd certainly
like to give it a try.[830]
Ed wanted to return home to be with his family and to
commence work on making a living. In the fall of 1943 and in July 1944 he had
mentioned plans to go to law or business school or the starting of a
charter flying service for sports people. On his mind now was again the idea of
buying land in the San Joaquin Valley, "When irrigation comes in, it will
be valuable."[831] Another possibility was to take a post-graduate
class in aeronautical engineering offered by the Navy. It would start March 5, 1945.[832] From it he would receive a Designation
of Engineering Duty Only (EDO) at San Diego, Pensacola or Norfolk for 18
months. He would make $400 per month. It would require six years in the regular Navy and mean a good job when he exited to civilian life. After considering
it a few days, he applied for the school and hoped Hazel agreed.[833]
On
Friday August 4, "We dropped anchor in port today." at Eniwetok.[834] Ed had ten letters from Hazel waiting
for him, with enclosures from his sister Rosemary and his dad. He thought it was "wonderful to hear about the
young protege of ours."[835] During his island rest Romania capitulated, but he felt "it really doesn't mean much."[836] Two days later Capt. George van Deurs reported aboard to relieve Capt. Ketcham as commanding officer of the Chenango.
That same day, which was a Sunday, they had mass aboard the ship, for which Ed
was grateful.[837] The squadron had "captain's
dinner" in their wardroom for the outgoing and incoming captains. There
were "no speeches or anything." But they passed out cigars and it was a big dinner, with steak, which was "very
good." Ed summarized, "I hate to see Capt. Ketcham leave - one of the
finest men I've ever known."[838] He had known the new captain at Corpus.
He was capable but more "regulation."
From
Eniwetok the Chenango steamed to
Seeadler Harbor, Manus Island in the Admiralty Islands of the South
Pacific, where they arrived the next day.[839] Manus Island had recently been developed
and was being used as the main base of supplies for ships operating around the
Philippines. Both Admiral Halsey's great Third Fleet and the Seventh
Fleet lent to MacArthur made use of it.
Ed
and the rest of the crew entered a slowed-down operation for more than a month,
from August 7 to September 10.[840] On Monday August 14, Ed received the
first pictures of the baby. He wrote:
Today was a
wonderful day. I received seven letters from you including a bunch
of pictures of you & the young man. I can see right now he is everything
you say he is & probably a little more. I've done nothing practically but
look at them since I got them this afternoon. They're wonderful & I'm
tickled pink with them. I just can't believe that he is really ours but its
certainly delightful knowing it. I gather they were taken when John was over about the 17 of July, which would make him about 19
days old. I haven't decided which pictures I like the best. They're all so
good. I especially like one of him with his thumb in his mouth which almost
covers up his face - his hand does I mean - also like the one of him just
peacefully asleep in your arms. He certainly looks like a healthy little fellow.
Darling you look fine too - I was surprised that you look so well so soon. I
figure you feel as well as you look. Now if I could just get home & see him
in person.[841]
Looking at the pictures of Hazel and the baby became part of his daily routine.[842]
A
week later Ed received more letters that had been written around August 9,
including one from his pal Don Mitchell, which he enjoyed.[843] He received "two of my maternal
aviator's epistles. Enjoyed them all very much.
Mother & her 'nervous' children amuse me."[844] In the mail was a picture of Mildred, "my little sister," He
was not very positive about the pose. His other sister, Rosemary, had a job in Chicago running an office for the Navy. Ed commented, "Will
do her good to get away from home and have to shift for herself - if she
doesn't go boy-wise & I don't think she will. She's a pretty good
gal."[845] Later Rosemary herself wrote Ed and told
him what a good time she was having in visiting many places around Chicago.[846]
During
their Manus vacation, some of the crew went swimming in the harbor and fished.
Books were read and games were played, especially bridge and cribbage in the
officers' rooms.[847] Ed saw "The Butler's Sister," an
"old but good movie" with Pat O'Brien and Deanna Durbin.[848] He read Parts Unknown (New York: J. Messner, 1938) by Frances Parkinson
Keyes about consular service in Colombia, South
America, which he liked. He was also playing backgammon. They thought he was a beginner and he
was "trimming" them and not telling them anything different.[849]
Several days later on
Sunday August 13, they had mass aboard the ship. Ed was an altar server for the first time in
a couple of years. He went to communion. Since there was no priest on the Chenango,
the one stationed aboard the Sangamon came aboard when they were in port. The priest, Lieutenant
Commander Joe McNamara, was on the admiral’s staff. He loved to play cards and shoot
dice. He was both a good player and lucky. He generally wiped everyone out. He
consoled them, “Well, you really have a tax deduction, as I am sending this
money to an orphanage in Kankakee, Illinois.” [850]
The squadron went ashore
on August 13 for a stay that ended up lasting two weeks. Ed wrote on his first
evening on Manus:
Tonight I'm on an
island - we're ashore for a few days for a little "rest &
recreation." I
am living in a quonset hut. It is pretty primitive & I am not too
impressed, but enjoy the change. Its nice to see coconut trees & foliage
for a change. There is a fairly decent club with beer, bourbon & rye sold. It is warm but
looks like rain, so will cool.[851]
That night he went to see
the movie, "Keeper of the Flame." He had already seen it but it was
good and so he went again.
Ed
summarized his daily routine at Manus as follows: up at 7:30 for breakfast,
then ping-pong & muck around,
then lunch, sack out for most of afternoon til 1600 [4:00 p.m.] when
"O" club opens. They sold beer from 4 to 5:00 p.m., and whiskey from 5 to 6:00 p.m. The troops were rationed to three
beers and three drinks per evening. Ed never drank beer but he usually drank
one rye and ginger ale or a coke. Then came dinner followed by a movie or bull
session til 21:30 [9:30 p.m.], "unless the boys get into a bottle and
don't feel like going to sleep."[852]
Ed
flew only four times during his month at Manus, which were bomb-training flights.[853] He slept on the carrier one of the
nights when he came out to do his flying. The food reminded him of Hazel's cooking:
Came out to do deck
work & decided to stay all night. Had hamburger steak smothered in onion -
remembered one of the times you fixed them when we were living at the Kelloggs also mashed potatoes, gravy,
cherry pie.[854]
Another evening, he wrote to Hazel that in the skipper's
tent was a cooler. Ed brought a case of coke and kept it there. While there he
had heard a couple of good radio programs, such as "The Lucky Strike Hour" and "Information Please." They were
rebroadcasts by the Armed Forces Radio Service. He had wanted to play tennis earlier that day but it was rained out.[855] The following day he visited the
chaplain's tent. While there he heard several more radio
programs and picked up a state-side station in Louisiana. It was "good to
hear a stateside station."[856] A few days later he caught a cold from
playing tennis and then standing in the rain.[857]
On
the Sundays he was ashore at Manus Ed went to mass.[858] On September 3 he offered his mass and
communion for Hazel and himself. It was their wedding anniversary.[859] She had written to him suggesting that
they go on a second honeymoon, to which he responded he would like to do one
for the rest of their lives, even if they bring the baby along.[860]
During
his shore visit he read magazines such as Time,
New Yorker, Coronet
and Omnibook.[861] The books he finished off were: Carol
Crow's Master Kung: The Story of
Confucius (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1938); Cornelia Otis Skinner's Soap Behind the Ears (New York: Dodd,
Mead & Co., 1941), which were short stories from the New Yorker; and Sense of
Humor about a place in New Hampshire. Ed also saw a number of movies, such as, "The Amazing Mrs.
Holliday" with Deanna Durbin. The story was bad but the singing was good.[862] Another movie he saw with Durbin was
"Back to Eve." It "did not have enough singing to suit me."[863] "Rosie the Riveter," was about
the role which women were playing in the war and the economic work force. He
"couldn't quite stomach it."[864] Other movies included "Breakfast
for Two," "The Major and the Minor," which he had seen before
but liked, and "All Through the Night" with Humphrey Bogart, which he
enjoyed.[865] Ed remarked, "I'm just getting to
be a terrible movie hound - aren't you glad?"[866] Hazel was the one that generally liked movies more than Ed.
On
Tuesday August 29, Ed went hunting for cateyes along the beach at Manus.[867] Cateyes were seashells that looked like their namesake. He found many of
them. He planned to make a beautiful necklace and bracelet for Hazel. Several
days later he was out again hunting for cateyes. Those he found he put in acid
to remove the lime deposit. The next step after that was to shine them.[868] Toward the end of his island vacation,
he played badminton with the captain.[869]
Manus
was large enough that entertainers from the states performed there. For
example, the Chenango crew saw a USO
show in which Bob Hope, Jerry Colona and Francis Langford performed. Among the Chenango crew that met the
entertainers personally was Bob Exum. He remembered:
We were anchored in the bay. Our
ship was invited to a beer party and baseball game. We could also go swimming. Myself and two
other sailors took off into the jungle to see what was "there." We
went too deep into the jungle and got lost. I decided to climb a tree and see
what way it was to the ocean. We were not too far away from a beach. I came
down out of the tree and saw a group of people crossing toward us.
Almost in the lead were two pretty
blond girls coming toward us. I walked up to some men with them. The first one
was a man that looked familiar. It was Jerry Colona. We shook hands and he then
introduced me to BOB HOPE. The first thing I said, "Its so nice to meet
someone from home!" He said "HOME! Where are you from?" I said,
"West Lake Park, near downtown L.A." We laughed and joked about it.
Then we followed them to the area where the party was.[870]
Ed's attendance at the USO show was more conventional. He and shipmates Rex Hanson and Andy Divine, with raincoats in hand and chairs went to the show area at
noon on Wednesday August 30, and had a long wait: two hours and forty minutes.
They had to sit through a 45-minute downpour and the entertainers came forty
minutes late. Nevertheless, it was a good show. Ed commented that Hope was a "knockout, a natural comedian."[871] Hope, Colona and Langford sang some
songs, as did Larry Ross. Patty Florence was "a damn good looking blonde, as blonds go - I love red
heads myself." Hazel had red hair.
The
Chenango crew had established their own band, which performed on the ship's
hanger deck. At Manus it went ashore to play for the Seabees, Marines and other soldiers. There were thirteen band members from a
variety of divisions with Waldo De St. Jeor, an aircraft radio technician, serving
as the band leader and Ens. Robert S.J. Kiester as band officer. They played popular pieces including
"Mairzy Doats," "Tuxedo Junction," and "Begin the
Beguine."
Despite
the vacation in the South Seas paradise and the high-class singing and dancing,
Ed wanted out. Master Chief Boatswain Mate Ed Ries of the Chenango found the "keep them happy
while they are dieing" Fleet Recreation Center to be depressing. There was too much gambling, brawls, drinking, and
malaria in the steaming heat.[872] Bruce Weart wrote in his diary
during this period of being "terribly lonesome and homesick.
Home???!"[873] Ed too had on his mind returning home to his wife
and child. But in September 1944 that was not yet in the cards.
The next Central Pacific stepping-stone to Japan after the
Marianas was Iwo Jima and then Okinawa. However, at the July 1944 meeting of
FDR, Nimitz and MacArthur at Pearl Harbor, the focus of the war plan, under the
latter's influence, was shifted to the South Pacific.[874] MacArthur feared that if Nimitz were allowed another landing, there would be no triumphal return
to the Philippines.[875] By the time of Iwo Jima in
February-March 1945 and Okinawa from April to August 1945, MacArthur had
returned to the Philippines, Ed and Air Group-35 had returned to the states and
Air Group-25 had replaced them aboard the Chenango.
Before Air Group-35 returned, however, they had two more months of combat, this
time in the south. In this CarDiv-22 continued the help
to the Seventh Fleet that it had begun in the spring of 1944 when Ed was
absent. At that time they supported the capture of Aitape and Hollandia in New
Guinea (East Indies). The Chenango's
August stay at Manus was necessary because the next southern campaign, Morotai,
was not until September.
Morotai
Island in the Moluccas was a small piece of land sparsely occupied about 250
miles southeast of the Philippines. It was the last step necessary before the
Philippine invasion and became a major connecting point for the ensuing
invasion, just as the Marianas served as the main base for attacking Japan with large planes flying up from Guam and Saipan. Morotai was
north of the larger Halmahera Island, which was also part of the Moluccas in present-day Indonesia.[876] MacArthur wanted to take Halmahera first
and then Mindanao, the largest southern Philippine island, but Halmahera had
nine airfields and some 37,000 Japanese troops. That attack seemed more difficult than it would be worth
and Admiral Chester Nimitz was not in a position to supply enough fast
carriers.[877] That is why Morotai was chosen as the
objective.
On
Monday September 4, Ed and the crew went back aboard the Chenango at Manus.[878] He was happy to obtain a new, larger
room with his own desk. He also had a new roommate, fighter pilot Herb Magnusson.[879] The room was near the stern of the ship
(rear) and not far from the wardroom. Ed's weight was up to 131 pounds. The following Sunday he missed
mass as the Chenango set sail for
Morotai. He ended his first day back "at sea" by commenting,
"Well I've just finished shaving, having a shower and I feel like
going out on a big date tonight."[880] He had received three letters that Hazel had written only a week earlier and
was feeling good. They had had steak for dinner that evening and he had read
Katherine Roberts' book, Private Report.
Morotai Island: September 15-24, 1944. In the attack on Morotai, CarDiv-22 plus the Fanshaw Bay and Midway were the nucleus of Task Group-77.1 under the command of Rear Admiral Thomas "Tommie" L. Sprague. Above
Sprague in the chain of command was Admiral Thomas C. Kinkaid who headed the
Seventh Fleet. Above him, as determined by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was Douglas MacArthur. The Central Pacific fleet continued to
exist under Nimitz, not MacArthur, but the landing operations were now to be
mainly in the south. In late August the Fifth Fleet commander, Raymond
Spruance, was replaced by Bull Halsey and was redesignated as the Third Fleet. Marc Mitscher's fast carriers, TF-58, which were
redesignated TF-38, stayed in the Third/Fifth Fleet or "Big Blue" fleet, but not the
CVEs.[881] Spruance returned to Hawaii to plan for the 1945 amphibious operations by the Central Pacific fleet.[882]
On
the way to Morotai the Chenango was escorted by eight escort destroyers (DEs) and was
joined by TF-77. Chenango planes helped provide ASPs.
They reached Morotai on the night of September 14. Task Group-77.1 then left
the overall task force and provided CAPs, ASPs, bombing and strafing of the
island. On D-day, September 15, the CVEs gave air support for the Seventh
Amphibious Force which carried out the landings.[883] Morotai was so lightly occupied that the
28,000 American troops were not opposed when they landed on the beach. However,
it took several weeks to clear the island of its defenders.[884] Until September 25, the Chenango made sweeps and strikes against installations
and barges on and near Morotai and Halmahera.[885]
During
the Morotai campaign Ed flew seven scouting missions of three to five hours.[886] In the leg pockets of his flight
overalls, he carried a number of colorful maps done on shining silk that were
prepared by the RAAF Cartographic Section.[887] They were provided in case an emergency
landing had to be made and the crew found itself on the ground. As he flew above
Morotai during the campaign he frequently had his mind on riding in the country
with his baby. He noted, "It would be nice to go for a ride with the baby
out in the country to see the hills, trees &
creeks."[888] Bruce Weart in his "Diary" described
the first part of the battle:
September 11, 1944: Rex Hanson and Howard Tuttle's birthday, invited us in for huge cake and
grape juice. Can't seem to get over extreme nostalgia!
September 12: First hop on new strike to Morotai,
Halmahera's. - 4.1 hrs "ASP." Jap convoy intercepted off Davao,
Mindanao, Philippines. Sunk
52, badly damaged 8 others out of 60.
September 14: Strikes continue Palau, Morotai, Yap,
points in Philippines! Msj. birthday (24 years old). Passed
Noemfoor, Manokwari, Sorong and Sansapos, New Guinea. Within miles of Dick O'H.
September 15: "D" day Palau, Morotai. Caught two 5-6000 ton AK's.
Beachheads established. Not feeling too good. Had forced landing, covered with oil.
September 16: Lost five fighters. Palau operation
closing on airstrip on Peleliu. Sick tonight. Temperature one-hundred-four.
September 17: In sack all day, grounded until I feel
better. Morotai strip becoming operational. (Temp tonight 99.6 degrees).
September 18: Sacked out all day. Temp. 99.4.
September 19: Cold all loosened up. Feel pretty good.
Two G.Q.s today. Want'ta go home!![889]
In writing to Hazel on D-Day, Ed indicated in their code they were back in combat and the location. He also apologized. He
had missed writing a couple of days, "I had duty day before yesterday in
the afternoon and yesterday morning. Then flew yesterday afternoon & was just
too tired."[890] He had a "slight throat
irritation."[891] He attributed it to smoking too much. It
did not stop him, however, from playing backgammon with squadron-mate Joe Sims.[892] The following day, September 16, both
his throat and ears were sore and he was miserable. Bruce Weart had similar problems.
Nevertheless, it was the ship's second anniversary as a carrier and they had a special meal to celebrate featuring
turkey, which Ed enjoyed. But he missed writing that evening because after the
celebration he flopped into the sack briefly, went to
sleep and did not wake until morning. The next day he was feeling better.[893]
During
the Morotai campaign, the squadron was engaged in internal as well as external
combat. They were conducting an acey-ducey tournament. It cost $4 to buy into
the contest and the winner received $44 with the runner up taking $22 and third
place $11.[894] Ed beat Dan Miller that evening in a final and was scheduled
to take on a fighter pilot next. The same day he had enjoyed reading several magazines: the New Yorker, Coronet and Omnibook. The latter two carried condensed novels.[895] A few days later he was reading Mary
Lasswell's Suds in Your Eye (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Co, 1942). The setting was San Diego and involved the
"trials & tribulations of three old gals who were rounders."[896] He liked it. Following this he read
Somerset Maugham's The Hour Before the
Dawn (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Doran & Co., 1942), which was a
novel about World War II. He also managed to write John Donlon, from whom Ed had not heard since the
baby was born.[897] He would have written his sister
Rosemary but did not have her address. He asked Hazel to send Rosemary his radio, if she was not using it.[898]
On
September 21, four Chenango TBMs
bombed and strafed a storage area at Soebaim on Wasile Bay, Halmahera, as well as the Kaoe Airstrip on Halmahera. In the process,
one of them, while at 5,000 feet over the airstrip, was hit by anti aircraft
fire and the pilot, Ens. James B. Gladney, became unconscious. Lt. Harold B. Thornburg, Ed's flight
surgeon, just happened to be aboard as an observer. Thornburg bravely kept
trying to revive Gladney. When he finally jumped, his parachute did not have
enough time to open. Both Gladney and Thornburg were killed. A similar fate had
met Chenango photographic officer,
Lt. (jg) Randall B. Adams, who had been killed on a joyride. The
crew of George "Daub" Dobrovolny and Archille J. Yannone did escape.[899] Thornburg had directed them to parachute. Daub had to throw Yannone out of
the plane, because he was not going to jump.[900] According to Bill Gentry, Ed, Dutch
Schoonmaker and himself were
scheduled for the flight that Gladney took. Gladney had been grounded for some
reason and begged for the flight. Gentry also recollected that Thornburg had earlier requested a flight with Ed, but was turned down
because he had volunteered a fatalistic proforma "last letter" written
to his wife, which would be sent if he did not return.[901]
Several
days later when they had the funeral for Gladney and Thornburg, Ed was feeling,
like many others, depressed by it all and was wishing he
was home. When he had returned to the Chenango in early June after his
Hawaii vacation, his former roommate had regrouped. As a result, he roomed in
the bow of the ship with Gladney and several others. On the day he died,
“Glad’s” wife was expecting a baby in four days. Ed would remember the death
years later with fear and hatred. The thirty-three-year old Thornburg also left
a widow. She was living in Coronado along with their two sons, seven and ten
years old, and a baby daughter he never saw.[902] Ed mentioned his disgust to Hazel
without talking about casualties:
Well there are times
when I get more sick of it all than I am at other times -
oh there is nothing to bitch about, its just that I'm good and ready to call
all this tour of sea duty to an end. What I wouldn't give to just sit down
& spend a nice quiet Saturday evening at home playing with the
baby & talking to you. Wouldn't that be fine?[903]
Another downed plane had a happier ending. Aviator P.D.
Thompson, gunner Shorty McMahan and radio operator
Jack Howard, while
landing, received a wave off, which they did not take. The plane ended up in
the water. Shorty could not swim. He had found someone else to take the swimming
test for him, when that was required in training. Jack Howard dove down,
unharnessed Shorty and saved his life.[904]
Back to Manus: September 25-October 12,
1944. While MacArthur's Seventh Fleet was covering the landing on Morotai, Halsey's Third Fleet was bombing airfields in the
Philippines. The revised war plan of July 26, had called for a landing at the
large southern island of Mindanao in the Philippines
and then moving north from one point to another until they reached Luzon. But
Halsey met with little resistance when he bombed there. As a result the Joint
Chiefs of Staff decided in mid-September to move invasion to the center of the
Philippines at Leyte. Mindanao could be bypassed.[905] Just as in the European theatre, where
in 1943 the chiefs of staff to the Supreme Allied Commander Designate had laid
down a timetable for the advance to the German border which the actual pace of
events then overtook with unanticipated speed, so the occupation of Mindanao
lost its significance.[906]
A
plan for running through Leyte Gulf in order to land at Leyte on October 20 was
hurriedly put together.[907] The land invasion was to be carried out
as fast as possible, before further support was brought in. The Japanese were ill prepared, suffering
the consequences of what Ed and Bull Halsey had discussed at the Hotel
Del Coronado the previous year
concerning the future of U.S.-Soviet relations. Having passed what Clausewitz called "the culminating point of the offensive," the
Japanese found themselves in possession of more territory than they could
defend.[908]
The
Chenango crew believed they were due to return to the states in
mid-October, after a year at sea. Because of the newly altered war plan,
however, they were drawn into the landing.[909] During the gap between the Morotai and
Leyte offensives, the Chenanago,
along with the Suwannee and two destroyer escorts (DEs), returned to
Seeadler Harbor at Manus in the
Admiralty Islands. Ed bought a new cigarette lighter on the day they started
back to Manus. Because of the fighting and the easy access to tobacco, he was doing more smoking than
he wanted. He had lost his "trusty zippo" at Pearl Harbor and found a Ronson on sale.[910] On the trip back, he flew a four-hour
scouting mission.[911]
Politics. At Manus the Chenango refueled, took on ammunition and other provisions, and replaced some
planes. A problem arose for the Chenango
air group commander, who was now Lt. Comdr. F. Thomas Moore, Jr. The air groups decided to have a
party at Pityilu Island where they could have beer and relax. Moore did not want
Air Group-35 to attend because there was widespread bitterness among the aviators. They wanted to go home. Moore
feared that if the air groups talked to each other, it would make his job more
difficult. As Moore put it, "The flyers on some of these other ships are
getting war fatigue, getting kind of low-spirited. My gang is in good shape. I
don't want them to go over there and catch the disease."[912] But Moore had not been talking to Ed or Bruce Weart, if he thought his pilots
were not war-fatigued. Admiral Tommie Sprague stood behind the aviators and insisted they could go. Even when
they went, Moore still attempted to limit their association with the others.
According to Ed's log, he flew to Pityilu on Monday October 2, at night with no
crew. It was a half-hour flight. He did not write to Hazel because he did not return to the carrier until 1:30 a.m.[913]
Related
to squadron politics, Ed played his hand in national politics while in port. He
received his ballot for the 1944 presidential election and voted
against FDR. Like his mother, who was a precinct worker for the Republican
Party in Coffeyville, Ed was strong on politics.[914] The importance of electing Tom Dewey was noted in a letter to Hazel, who liked Roosevelt.[915] Ed commented, "Received my war
ballot today. I don't suppose you'll get to vote but if you do I don't think it necessary to admonish you -
if you're interested in our future welfare you'll vote for Dewey."[916]
On
his two successive Sundays in port, Ed went to mass aboard ship. His spiritual
activities included an on-going discussion with Rex Hanson, who was a Mormon and the squadron's intelligence officer.[917] The discussion was about a book, The Return to Religion by Henry Link (New York: Macmillan, 1937).
Ed had read it several years earlier and recommended it to Hazel. It embodied
in religious language the Republican opposition to the politics of the Democratic Party. FDR presented himself as being for
paternalistic government, wealth redistribution and a change in the social
order, but in fact was forcing asceticism, sacrifice, and discipline on young working people to
wage a covetous war.[918] Besides The Return to Religion, Ed was reading Yankee
Lawyer: The Autobiography of Ephraim Tutt (New York: Editions for the Armed
Services, Inc. 1943).[919] Ephraim Tutt, the author and subject of
the book, was an embodiment of the Democratic Party.
In
addition to religion and politics while in port, Ed's attention also focused on
movies, which in better times he tried to avoid. He saw Betty Grable's "Pin Up Girl," which he liked. It was in
technicolor, as was "My Gal Sal" with Vic Matis. It had "beautiful
colors." Other movies were "Silver Queen," which was "old
but pretty good," then "Jane Eyre" with Joan Fontaine and Orson Wells and "Christmas
Light" by Somerset Maugham with Deanna Durbin and Gene Kelly, which was a "good story but it was a mistake for
Durbin to be a prostitute."[920] On October 5, Ed lost $10.00. He had bet
the Cardinals would beat the St. Louis Browns in the World Series.[921] A few days later, Admiral Tommie Sprague came aboard to present awards to
Air Group-35 members for their Marianas operations. Bruce Weart reported,
"October 7, 1944: Admiral K. Sprague presented citations and commendations
A.M. Dan and Dick received
Air Medals! Others not yet back from Ad. Nimitz."[922]
The last combat assignment for Ed and Air Group-35 before going home was the invasion of Leyte.[923] The landing was made there on October
20. The command structure was the same as at Morotai. All the ships, personnel,
and equipment used were under the Seventh Fleet, with Vice Adm. Thomas C. Kinkaid as commander under
MacArthur. The CVEs, which were composed of the
fourteen Kaisers and the four CarDiv-22s, plus their destroyers, were part of
the Seventh Fleet and the only carriers in it. These eighteen escort carriers
and their destroyers constituted TG-77.4, commanded by Admiral Tommie Sprague. Within that group,
Sprague also commanded Task Unit-77.4.1, which was made of the Chenango and the rest of CarDiv-22, along with the Saginaw Bay, the Petrof
Bay, three destroyers and five destroyer
escorts. This was one of three task units of six CVEs within TG-77.4. Each of
the three task units was given a code title to be used on the radio and in
general communications. TU-77.4.1, including CarDiv-22, was Taffy-I, TU-77.4.2 was Taffy-II and TU-77.4.3 was
Taffy-III.[924]
On
Thursday, October 12, the twelve CVEs that had been at Seeadler Harbor, Manus, among them the Chenango, sailed out and accompanied a
large troop convoy, General Walter Krueger's Sixth Army, toward Leyte Gulf. In
addition to transports and cargo ships, the convoy consisted of old
battleships, cruisers, and destroyers. Each day four of the CVEs supplied
patrols for all the ships. Taffy-I (TU-77.4.1) took its turn in providing the
patrols and towed sleeves for gunnery practice. Word was received several days out
that tropical disturbances to the north were rising; the following day heavy
seas wrecked the Chenango's port
whaleboat and its skids. Nevertheless, the Chenango refueled five destroyers while her sister ships carried through
similar functions. The Kaiser carriers in Taffy-II and III differed in that
they and their escorts had to be fueled by accompanying oilers.[925]
While
underway the Chenango crew was given
the details about the Leyte invasion and where Taffy-I and other units would be
located. Capt. George van Deurs was continuing Dixwell Ketcham's effort to keep the crew well informed, primarily through
the air combat intelligence officer, Alex Booth. He obtained the help of commercial
artist Lt. Newton R. Howard, the Combat Information Center (CIC) director, to design and erect a large map at the
forward elevator bulkhead. Ed volunteered to help with constructing the map. They had
started it before leaving port and it took a week to finish. It was an artwork
of which Ed was proud.[926] He wrote home:
I helped Newton
Howard make a drawing of a map of the Pacific on a bulkhead on the hanger deck.
We will paint it tomorrow. It is 14 x 30 feet and will show all the places the
ship has been.[927]
With the Chenango
elevator partly lowered, the crew could watch and listen from both the hangar
and the flight deck.[928] Booth was able to mark lines and words
on the map as he explained what was projected. He talked in great detail and
declared that although there were many islands in the Philippines, this would
be more like an attack on the mainland. There were enemy troops south of Leyte
Gulf on Mindanao, to the north on Samar, and to the west on Cebu, Negros,
and other islands. But with multiple air strikes the Americans would attempt to
prevent them from assisting the lightly defended Leyte.
Leyte Gulf Invasion: October 16-24, 1944. Leyte Gulf was large but not large
enough for the three CVE units to occupy it while ships were firing guns there,
planes were dropping bombs on the land, and other ships were bringing in troops
for the invasion. Instead, the CVEs occupied positions to the east of Samar and Leyte
Gulf. Samar was north of Leyte. Taffy-I took the southern-most position below
the other Taffies and just to the east of the southern boundary of Leyte Gulf.
The three Taffy units stayed 30 to 50 miles apart.[929] Taffy-II under Rear Admiral Felix Stump was parallel to the entrance to Leyte Gulf and 90 miles southeast
of Suluan Island, near Mindanao. The northern-most unit, Taffy-III, under
Admiral Clifton "Ziggy" Sprague, guarded the northern approach about 60 miles off Samar
Island.
The
Chenango could not carry out its scheduled air attacks on October 17, prior
to the preliminary landings on the small islands of Suluan and Dinagat near
Leyte, because a typhoon struck with winds at 37 to 48 knots. It made many of the crew feel
puny against the force of nature. To reduce the damage to the planes, as many
as possible were placed on the hangar deck, some being hung overhead. Others
had to be left on the flight deck where they were secured with steel cables
rather than with the usual manila lines. Air was let out of their wheels and
the landing gear hydraulic pressure was released in order to lower them as
close to the deck as possible. The heavy rolling and pitching required that the
planes be checked frequently to prevent their shifting, but even that was
difficult because the water made both decks slippery and dangerous. The men
doing the work, particularly plane captains, put on lifelines and jackets. They
felt more concerned about immediate survival than about the Japanese.[930]
Like
everyone else, Ed was fearful of the storm. It flipped over a
destroyer, which was lost. Without good seamanship, the same could happen to
the Chenango. With others Ed sat up the whole night in Lieutenant
Orville Hardcastle’s room. This was located on “A” deck, which was prime
space. Hardcastle was the chief sailor aboard the Chenango. He knew how
to make it work. Years later Ed could still remember watching the inclinometer in the lieutenant’s room. It would show the ship gradually tilting
in a 90 degree arc from 45 degrees on one side to 45 degrees on the other side.
The problem was to prevent the ship from capsizing by tilting more than 45
degrees to a side. To do this Hardcastle would shift water in the double bottoms to offset the weight to the
opposite side. This retarded the tilt. He also had the anchors dropped, which
kept the ship heading into the wind.[931]
The
weather improved the following day, October 18, and although waves still hit
the flight deck occasionally, planes were launched, contrary to the desires of
some aircrew. Ed flew two scouting missions.[932] In several runs, the Taffy-I (TU-77.4.1)
planes hit Tacloban and Dulag airfields on Leyte, Medellin and Lahug on Cebu, and Bulan on lower Luzon. Lt. Sam Forrer and Ens. Louis Hoop in their F6Fs shot down a Frances twin-engine bomber along the northern coast of Mindanao.[933] Radio/radar technician David Richardson's log indicated the Chenango's busy launch schedule:
October 18: First flight (CAP) 4 planes (0600
time).
2nd flight (0625) (CAP) 4 planes Mr.
Clemens shot down in C-21.
3rd flight (0745) 4 planes.
4th flight (1215) 12 planes.
5th flight (1230) 4 planes (CAP).
6th flight (1430) 4 planes (CAP).
Mr. Clemens (2nd flight) was shot down by
anti-aircraft fire in (C-21), bailed out, and was picked up in a native canoe.
He was not injured.
Lt. Forrer shot down a Frances
(twin-engine bomber over Mindanao. The fighters destroyed four Bettys on the
ground on southern tip of Luzon. The torpedo bombers (VC-35) sank two
medium-sized cargo ships and a barge with 20 Japs in it.[934]
During the first five days
of the air attack, Japanese planes, boats and equipment were destroyed on the
islands of Cebu, Negros, Leyte, Mindanao, and Luzon.
On
Thursday, October 19, five Japanese planes were destroyed on the ground and six
damaged. Ed flew a 3.5-hour bombing mission that day during which he dropped 12 one-hundred pound bombs on
Leyte.[935] In attacking Negros Island early in the morning,
Ens. Jesse O. Kennedy's F6F from the Chenango
was hit by anti-aircraft fire, probably 40 mm.[936] His plane burned in an intense explosion
and he was killed.[937] Shipmate Dave Richardson reported on Kennedy's death:
October 19: First flight (0530) CAP 4 planes.
Second flight (0600) CAP 4 planes. Mr.
Kennedy in C-16 shot down. He did not leave plane.
Third flight (1000) 4 planes.
Fourth flight (1205) 16 planes.
Lt. Forrer shot down another plane and
also destroyed one on the ground. Much effective strafing was done (at 25
ft.!). Three fighters came back with mud on them.[938]
As Richardson noted,
Lieutenant. Sam Forrer shot down another Japanese plane, a Sally.
D-Day. The Leyte landing by the Sixth Army was
October 20. Imperial headquarters had correctly divined that the Americans
planned to invade first the southern-most island of Mindanao, from New Guinea,
and then the northern-most island of Luzon, as a stepping-stone to Japan; but
they had not anticipated that the Americans would change their plan in the
light of events. In consequence, Leyte was left even weaklier garrisoned than
Mindanao. There were 270,000 Japanese troops in the Philippines, but Tomoyoku
Yamashita, the conqueror of Singapore and commander of the
Northern Area, had only the weak 16th Division on Leyte itself. Initially, with
only 16,000 troops, it was no match for the four divisions of General Walter
Krueger's Sixth Army, which began to storm
ashore with little opposition on a ten-mile-wide front on Leyte Gulf beaches
that morning.[939]
By
the evening of D-day, 70,000 American troops controlled a seventeen-mile-wide
chunk of land, enabling MacArthur to wade ashore and utter his famous "I have returned"
speech. By the following midnight, 132,000 troops supported by 200,000 tons of
equipment had landed on Leyte, and a steady stream of supplies were coming
ashore from the hundreds of supply transports.[940] "MacArthur's Navy," as the
Seventh Fleet was nicknamed, was in the words of John Wukovits, "the
largest armada in the world." It had 738 ships, including 430 transports
that carried a total of 174,000 troops and supplies. The troop transports were
packed tighter than slave ships with five racks of soldiers two feet apart and
no light or fresh air. But within several days, only twenty-eight Liberty ships
and twenty-five landing ships remained of the hundreds that had poured in two
days before.[941]
While
the troops were initially landing on D-day, CarDiv-22 planes, including a few from the Chenango, dropped MacArthur's propaganda on both
Leyte and Samar. This consisted of copies of three separate letters signed by
MacArthur. They were positive toward the Filipinos but, as Brooke Hindle put
it, full of MacArthur's own "power and control" and "hard for
many Americans to take."[942] MacArthur referred to his "I will return" promise, calling on the readers to understand that was the
reason the United States was invading. Ed held on to a copy of one of the
letters he dropped.[943] It stated:
GENERAL HEADQUARTERS
SOUTHWEST PACIFIC AREA
OFFICE OF THE
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF
PATRIOTS OF THE PHILIPPINES:
Seldom has a military commander
penetrated enemy occupied shores with a greater potential of interior support
than that which I today rely upon from the people of the Philippines.
It is a support whose strength is
measured largely in values of the spirit - an unconquerable spirit which
despite the ordeal of war still remains unbroken and defiant. Such a spirit,
born of a desire and nurtured upon a determination to be free, inevitably
overwhelms material force however ruthlessly applied and rises to its heights
when the hour for liberation strikes. That hour has struck! . . .
Support the local commander whom I appoint over the
area in which you reside or, if none is so appointed, the local leader of the resistance movement. . .
Above all, I call for unity among
the people - that unity so essential to the development of maximum strength at
this critical time. Let the depth of your patriotism and your love of freedom
rise above all differences, factional quarrels, disputes and petty jealousies,
that all patriots unflinchingly may march shoulder to shoulder toward a common
destiny.
The duration of the campaign and the
human suffering which inevitably follows in the wake of war will be determined,
in large measure, by the extent of your support. May God strengthen you to meet the test.
DOUGLAS
MacARTHUR.[944]
On the day of the Leyte landing Ed flew a 3.8-hour scouting mission.[945] During that morning, two Japanese Tonies and a Zeke attacked
Taffy-I. They dove in out of the sun while the
ships were steaming into the wind and the Suwannee was involved in air operations. Four small bombs aimed at the Santee missed and a Sangamon fighter shot down one of the enemy planes. The other two
planes dropped more ordnance, hitting the Sangamon
with a 250-kilo bomb that only partially detonated, briefly knocking out her
power and steering control. Anti-aircraft firing by the Sangamon, Chenango and Santee
and the destroyers then hit one plane, which burst into flames and fell into
the sea. One Chenango port battery
hit it at least once.[946] The pilot survived and was picked up by
a DE and transferred to the Sangamon.[947] The remaining plane, which flew off, was
followed for fifty miles and shot down by Lieutenant (jg) Wildeson and Ensign Chaney in their F6Fs.[948]
The
day following the landing some Chenango fighters and torpedo bombers flew with others
from CarDiv-22 to attack Cebu. Although not aware of the significance of what they did,
the VF-35 attack canceled the first planned kamikaze assault by
destroying five Zekes that were preparing to take off! On the next day,
CarDiv-22 planes attacked Lahug and Opon Fields at Cebu. Four of the VF-35 F6Fs including Ed's
buddy, Lt. (jg) Samuel Dalzell, Jr., shot down a Val near Leyte Gulf.
Ens. Henry P. Outten's F6F was damaged by anti-aircraft
firing over Cebu forcing him into the water where he was picked up, uninjured,
by the R.S. Bull, a destroyer escort.[949]
On
the following day, October 22, a TBM, piloted by Ens. Emmet A. Shaw with H.J. Hughes and J.D. Robertson as crew, flew over Cebu to destroy aircraft. Flying down from
10,000 feet in order to bomb the planes, they ran into a heavy barrage of
anti-aircraft firing that required Shaw to run into the clouds. He pulled out
at the point he felt was right, bombed shipping, went back into the clouds, and
then on a second run bombed the planes. He flew off at a very low level and
strafed the anti-aircraft guns but after escaping the barrage, he found that
his plane had been hit. It lost its oil rapidly until the engine froze and he
had to land on the water. Fortunately, all three men vacated the plane and were
picked up by a destroyer.[950]
Sinking a Lugger: October 23, 1944.
On the third day after the Leyte landing, Ed flew a 4.8-hour bombing mission
against Negros in which he dropped 12 one-hundred pound bombs and sank three or
four luggers. Luggers were small wooden coastal sailing vessels used to carry
freight.[951] The vessels hit by Ed were armed and
anchored off Bacolod, a town on the west coast of Negros
Island. They were tied up in a row in a harbor. Ed flew over once and on a
second pass dropped a torpedo that went through all the boats and did not
explode until it hit the cement quay or wall to which they were tied. They
burned and sank. Ed was awarded a distinguished flying cross for this on
November 10, 1947 by Secretary of the Navy, John L. Sullivan.[952] Over the two days, October 22-23, six
Japanese planes on the ground at Cebu and thirteen at Negros were destroyed by
the Chenango planes.
To Morotai: October 24-28, 1944.
While the first few days of the landing went well, the operation on the ground
became drawn out because the Japanese sent reinforcements from
elsewhere in the Philippines. They recognized that their hold on the
Philippines stood or fell by the defense of Leyte. On the fourth day after the
landing, Tuesday, October 24, while the Taffies continued their support
operations, Adm. Tommie Sprague ordered the Chenango along with the Saginaw Bay and two DEs to steam off to Morotai starting at 5:00 p.m. They were to pick up planes and crews that
were being flown in from Manus. These would replace the planes and crews lost
by the Chenango, Saginaw Bay and other Taffy carriers. The Chenango was chosen to leave in the middle of her support of the
Leyte landings because her catapult tow cable had reached the allowed limit of wear and could continue
in service for only a few more days. She never stopped catapulting planes but
the potential breakdown made her the most logical carrier to send off. Before
leaving, she sent fifteen of her F6Fs and TBMs to Taffy-I and Taffy-II
carriers.[953]
Had
the Leyte landing gone like its predecessors, the Chenango would not have missed much by sailing off for several
days. But the arrival of the Japanese fleet soon after her departure turned the
Philippine invasion into what Brooke Hindle called the greatest naval battle of all time.[954] As early as October 16, the Chenango crew had been aware that the
Japanese Navy was on the way. Bruce Weart recorded:
October 16, 1944: Condition of readiness. Jap fleet
reported on convergence course with ours. Coming from Singapore, we are within 300 miles of objective. Struck Formosa, Ryukyus, Piscadores, Philippines. Shot down 525 planes, 143 ships, sunk 87
surface craft. Lost 45 planes.[955]
When the Chenango
was ordered to Morotai, however, it still was not certain when, if ever, the
large battle between the Japanese and American fleets would occur. But the Chenango had not been long in her
withdrawal, when a report came that two large Japanese fleets were approaching
Leyte, one up from the southwest through Surigao Strait and the other across
from the west through the Sibuyan Sea and the San
Bernardino Strait, and presumably past Samar Island toward Leyte Gulf.[956] Ed had been scheduled to fly later in
the day of October 24. But because of the orders to go to Morotai, he was not
in the battle.[957] The events that day from the Chenango perspective were summarized by
Bruce Weart:
October 24, 1944: Jap task force sighted and contacted by
our subs off Palawan. Sunk one cruiser, damaged CA & B.B. Flew to Manila Bay. Saw Deitchman and Crandall. Gigantic fleet operation
pending. Prepared for enemy attack. Ferried our planes to other CVEs and left
1700 for Morotai. Fleet in Leyte Gulf under air attack. Shot down 30 by our
force and 150 by TF 38.1 and 38.2. Princeton hit by fish, will scuttle her. Jap pilot picked up by D.D. . . . None of our
planes in air. [958]
There was no chance the Chenango could return to Leyte before the battle was over, so she
looked toward her objective. At 2:00 a.m. on October 25, the ship's radar contacted Morotai, about 74 miles
off. A little after dawn several pilots were flown ashore in order to bring
back the five F6Fs and eight TBMs that were being supplied. Everything went well
until Lt. Sam W. Forrer smashed his F6F while landing on the flight deck. He made a low
approach and his tail hook was knocked off on the ramp, which caused the plane
to crash into three barriers. As he had approached, Forrer observed
photographers taking pictures of him. According to a naval aviators'
superstition, this meant a crash.The plane was destroyed but while Forrer's
wrist and knee were injured, he was able to continue on duty.[959] The following day, Ed made three flights. In the first he ferried a
plane from Morotai to the ship. The second involved transporting personnel from
the ship to Morotai. The third trip was to bring personnel from Morotai to the
ship. Each flight lasted one-half hour.[960]
Battle of Sibuyan Sea (October 24, 1944). When the Japanese become certain that
the Leyte Gulf attack was underway, they inaugurated their Sho 1 defense of the
Philippines. "Sho" meant "to conquer." They had worked out
four Sho defense plans to oppose attacks against the Philippines, Formosa, and
Japan. Sho 1 required the operation of nearly all the surviving Japanese
warships within her three fleets to be sent against the Americans. They were to
attack in a pincer movement from the north and south. The Central Force or first attack force was to approach the transports and landing
craft in Leyte Gulf and destroy them from the northwest through the San
Bernardino Strait. The second attack force and Force-C was to attack at the same time from the south through Surigao
Strait. The third force, Ozawa's carriers, brought down from Japan's Inland Sea,
was to lure Halsey's Third Fleet 150 miles north away from the Leyte beaches.[961] The Sho 1 defense resulted in the Battle
of Leyte Gulf, also known as the Second Battle of the Philippine Sea, which consisted of four separate and
distinct Battles (World War II):
Components to the Battle of Leyte Gulf
(1) The Battle of the Sibuyan Sea
was the attack on October 24, by Third Fleet planes, which seriously damaged
and turned Takeo Kurita's Central Force around for a time.
(2) The Battle of Surigao Strait occurred mostly at night on October 24 but ran into the early
hours of October 25. The bulk of Vice Adm. Shoji Nishimura's Southern Force was sunk or defeated
when it approached Leyte Gulf from the southwest.
(3) The Battle of Samar involved the Japanese Central Force's attack on Taffy-III and its early withdrawal on October 25. During this battle Taffy-I carriers were attacked and damaged by submarines and land-based
planes.
(4) The Battle of Cape Engano resulted in Admiral Halsey's success in leading the Third Fleet to
sink four carriers and one destroyer of Jisaburo Ozawa's Northern Fleet on October 25 and 26.
After Sho 1 began, Admiral Halsey in the first component
of the Battle of Leyte Gulf on October 24, had his planes attack Vice Admiral
Takeo Kurita's powerful Central Force as it steamed in from the west toward San
Bernardino Strait, headed for the Leyte Gulf area. This
resulted in the Battle of Sibuyan Sea. The Central Force was the largest and most
powerful of the three Japanese forces. It included the two largest battleships
in the world, the Yamato and the Musashi, 68,000 tons each with 18-inch guns. In
addition, five older battleships, thirteen heavy and light cruisers, and
nineteen destroyers were present. But the Japanese had few planes in the
Philippines and Halsey's attack appeared to be decisive. The Musashi was sunk and several other ships
were seriously damaged. As a result, Kurita turned around and began to retreat
to the west.[962]
At
that time the Americans had the advantage but the
divided nature of America's command structure and an ambiguity in Halsey's
orders came to the assistance of the Japanese. Halsey's orders were to protect
the transport ships carrying the American Army to Leyte Gulf and to destroy the
Japanese Navy, if the opportunity arose. Kurita's retreat seemed to Halsey to
eliminate any further attacks by the Central Force against America's ships in
the Leyte Gulf. But the American pilots overstressed the damage they had done
to the Japanese fleet.
When
Halsey learned that there were carriers in Vice Admiral Jisaburo Ozawa's Northern Fleet, he decided to sail 150
miles north to attack that fleet. This was in accord with his orders to destroy
the Japanese Navy. He did this without clearly informing the Navy's chain of
command, which itself was separate from MacArthur's chain of command at Leyte
Gulf and in the dark about the Third Fleet's deployment.[963] Japan's northern fleet was sent to decoy
Halsey away from its protective duty. With Halsey suckered north, the
Japanese under Kurita reversed their retreat and were in a position to inflict,
as historian Peter Calvocoressi put it, a second Pearl Harbor disaster.[964]
Surigao Strait (October 24-25, 1944).
Before Kurita's force re-attacked in Halsey's absence, there was an independent
major battle on the evening of Tuesday, October 24. This was the second
component to the Battle of Leyte Gulf. It was between the Japanese Southern
Force sailing up Surigao Strait and Rear Adm. Jesse B. Oldendorf's battleships, carriers, destroyers, and
PT boats of the Bombardment and Fire Support Group-77.2.
Oldendorf's
force had good power but distinctly less than that of the great Third Fleet.
His six battleships all predated the Second World War and five had been raised
from the bottom of Pearl Harbor.[965] In the intervening years, however, they
had been refurbished and re-equipped, particularly with modern radar. In the
darkness of the night of October 24/25, the images of Vice Admiral Shoji
Nishimura's ships appeared distinct on Oldendorf's
radar screens. His destroyers crippled the battleship Fuso as it approached; his own battleship salvoes
then finished her off and sank the other Japanese battleship Yamashiro as well.
Of
the Surigao battle, Ed later recalled, "On about October
28 [actually October 24] Admiral Halsey did his famous trick about knocking out a lot of ships, capped the 'T' at
Surigao Straits." However, it was Oldendorf, not Halsey, in command.[966] Admiral Thomas Kinkaid, head of Seventh Fleet, described Oldendorf's "trick" :
At the Naval War
College we had all been taught for years about "crossing the T."
The old theory of crossing the T applies when two battle lines are steaming
parallel to each other. Ours say, has a higher speed than the other and crosses
ahead of the enemy line so that all of our guns can bear on the enemy's leading
ships and the ships in the rear of his line cannot bear on ours. That is
crossing the T. It was said that at Surigao Strait we crossed the T. Actually,
we did nothing of the sort. We put the cross up there and the Japs walked into
it in confined waters and completed the T. It was just a trap laid for them and
they walked right into it. All our ships could bear on their leading ships. We
didn't cross the T in conventional style, but that's all right. It makes a good
story.[967]
Attack on Taffy-I
and Battle of Samar: October 25, 1944. As the battle of Surigao Strait was drawing to a close to the
south of Leyte early on the morning of
October 25, the Americans discovered that Kurita's Central Force had turned
around toward the east again. By sunrise the Japanese were already beyond San
Bernardino Strait to the north of the Taffies. This was the setting for the
third component of the Battle of Leyte Gulf. Only the Chenango's sister CVEs had any chance of stopping the enemy from
steaming around to Leyte Gulf. The CVEs were vulnerable because they lacked any
battleships or cruisers and had slower speeds. But they did have great planes,
the same torpedo bombers as the fast carriers. In addition the three CarDiv-22s had the same fighters. A problem was
that the CVE planes were not supplied with armor-piercing bombs, which they
needed to attack battleships and cruisers and their supply of torpedoes was too
small. The CVEs had earlier been required to replace all their armor-piercing
bombs with bombs of the type to be used against the islands. Captain George van
Deurs, however, had refused to release his
armor-piercing bombs and they were still stored on the Chenango. This made him doubly "mad" about her removal
from the combat off Samar.[968]
Of
the three Taffies, Taffy-I (TU-77.4.1) was the furtherest south and the most
distant from the Japanese Central Force, which was coming
from the northwest. The Taffy-I ships were not attacked by the Central Force
ships but by island-based kamikaze Zekes, which had four escorts and were sent to
support the Central Force.[969] Kamikaze units had been officially
established just prior to the Leyte invasion and the Taffy-I carriers were the
first to be attacked. Four days earlier on October 21, the Chenango planes, with others from Taffy-I, had
destroyed while still on the ground the first Japanese planes assigned to
undertake the suicide attacks.[970] The Taffy-I carriers were attacked while
some of their planes were at Mindanao attacking the remains of the Southern
Force.[971] The kamikaze defense was originally
intended to be only for one week, but it was so successful that it was
continued.[972]
The
first of the Taffy-I carriers to be hit by a kamikaze was the Santee, which, just a few minutes later, was
also hit by a torpedo fired from an I-56 submarine. The Suwannee was also hit by a kamikaze and the next day by a second kamikaze.
The Sangamon was hit by a bomb that did not explode until it rolled into the
sea, sustaining only minor damage. Both the Santee
and the Suwannee returned to
operations fairly quickly, but neither was able to repair the damages
sufficiently to permit effective flying operations. The following day Bruce
Weart summarized Taffy-I's participation, including the burial at sea of
fifty-five casualties the previous evening:
October 26, 1944: Jap force returning through San B. St.
only 3 or 4 got through. 30 pursuing 4 planes and 12 planes attack on
Cardiv-22. 2 crash dives on Suwannee. Buried 55 at sea that night. Sang
[Sangamon] shot one down in its dive, crashed closed to portside. Sang was also
hit by bomb that exploded in water. All planes shot down by planes and ships.
Sub got one torpedo in Santee. 9 killed and many injured. Ship ok and retiring.
Sub sank by DEs. Our force sent our planes into Mindanao Sea to attack remnants,
finishing them off. Shires and Spurgeon didn't
return. Got 7 bomb hits on Ise CV in Comotes Sea sunk DD by strafing. We lost
130 planes in our group. Many at Tacloban. Army treated them terribly.[973]
Even prior to Taffy-I being attacked from the air,
Taffy-III (TU-77.4.3), the furthest north of the Taffies, was
attacked on the surface by the Central Force and was even more damaged than
Taffy-I.[974] Of the four sub-battles in the Battle of
Leyte Gulf, Samuel Elliot Morison called the Battle off Samar "the main action."[975] If the Japanese had destroyed the bulk
of the CVEs plus their escorts and continued into Leyte Gulf, a crisis would
have arisen. Seventh Fleet commander Thomas Kinkaid maintained that if only two
of the Japanese ships had made it to Leyte and bombed the soldiers and supplies
on the beach, they would have delayed for many months or stopped the Philippine
operation completely.[976]
John
Wukovits described how the Battle of Samar began for Taffy-III's commander,
Admiral Clifton "Ziggy" Sprague, "As usual, Sprague placed his
ships on morning alert and launched eight search and patrol planes shortly
before sunrise, but as a precaution he now ordered an additional six fighters
into the sky at 0615. According to instructions by the task group commander, Rear Adm. Thomas Sprague, another two planes armed with
torpedoes and two armed with 500-pound-bombs stood ready for launch in case
Oldendorf required assistance to the south. Confident that all was in order,
Ziggy Sprague took Taffy-3 off morning alert and sat down to enjoy a second cup
of coffee. 'Enemy surface force of four
battleships, 8 cruisers, and eleven destroyers sighted twenty miles northwest
of your task group and closing in on you at thirty knots.' This message,
radioed to the Fanshaw Bay by a young aviator flying antisubmarine patrol over Taffy-3,
electrified Ziggy Sprague and everyone else in the bridge and Flag Plot. Bolting out of his chair, Sprague bellowed into the squawk
box, 'Air Plot, tell him to check his identification.' It angered Sprague that
any pilot could make such an astonishing report when the only forces around
Samar were his own Taffy-3 and Halsey's Third Fleet. 'Now, there's some screwy
young aviator reporting part of our own forces,' thought a perturbed Sprague.
'Unfortunately, he's just spotted some of Admiral Halsey's fast battleships.'
Sprague had not yet to learn that Halsey had turned north after Ozawa."[977]
Ziggy
Sprague soon realized that he was on the spot and vented his anger and
astonishment at the flag officer he thought had been on watch. "That
son-of-a-bitch Halsey has left us bare-assed!" he shouted. Fourteen and
sixteen-inch shells that reminded one sailor of "long tree logs pointed at
us with smoke puffing out," started to rumble toward the escort carriers
from the Japanese battleships fifteen miles away.[978] In seconds, salvos straddled the White Plains and splashed near the other carriers. Ziggy Sprague gave his force
fifteen minutes at most. "What chance could we have - 6 slow, thin-skinned
escort carriers, each armed with only one 5-inch peashooter, against the 16-,
14-, and 5-inch broadsides of the 22
warships bearing down on us at twice our speed?"[979] All the Japanese fleet had to do was
continue southward, picking off the CVEs and their screen vessels one-by-one
and then annihilate the invasion. The carriers could not escape, for the enemy
was much faster and could shoot fifteen miles.
But
Ziggy Sprague then rattled off a series of bold orders in the first
fifteen minutes of the battle that deprived Kurita of the victory that appeared
imminent. That is, he made eight decisions that set the tone for the entire
battle, seized the initiative from Kurita, and forced the Japanese admiral to
respond to his moves. Wukovits commented that rarely in naval warfare had such
an outgunned commander so dictated the course of battle.[980] Sprague decided, in Wukovits view, to
sacrifice his force in hopes of drawing Kurita away from Leyte Gulf. Suicidal tactics had been the enemy's forte, but now it was the turn of
Taffy-III.[981]
Ziggy
Sprague went on the attack, which centered on launching all his planes toward
the Japanese, whether armed or not. When some captains objected that their
fighters and torpedo planes were not loaded with the proper ammunition to
attack the thick-skinned battleships and cruisers, Sprague's responded that he
did not care whether his aircraft carried the correct bombs or even none at
all.[982] He wanted them in the air to harass
Kurita in any way they could. Besides, with enemy shells raining down, he had
to remove all gasoline-filled vehicles off the decks. He also needed to protect
Taffy-III for fifteen minutes until it could disappear into the friendly rain
and clouds of a nearby squall.[983] As Sprague continued toward the rain
squall, he broadcast a message in plain English appealing for assistance from
any American forces in the area.[984] But the only ones that could send
immediate aid were Admirals Tommie Sprague of Taffy-I and Felix
Stump of Taffy-II, who diverted portions of their air power to help
their colleague. Despite being under attack by kamikazes, Taffy-I planes were attacking Kurita's fleet by 9:00 a.m.[985]
Once
having made it to the protective rain squall, Taffy-III changed course 170
degrees to almost due south, in order to place itself between the enemy and
MacArthur's vulnerable Leyte Gulf beachhead. This courted disaster, for if
Kurita had been advancing to the southeast, Taffy-III would be turning directly
into his battleship and cruiser guns. Blinded by the rain squall, Sprague did
not know for sure what the Japanese had done. By 7:30 a.m., as Sprague veered
south and emerged from the rain squall, almost one hundred fighters and torpedo
planes began harassing Kurita with their torpedoes, bombs, and bullets.[986]
At
the same time that Sprague emerged from under the rain squall, torpedo attacks
were launched by Taffy-III's escorting destroyers. Thomas Kinkaid complemented this
tactic as being the most daring and effective action of the war:
When Sprague
directed his escorts in the northern group off Samar to attack the Japanese
line, he started something that I thought was the most daring and most
effective action throughout the war. Three destroyers and four destroyer
escorts made separate attacks on the main enemy battle line in daylight. The
atmosphere was petty murky from smoke, and the destroyers made smoke as they
attacked. They broke up the Japanese formation, which is in my mind one of the
things that caused Kurita to turn north. Every time torpedoes were launched the
Japs would turn out of formation to dodge them. Pretty soon they were spread
all over the ocean. Kurita himself, on Monday morning, said that he turned away
in order to regain technical control, for he had lost it during the melee.[987]
In Ed's view, Sprague's
tactics against Kurita were the most "brilliant" of the war and he should have
been awarded a Congressional Medal of Honor.[988]
Ziggy
Sprague's counter-attack and evasion made the Japanese believe that Taffy-III
was Halsey's fast carrier force or at least that Halsey was close by and on the
way to lend assistance. Also helping the Americans was Kurita's ignorance as to
the whereabouts of Ozawa's carriers, which he expected to appear and help. At
9:15 a.m., after two hours of giving chase, Kurita turned around just as he was
in a position to finish off Taffy-III. The enemy took three hours to gather up
their forces and reunite their scattered units at the entrance of Leyte Gulf.
Nothing barred their way to attacking MacArthur's helpless troops and supplies.
But at 12:30 noon, they decided not to enter Leyte Gulf; rather they headed
north back the way they had come through San Bernardino Strait.[989]
In
hitting Taffy-III, the Japanese did sink the CVE Gambier Bay at 9:00 a.m. plus two destroyers and one
destroyer escort. In addition kamikazes also hit and damaged the Kitkun Bay and sank the St.-Lo.[990] All together, Taffy-III lost five of its
thirteen ships, 105 planes and 1,100 troops. This was mild compared with what it might
have been. Nevertheless, Admiral Kinkaid, if not Ed, was angry at Halsey:
If Task Force-34 had been there, Kurita would not have been able to come through.
He had no air with him, no carriers, only battleships. We had the preponderant
strength at the strait. I think we would have sunk the whole Jap fleet then and
there if we had had Task Force-34 off San Bernardino. Not only that, but it
would have saved a lot of lives and ships in the CVE groups.[991]
The four separate battles that made up the Battle of
Leyte Gulf were themselves composed of many separate battles. Each soldier had
his own story. Ed recalled an incident involving Captain Ben Wyatt and a kamikaze
attack, which happened about the time of the
Leyte invasion. Wyatt commanded the Chenango
in 1942 but had another command by 1944. He was from Atlanta, Georgia, graduated from the Naval Academy in 1924 and affected
"southern" manners. When he became excited, he would use the term
"white boy." He had formal tea each afternoon at 4:00 p.m., complete
with a china cup, a silver spoon and a black steward who served it. At Leyte
Gulf at about the time he was supposed to be served, his ship came under attack.
Excited, he yelled at the steward, "White boy, bring me that tea!" The frightened steward turned to someone
and asked, "Have I turned white?"[992]
Back to Leyte (October 28-30, 1944) and
Manus (October 30, 1944). The Chenango's
assignment at Morotai was taken care of quickly and she started back to Leyte
on October 26.[993] Long before rejoining Taffy-I on October
28, however, radio reports came in on what had happened on October 25.[994] Each of the Chenango's three sister ships had been hit and CarDiv-22 was disordered. The Suwannee had gone to Kossol Roades at Palau, to leave off her injured personnel, and the Santee sailed on October 28 to Seeadler Harbor at Manus for repairs. Upon arrival at Leyte the Chenango returned to her standard role
of launching planes for CAPs, ASPs and support missions. On the first day back,
her six CAP fighters encountered a Tojo plane east of Cebu. They ran after
and shot at it, pushing it into dark clouds before it exploded at about 200
feet and crashed into the ground. Sam Forrer flew at 350 knots to hit and sink an Oscar over the west coast of
Leyte.[995] The following day, October 29, the Lucky
Lady, as some began to call the Chenango,
started to give oil and gasoline to the fleet, but soon had to
break off because of increasing squalls.
The
battle for some parts of Leyte Island continued several months because the Japanese
brought in reinforcements. The Americans too reinforced the four divisions with
which they had made their initial landing, so that by November they had
deployed six divisions.[996] The fighting was bitter, and on December
6, the Japanese launched a counter-attack to take Tacloban, the main American
airfield complex on Leyte. When the attack failed, the campaign for the island
was effectively at a close. It had cost the Japanese 70,000 and the
Americans 15,500 losses.
Despite
the continued land battle, soon after the Leyte landing the United States began
land operations from the Tacloban airfield. This reduced the need for carrier-based
air support and made it possible for the Chenango and CarDiv-22 to finish up their tour. They stayed at Leyte only two days after
their return before heading back to Manus. Ed was not scheduled to fly during
this time. On November 2, the Chenango
along with Taffies I and II (TGs-77.1 and 77.2) reached Seeadler Harbor at Manus.
Their serviceable aircraft, now down to fourteen F6Fs and eight TBMs, were
flown off to the ComAir Seventh Fleet. Three Fanshaw Bay TBMs were returned to their carrier. All the extra
personnel that had been taken aboard at Morotai went to ComAir Seventh Fleet.[997]
When
the Chenango had headed out for the
Philippines on October 12, Ed had stopped writing daily letters to
Hazel. He explained on November 2, "We've been busy as hell these past few weeks & I haven't
been able to find time to do anything much but sleep & work - & when I
have a few minutes, haven't been able to concentrate enough
to write."[998] He also mentioned that they would be
seeing each other by early December. Since September he had been anticipating
the return home and making plans, "Last Christmas was very
wonderful but this one is going to be very wonderful too. It is going to be
great fun playing Santa Clause to 'Tersh.' Hope he'll understand what
it's all about. All are in high spirits with idea of getting home."[999]
Pearl Harbor and Home. The Chenango
was at Manus less than a week. Instead of taking in needed stores, supplies and
equipment, everything on hand that was not to be used immediately was transferred
ashore. Then personnel, planes and freight were taken aboard for transportation
to the states. CarDiv-22, now listed as TU-16.1.1, including two DDs (destroyers) and two
DEs plus the carriers, were to return home for repairs and redesigns. They
sailed to Alameda by way of Pearl Harbor. The Suwannee and the Santee were still so damaged that they could not maintain planes in the
air. The CAPs were provided alternately by the Chenango and the Sangamon. These were simple operations compared
with their past actions. In route Ed flew scouting missions on November 9 and 13, of 2.3 and 4.0 hours each. He did
not fly again until he was in the states. On November 14, they fueled the
escorts and on November 19, sailed into moor at Ford Island, Pearl Harbor, where they took on more
freight and additional passengers to be returned to the states.[1000]
As
the Chenango entered Pearl Harbor, her crew was told
to dress formally and, as they tied up, they received recognition by being
saluted by the rest of the ships. Ed remembered it years later with emotion. As
they pulled into the quay wall to tie up, Ed was surprised to see fellow
aviator Emmett Shaw standing there to greet everyone. He had been shot down by
anti-aircraft fire over Cebu. Ed had not realized he was picked up by an
American ship.[1001]
Brooke Hindle, who was there, felt that the Chenango's help had brought the end of
the war closer. Her destruction of planes, ships and land installations was far
greater than she had ever before accomplished. Japan's fighting ability had been reduced and, in
Hindle's view, only time was necessary to defeat her completely. The Chenango took part in the sinking of a
minimum of twenty-four Japanese ships: four carriers, two battleships, six
heavy cruisers, three light cruisers, three small cruisers or large destroyers,
and six destroyers. In all probability an additional thirteen had been sunk:
one battleship, three heavy cruisers, two light cruisers, and seven destroyers.
Twenty-one more had been damaged.[1002] Several years later on February 20, 1948
the Chenango was awarded the Navy unit commendation for, among other things,
its contribution to the Western New Guinea operation between September 15-25,
1944 and the Leyte operation between October 12 and November 3, 1944.[1003] Carrier Air Group-35 was also given a commendation.[1004]
Ed
was glad to be back at Pearl Harbor. There were twenty letters from Hazel dated from October 2-20, waiting for him.[1005] He was happy to smell beautiful flowers, see the
green grass, watch the bathers and have a drink. The day after arriving in Hawaii
he purchased some new shoes, shirts and socks. He complained that after a year of
going to the laundry, his kaki shirts were in bad shape.[1006] He had sent his parents some gold cloth
to have his blue uniform striped and black braid added to his bridge coat. The bridge coat was a heavy, dark wool overcoat with a big collar.
It was made from beaver cloth and warm.[1007] He told Hazel not to buy Christmas
gifts, "I will be there to watch Tersh while you shop; & figure out
what to pack as we go east."[1008] He wanted to take the family home to
Coffeyville for Christmas. He wrote to Hazel about the train reservations:
Another thing
darling - and do this at the earliest possible moment. Make
reservations on the train for a trip east. Here's the thing - should I get duty
on the west coast I won't be able to get gasoline to drive the car to Kansas
and back - dad can get the gas to drive out with no trouble but the only
gas I can get is to travel on and if my orders are west coast orders I can't
get nearly enough gas to drive to Kan. and back. So you call Santa Fe and
Frisco both and make reservations for either a roomette or compartment -
preferably a compartment - get them on some train like the Super Chief which is only about a 30 hr ride to K.C. from L.A. If
at all possible make the first reservation for Dec. 4 and make another one for
the 6th and one for the 8th - make reservations for the 4, 6, & 8 of Dec.
or the 5th 7th and 9th - in other words every other day. Make them in a
different name if necessary - like get one in our name, one in Kelloggs and one
in Mr. Ludwicks. That way we'll be sure of a good ride home - and I'm sure
it'll be very comfortable for you and Tersh on a fast streamliner and in a
compartment. We'll only use the reservations if we can't get the gasoline.
Should you not be able to get reservations don't worry about how we'll get home
- I will get us there comfortably somehow - but get them if at all possible.[1009]
For different people the war started at different times.
It also ended at different times. For the Terrars, the worst was over. Each
time he had taken off during the summer and fall of 1944, Ed had the feeling
that his "number was up." There was
little fear of the Japanese. But planes were always piling up. Classmates,
shipmates, roommates and friends were dieing. The horror was cumulative.[1010] At the beginning Ed had been proud of
his aviation skills. But the more he saw of combat and what aviation involved, the more
he came to dislike it. When they turned toward home, Ed was glad to be alive
and looked to the future.
Conclusion
The Chenango returned to the states on Monday, November 27, 1944.[1011] The night before she arrived everyone
aboard was too excited to sleep. Ed was up on the bridge at 3:00 a.m.
watching the radar. It was picking up objects flying at 70 or 80 knots, which
was slow for an airplane. He did not know what they were. They turned out to be
dirigibles. Later that morning seeing the Golden
Gate Bridge after being away in combat was one of the most
"spectacular" things Ed ever saw. He remembered the emotion even
sixty years later.
The
Chenango docked at Alameda, near San Francisco. Ed's spoils of war, as listed on the customs declaration,
was a bathrobe that was "captured enemy property." In later years he
could not remember it at all.[1012] The first thing he did that morning, as
soon as he stepped off the ship, was ask a Red Cross worker if there was a
Catholic mass that day. There was one at 11:00 a.m. and
he attended. He also called Hazel and told her he would be down to San Diego as soon as they
processed his papers.
Ed
spent three or four days at Alameda being processed. One of the things he did
while waiting for his orders was go with Bill Gentry and Clark Schoonmaker, his fellow plane crew members, to the
Top of the Rock at the Mark Hopkins Hotel in San Francisco. They had drinks to celebrate their return. This was a famous restaurant, which
looked out over the city. Ed paid, saying it was his duty since he made more in a few months than
they in a year.
Family Reunion. On November 30, Ed
received orders to report to New Orleans for flight instructor school with a thirty-day leave before reporting.[1013] He rode the train down to San Diego,
carrying his suitcase. He then took a taxi to La Mesa. Hazel and Ed were glad to see each
other. Ed took the baby in his arms and the baby took to his dad
right away. Ed's home-coming was happier than that of one of his roommates.
When the roommate called his wife, she told him not to come home, as she was living
with another man and pregnant.
It
took a few days for Ed and Hazel to pack and ship what they could not take on
the train.[1014] They started their trip on December 10,
from San Diego to Los Angeles, then to Kansas City, Kansas. At Union Station in
Los Angeles, as Ed, dressed in his uniform, was changing the baby's diaper, an Air Force officer
happened by. The officer commented, "Is that what they teach the Navy in
flight school?"[1015] It was a thirty-hour ride from Los
Angeles to Kansas. They had a compartment big enough for all the Terrars. This
made the trip comfortable. They could have flown, but Hazel was prone to
airsickness.[1016] Ed's dad met them in Kansas City at 10:30 p.m. The car in which he
picked them up was the one he had bought for them. Among his occupations during
the 1930s, Ed Sr. had been a part-time and full-time car seller and returned to
that job later. It was a used 1940 four-door blue Plymouth, for which they paid $800.[1017]
After
meeting them at Kansas City, Ed Sr. drove them down to Coffeyville. It was a three-hour drive. They arrived
home at 312 West 4th Street about 2:00 a.m. Ed, Hazel and the baby stayed in
the girls' room. Ed's sister, Rosemary, was working in Chicago and Mildred, who was in her second year of college,
stayed in her brother's old room. The baby slept in a basket that Hazel had.
Ed's
safe return from combat, his new wife and the baby were big attractions. On
Sunday afternoon, December 24, Christmas eve, Ed's parents held an open-house. This had been contemplated by Maye months earlier. Ed had written about it to Hazel on Wednesday
August 23:
The folks mentioned
having an open house or something for us when we go home. Guess these social
amenities are necessary but I want to avoid as many as possible. I just want it
quiet and to be with you and Tersh so we can rest and relax.[1018]
Many relatives and friends came to visit during the open
house.[1019] Maye bought a "Guest Book." No
less than 120 persons signed it.[1020] The four-room house at 312 W 4th Street
was about 1,200 feet square. It was crowded when just Ed's parents, sisters and
his own new family were in it. So many guests were possible because the open
house went on all afternoon and into the evening.
During
the open house, Ed Sr. and family friend Aunt Lizzie Cook had their pictures taken out in front of the family home holding
the baby. Group pictures were taken with Maye, Ed's sister Rosemary, Ed's
cousin, Nora Steinberger, "Aunt" Anna McCloud (Lizzie Cook's sister) and the baby. Pictures of the baby were
also taken in the front yard in the high chair used by Ed Jr. and his siblings.[1021]
The Terrars celebrated Christmas by going
to midnight mass at Holy Name. The baby stayed home. As Christmas presents,
six-month-old Toby was given a war bond, a hanging toy, a brown horse, a
"3-men-in-a-cart" and three suits.[1022]
One
of the routines in Coffeyville, to which Ed quickly returned, was listening
each night at 10:00 p.m. to the National Broadcasting Company's H.V. Kaltenborn's (1878-1965). He did
a radio news broadcast on KHB, which gave a daily synopsis of the war. Everyone
listened.[1023] Ed could not receive the broadcast at
sea, but he followed it in Coffeyville and later in New Orleans and Glenview,
Illinois.
Chenango.
For the Terrars and his squadron-mates, the war was receding. Ed, along with
P.D. Thompson, Charlie Carpenter, Smiley Morgan and Andy Divine, all moved to other duties. Those who stayed in
the squadron likewise saw no more combat. They spent most of the first nine
months of 1945 in Hawaii. The war ended before they could return to the front.
Those who stayed included Ed's crewmate, Bill Gentry. He married Roberta in January 1945. Serving at the
wedding as best man was Jack Howard. Jack was the one who had saved Shorty
McMahan.[1024] Also among those who stayed with the
squadron were Howard Tuttle, Dan Miller, Bruce Weart, Whiskey Dick, Jack Ross and a few others.
The
Chenango sailors and other members of
CarDiv-22 did not have it as easy. There was a vacation for several months
starting in December, while their ships were repaired in Seattle, Washington. Many visited with their families, some
saw their children for the first time and some were married. They missed the
Iwo Jima invasion from February 19 to March 16, but not that of Okinawa. By the
spring of 1945 Imperial headquarters had a plan code-named Ten-Ichigo for the defense of what remained of Japan's defensive cordon,
which included the Ryukus area, of which Iwo Jima and Okinawa were a part.[1025] For their defense, the Imperial forces
allocated 4,800 aircraft based on Formosa and the home islands. Because of a shortage of fuel, which limited
the number of sorties that could be flown, the aircraft often flew one-way
kamikaze suicide strikes.
At
Iwo Jima the Marines had their worst landing experience of the Pacific war. The island
was heavily gunned and garrisoned, honeycombed with tunnels and its bedrock of
basalt was covered with a deep layer of volcanic dust. Amphtracs lost traction
and ditched on the beaches, to be destroyed by salvoes from close-range artillery
which three days of battleship bombardment had not destroyed. Those with rifles
dug trenches which collapsed as soon as they were deep enough to give cover.
The wounded were wounded again as they lay out on the beaches awaiting
evacuation. When Iwo Jima was finally secured on March 16, some 6821 Americans
had been killed and 20,000 wounded, which was a third of those who had landed.
The 21,000 Japanese defenders almost all died.[1026]
While
the Chenango missed Iwo Jima she was
on full-scale operations for the 70-day Okinawa campaign, which started on
April 1. Doing the flying aboard the Chenango was Air Group-25. It came aboard in February at Alameda NAS.[1027] In early March they steamed from San
Francisco to Tulagi Harbor, Florida Island in the Solomons, which was a staging area for the Okinawa invasion. They arrived there on
March 4. Starting on March 27 they sortied from Ulithi in the Carolina Islands to help escort troop transport ships to
the invasion. On D-day, 50,000 Marine and Army troops swept over the Hagushi
beaches with little resistance and took both Yonlan and Kadena Airfields. The Marines came from an armada of 1,300 ships
including eighteen battleships, forty carriers and 200 destroyers.[1028] The Chenango’s mission was to
give cover in the feint landings on the southern tip of the island.
The
landing was deceptively easy. Okinawa was a large island nearly eighty miles
long. The American scheme for its capture was based
on the supposition that, as at all but one
landing so far, the Japanese would resist tenaciously at the water's edge and
then be beaten back inland, to increasingly untenable positions, by the weight
of American air and naval firepower. The Japanese, anticipating American
expectations, had adopted a contrary scheme for Okinawa's defense. They let the
Marine and Army divisions land unopposed, then drew them into battle against
what they regarded as impregnable defense lines within the island, meanwhile
turning the weight of the kamikazes against the ships offshore. The ultimate aim was to drive the
fleet away, leaving its landbound half to be destroyed at leisure. The Japanese
forces on the island numbered some 120,000 against 50,000 Americans of the U.S.
Tenth Army who landed on the first day - a figure that eventually rose to
nearly a quarter of a million.
During
the two-month battle, AG-25 attacked targets on a daily basis
both on Okinawa and on Sakishima Gunto, which was two hundred miles to the
southwest where many enemy planes flew in from Formosa to assault the Americans
on Okinawa.[1029] On April 2, the second day of the
invasion, the Chenango had another "first landing."
Ens. J. Whitfield Moody along with radio operator Jack Evans Thomas and gunner William Hostler were
flying a TBM when it was damaged during a bombing run. The radio and interphone
controls went out, the wing and plane bottom had holes, and gunner Hostler was
injured. They flew the ninety miles back to the Chenango but the landing hook on the plane would not move down so
they could not land nor could they ditch at sea because the injured Hostler
might not be able to exit in the thirty seconds before the plane would sink.
The
damaged plane was therefore escorted by one of the squadron members back to Okinawa's
Kadena Airfield. The field had been taken the previous
day. Once on the ground, the three fliers fixed their jammed hook and looked
for gasoline for their return. After a night of insect bites and starshells
flaring in the sky beyond the nearby lines, they located abandoned Japanese
gasoline drums that permitted them to fly back. According to one account, this
was the first American plane to land at Kadena and probably the first to land
anywhere on Japanese soil.[1030] Prior to the flight the three flyers had
been gripping about living on a crowded, hot, converted tanker and envied the
flyers assigned to the palm-fringed islands. Upon landing on the Chenango, they all knelt in thanksgiving to be on the carrier deck.
There
were four AG-25 pilots and crew killed during the
Okinawa operation, including its commander, Lt. Comdr. Richard W. Robinson.[1031] So much bombing and strafing was done by
the Chenango that they frequently ran
out of ammunition. Then they would steam into Kerama Retto, a small set of islands about twenty
miles west of Okinawa, to replace bombs, rockets, and bullets. But they could
not stay there overnight. The region was attacked so regularly at nighttime,
often from Japan, that it became known as the "Kamikaze Corner."[1032]
The
worst damage to the Chenango during the war occurred on April 9, when a plane crashed
upon coming aboard. It bounced over four barriers into a plane that was being
fueled and armed with rockets and bombs. A fire broke out, with the burning
gasoline igniting rockets and ammunition. Two people were killed and eighteen
others were so badly injured they had to be evacuated for intensive care.[1033] Another accident occurred on April 16.
This was not to a Chenango member,
but to a famous journalist, Ernie Pyle. He died from a Japanese bomb at Ie
Shima, a small island three miles from Okinawa, which the Chenango helped bomb. The kamikazes caused much damage. About 900
aircraft, of which a third were on suicide missions, attacked the amphibious
fleet on April 6 and by the end of the day, although 108 were shot down, three
destroyers, two ammunition ships and an LST had been sunk. The attacks were
repeated on April 7 when a battleship, a carrier and two destroyers were all
hit by kamikaze strikes. The American response was to thicken the screen of
radar-picket destroyers, lying off Okinawa up to ranges of 95 miles, which gave
early warning of attacks.[1034]
During
the Okinawa invasion, a new captain for the Chenango
was appointed, Harry Felt. In Brooke Hindle's view, this captain
well understood the concept of "self-interest." For him, the war was a bonanza, which brought rapid promotion. In
1942 he had been an air group commander during combat on the Saratoga. After that, he held positions in the
United States and then in 1944 served for ten months in Russia as a member of
the U.S. military mission to the U.S.S.R. Hindle commented, "Having
been away from the sea for so long, Felt was exceedingly anxious to have
command for a carrier, knowing that one or more such commands were necessary
before he could be advanced in rank to admiral. He felt he needed a major ship,
and when assigned to Chenango was
anxious to take command as soon as possible. She was not a CV but could be of
some aid to him as well as he to her."[1035]
The
Okinawa campaign was finally completed on June 21, at a cost of 5,000 American
lives. It was the bloodiest and longest battle in the history of the Navy.
Earlier, on May 8, the Chenango had
been detached from CarDiv-22 to join Admiral Halsey's Third Fleet (TG-30.8). Her job was to supply CAPs and ASPs off the coast of Japan for a month for oilers and supply
ships. She then went on June 11 to Leyte, where AG-25 was lucky enough to be replaced
after only five months of work. The new squadron, AG-33, had to receive night flight
training before coming aboard.[1036] This allowed the Chenango’s
sailors a month-long vacation until July 9.[1037]
By
July the Japanese were no longer fighting back. The Chenango crew knew the war was about over. They wanted out of the
Navy and the on-board newspaper started running articles such as, "Ain't Gwine to Study War No
More."[1038] In early August the Chenango
resumed flying CAPs and ASPs for Halsey's TG-30.8. But that quickly ended with
the Japanese surrender on August 15.
The
Chenango was then converted in mid-September to a transport ship. Initially
she carried 1,300 American, British, Dutch and Malayan former prisoners of war
from Nagasaki to Okinawa. These people had been living in Fukuoka 14 and
several other Nagasaki POW camps and working in the shipyards. They survived
the nuclear bomb. Paul Brookman was one of those that the Chenango
transported. He later described the Air Force’s “precision” bombing:
At about 11:00 a.m.
on August 9, 1945, I was sweeping around the big lathes when I heard a plane.
Some fellow POWs outside the factory door yelled to step outside. The plane had
dropped some sort of parachute. The POWs figured that as a former antiaircraft
gunner, I would know what it was. I didn't feel safe. So I got under the
lathes. And then the explosion happened. My eyes were closed, and I had my
hands over my face, and I still saw the light. It went through everything. But
the lathe shielded me from the bomb's heat and radiation. The blast knocked
down corrugated steel siding and roofing, which in turn shielded me from other
debris.[1039]
After the atomic
explosion, Brookman's day was a jumble of dreadful sights and happenings:
Fellow POWs blinded and burned, "with their skin peeling off . . . dead
civilians everywhere, some of them women clutching babies who had survived. . .
a daylong march, everyone almost mad with thirst, to the refuge of hills
overlooking the city."[1040]
During
the transport of Brookman and the others, AG-33 along with its planes had to
temporarily vacate the ship to make room for the POWs. Chenango sailor Bob Exum described their transport duty:
When World War II
ended, after the two atomic bombs had been dropped, the ship headed for Tokyo
Harbor. We were there before the U.S.S. Missouri and the Peace Fleet had entered. They came into Tokyo Bay just
after we left. Our ship headed for Okinawa. When we arrived we had instructions
to leave all of our planes and pilots
and crewmembers at Okinawa and go to
Nagasaki and pickup POWs and deliver them to Okinawa to be sent home. We arrived
in Nagasaki Sept. 12. A little over a month after the atomic bomb was dropped.[1041]
Later in September, the Chenango transported 800 more POWs from
Nagasaki to Okinawa.
The
following month 106 Chenango sailors
received their discharge from the Navy based on their length of service, period
oversees, age and marital status. Those that remained were not happy.[1042] They had plenty of company. U.S.
soldiers around the world, sometimes numbering 20,000 at a time, demonstrated
against continued military service.[1043] Edward Rees, a Republican member of Congress from
Ed's homestate, spoke for many in uniform. He criticized the Truman
administration for seeking to establish an army of occupation and for using the
military to break labor strikes in the Philippines. America's empire builders lost out
before the anger of the rank-and-file. Truman was forced to demobilize, with troop strength dropping from twelve
to 1.5 million.
The
Chenango returned to San Diego in mid-November, where AG-33 was permanently
removed. The ship then entered "magic carpet" service, in which she
carrier 1,250 Army troops from Okinawa to the states in December. The main
entertainment aboard ship for these troops was gambling. It was against the rules, but the authorities had lost
control. In the summer of 1946, the Chenango
was mothballed and fifteen years later sold for scrap metal.
Flight Instructor: January-September, 1945.
Ed appreciated his last days in the Navy no
more than his shipmates still aboard the Chenango.
While at sea Ed had hoped he would next obtain shore duty. If he had to come
back to the war, he wanted to be a landing signal officer, wave flags and not be shot at.[1044] He received his first wish, shore duty.
He was assigned to be a flight instructor.
In
January 1945 the Terrars drove to New Orleans where Ed took a three-month instructor training
course at the Navy's School for Primary Flight Instruction. During the drive to
New Orleans, they spent a night at Shreveport, Louisiana. They went to an old
but well-known hotel which had porters to carry the luggage. But the porters
would not carry the baby's potty. Ed carried it through the hotel lobby, which
was long and crowded with Air Force officers assigned to the base there. They joked about the Naval
officer's potty. When they arrived at the room, Hazel inspected the sheets. They were
clean. But the curtains were dusty. She stated, “I won’t stay here.” She had Ed
turn around and head for accommodations elsewhere. With potty in hand, he
received difficulties both from the management and from
those in the lobby.[1045]
Ed
did not fly at all in December, but starting on January 13, with two flights of
1.3 hours each, he began his lessons in how to instruct others.[1046] At New Orleans the family stayed in a
motel because that was the only thing available. The baby slept in an opened
dresser drawer.[1047] One night he crawled out of his bed, hit
the floor, stood up and, according to one account, took his first step.[1048] Ed was so busy with his instructor's
course and domestic duties that he notified the Naval War College on February
8, he wanted to disenroll from his "Strategy and Tactics"
correspondence course that he had started while in Hawaii.[1049]
In
mid-March, Ed graduated with honors from his flight instructor's course.[1050] He was then assigned to the Naval Air
Station at Glenview, Illinois, which was near
Chicago. They were there six months, living initially in a hotel in the
Rogers Park part of the North side of Chicago.[1051] Later they rented a garden apartment at
919 Hinman Avenue, Evanston, Illinois. At mid-day on April 12, Ed heard on the
radio while at work that FDR had died at his girlfriend's home in Georgia. Ed was less
surprised at the death than at hearing that FDR was a philanderer. He did not
approve.
As
a flight instructor, Ed did much flying.[1052] As the war progressed, the government
instituted military instruction for those attending college. Ed’s students were
graduates of these programs. They had little or no flight experience. One of
Ed’s instruction techniques was to take the cadets to 5,000 feet, which was a
high altitude, and let them fly for hours just above stall. This made them
familiar with the wings shaking, which helped them prepare to land on a carrier
without fear. Air speed had to be no more than three knots above stall when
landing on a carrier's short runway. A related lesson was to place the plane upside
down at 5,000 feet and allow it to stall. It would go into an inverted spin.
Because the plane was so stable, it would come out of the spin on its own.[1053] The attrition rate was high, about
thirty percent. Ed was not reluctant to fail a cadet. He did not want one of
his students to go to the fleet and kill himself. As he put it, there were
enough problems in flying without throwing in stupidity or ineptness.
While
living at Evanston, Hazel's mother, Annie (Jones) Hogan (Veith) came up from South Carolina on the train for a week
or ten days.[1054] It was the only time Ed was to see her,
as she died from cancer about five years later. She was a constant smoker.
Initially she was hostile towards Ed. For example, at dinner she would ask
Hazel to ask Ed to pass the salt. Ed became mad and said something to the effect, that he was a Catholic, a Republican, a northerner, an
immigrant and if he had a little nigger blood, she would have every reason to hate him. She laughed and
loosened up after that.[1055]
Another
social event for the Terrars while at Evanston was on Easter Saturday in the
spring of 1945. They had dinner at the home of John Donlon's mother at LaGrange Park, near Chicago.
She was a widow but had a number of school-teacher daughters still living at
home. John was not there, as he was not stationed in the area.
In
May 1945 Ed was promoted to full lieutenant. At about the same time on May 8,
the Nazis agreed to unconditional surrender. Three weeks later, on May 28, Toby spoke his first words,
"burn, burn."[1056] On his first birthday, June 29, he was
given a number of gifts: a high chair by his paternal grandparents, Maye and Ed
Sr.; war bonds by his dad and sun suits by his Aunt Rosemary Terrar and
grandmother Annie Hogan.[1057] He had a birthday party complete with a cake and one
candle. His mother and dad were his only guests.[1058] The Terrar's apartment in Evanston was
only three blocks from Lake Michigan, so that during the summer of 1945, Hazel
and the baby went to the beach regularly and sometimes Ed was along. Hazel
would sit on a towel in her street dress and Toby would play in the sand.
Around the house the baby liked to play with pots, pans and pop bottles, as
well as toys like "Kitty Kat" and a "Bunny Rabbit."
Soviets,
Civilian Bombing and War's End: 1945.
American policy makers believed that the
key to ending the war in the Pacific was in forcing the surrender of the Japanese
ruling class, which owned everything. This meant maximizing human and property
damage. In the spring of 1945 the Roosevelt administration was finally in a position to implement this
strategy. Therefore, at the same time that family life for the Terrars was
beginning to be routine with Ed finishing flight instructors school, Hazel becoming pregnant with her second child, David Byron, and the first baby learning to stand,
family life for a million Japanese working people was coming to an end. On
March 9, the Twentieth Air Force under General Curtis
LeMay started nightly incendiary attacks against the Japanese civilian
population. These attacks were made possible because of the bases captured in
1944 that were within striking distance. The Twentieth Air Force was
headquartered at and flew out of Guam.[1059]
On their first night of
incendiary bombing in March, three hundred and thirty-four B-29s incinerated
83,000 Tokyo residents and left one million homeless. Similar attacks were made
against Osaka, Kobe, Nagoya, Yokohama, Kawasaki and other cities in the following nights. Civilian bombing was
justified with the argument that the Japanese had dispersed the production of
weapon components away from the main industrial centers to new factories which
could not be easily located or hit by precision, high-level, daylight strikes
with high explosives.[1060] Whatever the merits, the death toll made
insignificant such war crimes as the infantry’s failure to take prisoners. To the extent they knew about it, many
rank and file did not approve of killing civilians. Typically, veteran Milt
Felsen recalled a discussion he and a fellow combatant, Irv Goff, had about the government forcing them
into what they felt were war crimes:
We were to become morally indistinguishable from the enemy. “Is it
always true,” I thought, “that you become those you fight?”
“So what do you think?” I asked Irv afterward.
“If
I read von Clausewitz correctly,” said Irv, “it’s a good argument for settling disputes
other than by war.”[1061]
By
the summer of 1945, the Americans were running out of towns to incinerate but
those who governed Japan showed no signs of surrender. The Japanese leadership concealed news about the “success” of the
incendiary bombings from their people. They were willing to fight to the last
Japanese worker's life.[1062] At the same time the American government
censored from its own population news about the civilian attacks. In the summer
of 1945 the United States leadership, insisting on unconditional surrender,
went forward with its preparations for a land invasion. It was willing to spent
as many U.S. lives as it would take. American soldiers were glad when Japan was
attacked with atomic bombs on August 6 and 9. They hated the Japanese but were
also bitter at the American leadership for insisting on unconditional
surrender. News from home about the unconditional policy was a major source of
grievance.[1063]
As
it turned out, the atomic bombing was less destructive than the
incendiary bombing, which itself was ineffective in ending the war. Ed believed
both his own bombing and bombing in general accomplished little. Unlike Ed, the kamikaze aviators were twice deceived. First, they mindlessly equated Japan's empire builders with their own interests. Then
they wrongly believed that bombing could win the war. In Ed’s view, it was the
infantry with bayonets and grenades that won battles.[1064]
World War II correspondent
Robert Sherrod and combat veteran Paul Fussell speculated that the advantage of the bombing was more political
and economic, than military.[1065] It allowed FDR to tell the infantry and those back
home that the war could be won by technology rather than by the lives of working
people. Milt Felsen, who shared Ed’s negative sentiments
about FDR, observed at the time, “We lie about ourselves and we lie about the
enemy because otherwise we couldn’t fight.”[1066] The bombing served not only political
but economic needs. Government-subsidized war technology such
as aircraft carriers, planes and the bombs they delivered provided a boom after a decade of depression. As
fiscal conservatives in Kansas put it, “socialism for the rich.”[1067]
It
was not so much the bombing which brought their surrender, according to members
of Japan's ruling class, such as minister of the Navy, Yonai Mitsumasa, and twice prime minister, Prince Konoye
Fuminaro (1891-1945). Rather, it was the Soviet entry into the war on August 9.[1068] At the Yalta Conference on February 4-9, 1945,
Stalin had secretly promised in writing to
declare war against Japan within three months of the European war’s end.[1069] In April the Russians issued a warning
they would repudiate their 1942 non-aggression treaty with Japan. True to
their word, when the European war ended in June, they moved 1,500,000 of their most experienced and
best equipped veterans in eighty divisions from Europe to Asia.
The U.S.S.R.’s initial
target in the Asian war, as consented to by the Chinese nationalist government, was Manchukuo. Japan had annexed this country from
China in 1932. It was formally called Manchuria and consisted of China’s three
northeast provinces. Against the Soviets in Manchukuo, Japan had the Kwangtung
Army, which consisted of 750,000 troops in thirty-one divisions.[1070] They were regarded as the best formation
in the imperial army. They waged a bitter defense, but by August 13 the
Russians had overrun and secured Manchukuo, an area three times the size of
Japan. What remained of the Kwangtung Army was pushed into northern Korea, where fighting continued until a
final Japanese collapse on August 20.
The next target for the
Soviets was the Japanese home islands. Prior to their entry into the Asian war,
the U.S.S.R. had set August 25 as the date for invading northern Japan.[1071] Konoye Fuminaro remarked, “What we need
to fear, far more than defeat, is the communist revolution that will follow
it.”[1072] Toward the end of the war he could see
uniformed Japanese soldiers in the home islands, when isolated, being attacked
by civilians.[1073] The country was ripe for revolution.
American
leaders from Harry Truman and Secretary of War Henry
Stimson on down had the same fears that their Japanese counterparts had about a
Soviet invasion and social revolution. In July 1945 Truman commented, “Stalin will be in the Jap war on August
15. Fini Japs when that comes about.”[1074] Historians have maintained that Truman
and the other decision makers knew the Japanese were already defeated when they
were atom-bombed in early August. The purpose of the bombing was to speedup the
surrender before the Soviets could land troops. The United States had no plans
for a land invasion until November 1945.[1075] If Japan did not surrender, it was
feared that the communists would accomplish Japan’s defeat.
If
the purpose of the atomic bomb was to speed up the surrender process, it did
not work very well. In the week after the bombing, the Imperial government
stood firm. For the military sector that dominated the Japanese ruling class,
being leveled by either the Americans or the Soviets was a social revolution. They
were willing to fight to the last worker’s life to prevent it. When the bomb
did not work and with the Soviets ready to invade, the Americans were forced at
a White House meeting on August 10 to withdraw their demand for unconditional
surrender.[1076] Led by Admiral of the Fleet William
Leahy and Naval Secretary James Forrestal, they agreed that abolition of the
emperorship would no longer be required.
The
relaxation of the surrender terms had long-been advocated by, among others,
Pope Pius XII and the New York Archbishop, Francis Spellman. The latter headed the American Catholic
military chaplain corps. Unconditional surrender, Spellman feared, would bring
an overthrow of the established order in Germany, Italy and Japan. The
balance of power would shift toward working people, trade unions, and their
allies in the Soviet Union. Spellman pointed out the divine relationship which he believed
existed between self-interest and the surrender terms:
I
hope that we shall be content to win battles and win the war and not over-win
it. To me both self-interest and generosity prompt this philosophy; for our
“unconditional surrender” terms, I think, mean that we shall make conditions
for our fullest and longest protection, without driving to desperation those
among our enemies who liked America and Americans in the past.[1077]
Those politicians who resisted relaxation of the
surrender terms included Harry Truman, Assistant Secretary of State Archibald
MacLeish, Office of War Information director
Elmer H. Davis and Under-Secretary of State Dean Acheson. They feared a Japanese communist
revolution but they feared even more a retaliation from the American electorate
if the surrender terms were liberalized. Could mystifications such as those
propounded by Spellman undo the murderous previous five years that the established
order in Germany and Japan had precipitated?[1078] Could the racism promoted by the
American government against the Japanese and German people be turned off
overnight? [1079]
The
Japanese rank and file who were caught between the conflicting fears of the
American and Japanese politicians, had no problem understanding the role of the
Soviets, as opposed to the civilian
bombing, in ending the war. Typically, aviator
Saito Mutsuo, who was Ed’s age and with a similar
economic background, explained that until the day of surrender, rumors
flourished that America and Russia had started to fight each other, so that the
United States would cease to attack Japan.[1080] “I knew that we had lost,” said Saito,
“when I heard news of the Soviet’s war declaration. I understood then that the
American and Russian forces would invade Japan.”[1081] As far as the bomb used on Hiroshima,
the public was told it was an adaptation of a normal bomb, just another way to kill
non-combatants. Its unspecified effects could be prevented, according to the
authorities, by wearing white clothes.
By
surrendering to their American counterparts, the Japanese ruling class, unlike that in East
Germany, survived the war with no long-term damage.[1082] Harry Truman's oil-executive friend, Edwin Pauley, proposed that U.S. corporations take
Japan's capital assets as retribution. But fear of revolution, as was going on
in China and as was threatened in Japan, prevented this.[1083] Nevertheless, America’s imperialists
suffered no damage. Their “national interest,” as Captain Alfred Mahan characterized the Philippines, Guam and other possessions, were
restored.[1084]
The
Japanese surrendered on August 15. A formal signing of documents took place
aboard a battleship in Tokyo Bay on September 2.[1085] Ed and Hazel were happy with the end of
the war. But they did not celebrate. They had the responsibility of raising a
child. Ed's last day of flying was September 4, when he was up twice, once for
day instruction and once for night instruction. This brought his total number
of flight hours to 1,305 since June 8, 1942.[1086] A flyer with only 300 hours was
considered a veteran.
Whatever
self-interest the Navy had for the Terrars, had long since vanished. Ed was so
eager to exit that he obtained a Navy Beachcraft executive plane and flew it from Illinois back to Washington, D.C. with
someone along to process his discharge papers. It was a single-day trip. He
landed at Anacostia Naval Air Station, which was north of Bolling Field. He
stayed at the hanger while the person he brought processed his papers at the
Pentagon. Having his own plane to fly around the country was one of the
advantages of being a flight instructor. The flight to Washington, D.C.
resulted in Ed being released to inactive duty on September 7, a bit earlier
than he would have been otherwise. The family left Chicago on September 10 and
arrived at Coffeyville on September 14.[1087]
World
War II veteran Alvin Kernan complained that on his return from the war, there were "no
parades, no recognition of what they had done by those for whom they had
supposedly done it."[1088] He concluded that this has been the
experience of veterans "from Caesar's legions to the present."
For their part, Ed and Hazel wanted to proceed with their lives; parades and
recognition did not pay any bills. They were glad to obtain help with housing
and education through the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944 (G.I. Bill), but would have achieved the
same thing without a war. Another Navy veteran of World War II, Theodore Mason, wrote of missing the war and the Navy.[1089] Alvin Kernan spoke of the war as
"real" and the rest of life as "unreal." But to the Terrars
and many others, it was a nightmare, something to be forgotten.
While
at sea Ed had thought of many ways of making a living after the war. These had
included going to law or business school at Harvard or some other big-name school,
being an economics professor, opening a flying charter for sports people,
opening a chain of filling stations or storage garages, playing the
stockmarket, buying a farm in California's San Joaquin or Imperial Valley,
joining the foreign service, or acquiring a small farm where they could subsist
on what they grew. As it turned out, after Ed's discharge, the family moved to
Coffeyville in September. Hazel was three months pregnant with David, who was born January 4, 1946. Except on one or two short
occasions, Ed never piloted again.[1090] The one use to which he put his pilot's
training was when he could not fall asleep at night. He would go over in his
mind the steps in landing a plane on a carrier. Usually
before he had it on board, he would be asleep.[1091] Hazel too, except for a short period
when they needed the money, never nursed again. They had no regrets. Whatever the
mysticism of flight or nursing, it was lost on them.[1092]
Back
home in Coffeyville in September 1945 Ed accepted an offer by his parents.
During the war they had run a Sinclair gas station at 815 West 8th Street. It had done well,
making them as much as $500 per month. They encouraged him to take over the
station and agreed to let him buy their lease eventually. The young Terrars did
not stay in the filling station business for long, but that is another story.
Over
their lifetimes Ed and Hazel traded Christmas cards with their squadron mates
and nursing friends from Rhode Island and Michigan. Sometimes they visited in
person. One buddy they could not find was Creepy Flint. They heard he had settled in Long Beach with his
wife and son and was selling concrete. They admired him. The description which
Iida Momo, a Japanese youth, gave of his father could also be said of Creepy:
My father
had absolutely no ideological feeling about the war whatsoever. His war was all
about how to cheat war: how to get enough food for his family; how to keep his
business going; how to prevent his son from being conscripted. Of course
everyone was encouraged to believe that it was a glorious and noble thing to
send your sons to the army. But my father, well, he’s spent much of his life as
a virtual outlaw, and he had learnt not to pay any attention to what the
authorities told him. His motto was live in a “back street of the war.”[1093]
Future Problems. In those moments that he had been in
his cockpit being shot at, Ed had told himself, "If I survive this, all the other
problems that life brings me will seem small." He was right. Future
problems came but they never were close to the problem of being shot. Another
survivor, James Fahey, commented in his diary along the same
lines, “When you get home you will be able to carry yourself much better
whenever a tough situation comes up. It will not bother you. You will have some
wisdom and be more humble.”[1094]
In
facing several of the problems that they encountered, the Terrar’s military
experience was useful. For example, during the war and
after, Ed felt that aerial bombing was overrated. Ground forces and
face-to-face confrontation won battles. By 1970s the technology was good enough that cruise missiles such as the
Tomahawk could do anything piloted craft could do,
at one-tenth the expense of carriers, planes and aviators. At the time Ed was
the chief-of-staff, that is, administrative assistant, for San Diego’s
Congressional representative, Bob Wilson. As the senior minority (Republican) member of the Arms
Services Committee and from a town with a large Naval presence and during a
period of Republican presidents, Wilson had influence in making defense policy.
With Ed’s assistance and
with heavy weights like Congressional colleague and then president, Gerald R.
Ford, fellow Republican Congressional Armed
Services Committee member and then Secretary of Defense in the Nixon
administration, Melvin R. Laird and Chief of Naval Operations, Elmo R. Zumwalt, Wilson joined the fight to replace
piloted aircraft with cruise missiles.[1095] Against the missiles were the aircraft
and shipbuilding industry, the Air Force and the carrier Navy. These interests who
viewed the new system as similar to the World War II Japanese invasion. In the
end, the cruise missiles won a place but only in coexistence with the piloted system. Ed had a low
opinion of Naval aviation during the war and his sentiments did not improve
after the fight over cruise missiles.
While
he was on Capitol Hill, Ed addressed another problem tied to his military experience. In beating
them to the first landing on Guam, Ed earned the animosity of the Marines, starting
with the small arms fire directed toward his plane while he was still on the
island. By the 1970s, Bob Wilson had a voice in Marine budget appropriations.
Lobbying organizations, such as a group called the “Congressional Marines” led
by Joe Bartlett, cultivated Wilson’s friendship. As if
by magic, Wilson, who had served as an Army private, was made a commissioned
Marine Corps Reserve lieutenant colonel but with no duties. Ed too was given
honors such as a ceremony, plaque and assurances there were no hard feelings
about his Guam landing.[1096] One honor the Terrars turned down was an
invitation to travel to Guam in July 1994 to be given an award at the 50th
anniversary celebration of its capture. Ed had not wanted to be there in the
first place.
There
was a third issue tied to their military experience that the Terrars were
eventually able to resolve in a pleasant manner. While he was in Hawaii, Ed found it perfect, except for not having
Hazel. He hoped to bring her there some day. In 1986 he had his opportunity.
They stayed at the same Royal Hawaiian Hotel on Waikiki Beach that he and his shipmates had socialized at
forty-two years earlier. They did not ride surfboards but they did tour the
island and enjoy its flowers, mountains, beaches, people and culture.
One
final World War II problem that the
Terrars later addressed concerned the hope held by many in their
generation that their children would be sparred from another war. World War II
cost the Japanese one million working people, the United States 160,000 of
which 29,000 died in battle, the Soviets from seven to ten million, and the
Chinese about two million. Among these were squadron mates and buddies. Just as
in World War II, the younger generation of Terrars had little say concerning
the later wars, including the one in Vietnam. But on the positive side, they
and many of their peers, in dealing with their war, did not have to contend
with World War II as a sacred cow. A veteran of the American Civil War observed, “War when you are at
it is horrible and dull, it is only when time has passed that you see that its
message was divine.”[1097] For the Terrars and their children, the
message of World War II, was always more about self-interest than divinity.
Glossary[1098]
AA. Anti-aircraft fire.
ACV. Auxiliary carrier, the name of
the CVEs prior to 1943.
AIC. Air combat intelligence officer.
ASP. Anti-submarine patrol.
BB. Battleship.
Betty. American code name for Japanese Mitsubishi, land-based, two engine, medium-range bomber.
Bogue-class (CVE). Escort carrier, converted from merchant hulls, had single shaft.
CA. Heavy cruiser.
CAP. Combat air patrol.
CarDiv-22. Carrier Division-22, established February 25, 1943, disbanded November 1945, consisted of Suwannee, Santee, Sangamon and Chenango.
Casablanca-class. Escort
carrier, the smallest and shortest range carrier.
CIC. Combat information center.
CL. Light cruiser.
CV. Aircraft carrier.
CVE. Escort aircraft carrier.
CVL. Aircraft carrier small.
DC-3. Two engine, 24 passenger Army Air
Corp plane.
DD. Destroyer.
DE. Destroyer Escort.
Dumbo. A PBY equipped for rescue.
Essex-class carrier. An enlarged version of Yorktown class. It could carry a hundred aircraft, maneuver at 33 knots and hold four aviation squadrons along with a full crew of 3,500. It had an 870-foot flight deck and was powered by four shaft-geared turbines and had 12 five-inch anti-aircraft guns.
F6F (Hellcat). Navy fighter plane, sixth version, used in 1943-1944.
General Quarters (GQ). An alarm which required all hands to go to their assigned battle stations and be prepared for immediate combat. All hatches would quickly be secured, so that one would be trapped below decks if not quick. Securing the hatches divided the ship into watertight compartments, so that if one section took a torpedo and flooded, it would not necessarily flood the whole ship and sink.
Francis. American code name for Japanese
Nakajima land bomber.
Independence-class carrier. Light carriers converted from fast cruisers, carried fifty aircraft and could maneuver at 30 knots.
JCS. Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Jill. American code name for Japanese carrier-based torpedo attack plane.
Judy. American code name for Japanese
Aiche carrier-based bomber.
Kaiser-class (CVE). Escort carrier, smaller and more limited than Sangamons, but fast.
Kate. American code name for Japanese
carrier-based torpedo bomber.
LSO. Landing signal officer, part of
the ship's company.
LST. Landing ship, tank. Used to
bring tanks ashore.
LVT. Amphibious tractor (amphtrac),
landing vehicle tracked.
Medals. Included:
1. Medal of Honor. Navy's highest decoration.
2. Navy Cross. Navy's second highest decoration.
3. Defense Distinguished Service Medal. Navy's third highest decoration.
4. Silver Star. Given in lieu of second Navy Cross.
5. Distinguished Flying
Cross.
6. Navy Air Medal. A Navy decoration.
7. Navy Unit
Commendation. A Navy decoration.
NAS. Naval Air Station.
N2S (Yellow Peril). A bi-wing, two-seat plane for student and instructor, the first plane flown by cadet. N for trainer, second version, built by Stearman Aircraft Corporation in the late 1930s.
N3N (Yellow
Peril). Same as the N2S, except built
by the Navy.
Oscar. American code name for Japanese fighter, the army version of the Zero.
OS2U. Kingfisher, Navy,one-engine, scout-observer float plane, based on battleships and cruisers. They landed on the open sea and then were recovered. Code was for Observation, Scouting plane, second model built by the U.S. Navy in the late 1930s.
P-Boat. Large twin-engine, sea (amphibious) plane that could land and take off on the open sea but not on airfields.
PBY. A Catalina rescue Navy, two engine patrol bomber, smaller than a P-Boat.
PT Boat. High speed, small (40-foot long) boat, transported aboard ships and used to attack smaller Japanese vessels.
P-38 Lightning. Army two engine plane.
P-39. Air Cobra, Army two-engine.
P-40. Air Force pursuit plane, built by
Curtis, liquid cooled engine.
Rate. The term rate and rating can be confusing. Rate is used to describe the level of line authority and is synonymous with rank. Rating refers to technical specialty. A nonrated sailor may have a rating but all rated sailors have both rate and rating. To put it another way, rated personnel are the enlisted, noncommissioned (petty) officers in the Navy (E4-E9). They have authority (maintenance of “discipline and good order”) over subordinates. Non-rated (E1-E3) personnel do not have authority and are divided into six apprenticeships including seamen, firemen and airmen.
Sangamon-class (CVE). Escort carriers. Consisted of four fleet oilers that were converted to carriers, the Suwannee, Santee, Sangamon and Chenango. They were second-line ships, not normally involved in prime attacks. Half the size and speed of the Essex-class carriers.
SBC. Curtis Scout Bomber.
SNJ. Used in advanced basic training. A Scouting trainer built by North American Aircraft Corporation in the late 1930s.
SNV (Vultee Vibrator). The intermediate plane used in basic training. A Scouting trainer plane built by Vultee Aircraft Corporation in the late 1930s.
SPD. Scouting plane built Douglas
Aircraft Corporation.
TBD. Carrier-based Torpedo, Bomber built by Douglas Aircraft Corporation in the 1930s. It won the Battle of Midway in 1942.
TBF (Avenger). A carrier-based Torpedo, Bomber built by Grumman Aircraft Corporation. It was used in the Pacific Fleet from late 1942 until the end of the war.
TBM. A Torpedo, Bomber built by General Motors, same aircraft as the TBF, but with improvements.
Tonie. American code name for Japanese
plane.
Type Training. The step after completion of basic training; training in the type of plane the aviator would fly operationally.
Val (Achai, P-3A). American code name for Japanese two-seater, single-engine, carrier-based dive bomber.
VC-35. Ed Terrar's air group,
the "C" stood for composite.
VF-35. Fighter squadron that was part of Composite Squadron VC 35. The”F” stood for fighter.
VT-35. Ed Terrar's torpedo squadron. The
"T" stood for torpedo.
Zeke. American code name for Japanese
fighter previously called Zero.
Zero. American code name for Japanese Mitsubishi, carrier-based, single engine Navy fighter.
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INDEX
Africa
Morocco, 97
North, 96
invasion, 99
Afro-Americans
Dalzell, South Carolina, 24
military segregation (protest), xiii
Navy
stewards, 138
racism, 287
Paris Glover, 26
racism, 311
Thelma Mack, 26
American Federation of Labor, xxix
neutrality laws, xxxv
American Legion, xxvii, 7, 146
Edward Terrar, Sr., xxiv
European tour, 300
isolationism (1930s), xxvi, xxvii
Army
11th Airborne Division
Leyte, 288
11th Division (Bataan), 272
1st Cavalry Division (Leyte), 288
1st Corps, 45
24th Division (Leyte), 288
6th Division
Philippines, 271
Leyte, 265
77th
Artillery Division, 229
77th Division (Leyte), 288
77th Inf. Div. (Guam), 221
7th Airborne Division (Leyte), 288
7th Division (Marshalls), 176
89th "Midwest" Division, xxvi
96th Division (Leyte), 288
Air Corps, 51
Air Force
477th Air Wing, xiii
civilian bombing, 312
conflicts
Afro-Am. (segregation), xiii
authority, 172
mutiny, xiii
exaggerated successes, 133
humor, 308
Nagasaki, 306
poor results, 133, 172
Saipan, 231
self-interest
African-Americans, xiii
resist authority, 172
chief of staff (Marshall, G.), xviii
discipline (court martial), xxvi
dislike (World War I), 102
Eisenhower, Gen. D., 187
Ft. Snelling, Minnesota, 3, 6
moral fiber (lack), 132
National Guard, 4
127th Field Artillery, 2
27th Infantry Division, 135
Makin Island, 126, 132
Saipan, 214
activated, 5
Ed’s departure, 3, 5, 6
horse cavalry, 2
bad experience, 3
mobilization, 5
resistance, 135
self-interest, xii
Makin, 132
wages, 2
non-combatant majority, 185
troop moral, 187
Women's Flying Corps, 188
Asia
Burma, 120
China, 1
1943, 178
consumerism, 120
Hong Kong, 211
Japan
collaboration (1940), xxix
war, xxii
Manchuria, 315, 316
map, 315
nationalists, 315
Pu-Yi (emperor & war criminal), 316
revolution, 318
U.S.
commerce, 119
foreign service, 118
imperialism, xxix, xxxvi
Dutch East Indies (Indonesia)
Borneo, xxxi, 120
Balikpapan, 121
petroleum cut off, 242
U.S. strategy, 121
Formosa, 276, 302
India, 61, 120
Java, 120
Malaysia, 120
U.S. strategy, 121
Manchuria, 156
Pescadores, 276
Ryukus, 276
Singapore, 271, 276
Sumatra, 120
Timor, 120
U.S. labor (no investments), xxxvi
Viet Nam, 324
Atom bomb, 314, 318
Lorenzo Jones, 24
Nagasaki, 306
purpose, 316
Australia, 61, 122
General MacArthur, 272
Battles (World War II), 203
Carolines, 203
Palau, 203
Woleai, 203, 204
Yap, 203
Central Pacific, 202, 205, 211
Coral Sea, 124, 125
difficulties, 212
Europe
second front, 216
Gilberts, 56, 128
Apamama, 134
description, 130
GALVANIC, 125
Makin, 122, 126, 132
preparations, 125
Tarawa, xviii, 122, 126
map, 129
picture, 130
Iwo Jima, 302
Marianas, 55
"turkey shoot", 215
FORAGER, 206
Guam, 211
dead, 241
first landing (picture), 234
map, 232
Task Force-53, 212
Pagan, 211, 215
Saipan, 211, 214
difficulties, 221
Task Force-53, 212
Tinian, 241
Marshalls, 173, 181, 202
air support, 175
FLINTLOCK, 171
Kwajalein & Roi-Namur, 172
picture, 175
Roi-Namur, 174
Midway, 50, 124, 125, 221
Moluccas
Halmahera, 255
Morotai, 251, 253, 255, 256
map, 254
Morocco, 97
Operation Torch (1942), 97
New Guinea, 122, 189
Hollandia, 203, 204
Okinawa, 302
Pacific map, 123
Philippines
Cape Engano, 278
First __ Philippine Sea, 215
greatest Naval __, 276
Leyte, xviii, 51, 260, 265
casualties, 282, 288
map, 267
Samar, 278, 280, 283
description, 283
Taffy-I planes, 285
Ziggy Sprague, 284
Sibuyan Sea, 170, 278
supplies, 283
Surigao Strait, 278
Negros
map, 267
Second Battle Philippine Sea, 278
Surigao Strait, 280
Santa Cruz Island, 65
Schoutens (Indonesia)
Biak, 205
Solomons, 50, 65, 125
Bougainville, 125
Guadalcanal, 50, 58, 65, 98, 122, 124, 125, 186
Raboul, 122
South Pacific, 202
Wadke, 205
California
Calpatria, 58
Chula Vista, 10, 89
Coronado, 48, 59, 64
ferry, 66
Hotel del Coronado, 87
map, 66
El Centro, 57, 76
map, 58
Holtville, 67, 77, 78
map, 58
Imperial Valley, 58
La Jolla, 91
La Mesa, 155, 296
Los Angeles, 250
Ambassador Hotel, 88
National City, 91
destroyer base, 60
North Island (San Diego), 47, 49
North Park, 83
Otay Mesa, 88
map, 66
Point Arena, 54
picture, 54
San Diego, 47
Balboa Park, 75, 85
Grant Hotel, 84
map, 66
militarized, 48
Naval Hospital, 74
San Diego Country Club, 92
security, 48
social/intellectual, 48
San Francisco, 48, 177, 211, 295
Chenango, 1
band, 250
battles, 125
Balikpapan (Indonesia), 306
Carolines, 203
Central Pacific, 202
Gilberts, 128, 212
Tarawa, 133
Guadalcanal, 98
Halmahera, 255, 256
Leyte, 260, 273, 275
destruction achieved, 275
propaganda, 272
stops first kamikazes, 274, 281
Marianas, 212
Pagan, 215, 221
Marshalls, 174
(Western), 180
Roi-Namur, 173
Morotai, 253, 255
New Guinea, 212
North Africa, 97
Okinawa, 302
first landing, 303
Sakishima Gunto, 303
South Pacific, 202
Christmas 1943, 137
Coca-Cola Corporation, 178
commendations
Conolly, Rear Adm. R., 227
Pagan, 221
Guam, 224
Leyte, 291
New Guinea, 291
Stump, Adm. F.
Pagan, 221
crew, 99, 115
duties, 99
fatigue, 260
intelligence, 126
vacation (Leyte), 305
work, 133
dangers
air attack, 221, 273
casualties, 273, 304
crash, 304
fire, 304
torpedos, 134
typhoons, 267
wartime precautions, 97
description
bridge, 295
flight deck, 304, 305
radar, 295
duties
aircraft repair, 226
anti-submarine patrols, 204
Okinawa, 305
bombing
Balikpapan (Indonesia), 306
combat air patrols, 204
Okinawa, 305
refueling, 227
replacement pilots, 287
transport, 306, 307
historians
Exum B., 307
Exum, B., 249
Gentry, W., 232
Hindle, B., 102, 109, 110, 115, 126, 127, 172,
236, 243, 246, 276
Marshall, W., 176, 179, 180, 181, 183, 187,
202, 203, 205, 207, 208, 221, 257, 273
Richardson, D., 226, 269, 271
Ries, E., 250
Weart, B., 203, 204, 226, 228, 255, 257, 260,
269, 271, 273, 277, 282
honored (post-combat)
Pearl Harbor, 291
Kwajalein, 179
Nimitz visit, 137
Saipan, 241
SBD elimination, 187
second anniversary (September 1944), 255
Seventh Fleet
Task Group-77.4 (Leyte), 265
Task Group-78, 203
Sprague, Vice Adm. T. (visit), 224
strategy, 115
Central Pacific, 122
South Pacific, 122
superiors
Felt, Capt. H., 305
Ketcham, Capt. D., 93, 126
van Deurs, Capt., 93, 254
Wyatt, Ben, 287
Task Force-53
Northern Attack Force, 173
tour completion, 288
training, 170
violence justified
end war, 291
Chenango - description, 94, 97, 98, 105, 121
5,000th landing, 275
arms, 94, 97, 100, 103, 104
Manus, 260
bridge, 115
catapult, 276
double bottoms, 268
forecastle, 189
functioning, 105, 115
general quarters, 255
inclinometer, 268
launch schedules, 269
logbook, 138
loses power, 204
mail, 116
maintenance, 100
noise levels, 105
oil/gas capacity, 227
picture, 95, 292
prior ownership, xvii
questionable seaworthiness, 268
radar, 277
ship's company, 99, 268
squawk box, 282
typhoon, 268
preparations, 267
wardroom
"men's club", 178
meals, 104
party, 275
Chenango - duties
anti-submarine patrols, 212
Leyte, 288
bombing, 204
Guam, 224
Morotai, 253
combat air patrols, 212
Leyte, 288
photographing
Guam, 224
refueling, 265, 288
scouting (Guam), 224
strafing (Guam), 224
transport
planes/soldiers, 276
Coffeyville, Kansas, 1
airport,
3
alcoholism, 298
Field Kindley Mem. High Sch, 2
band, xxi
flight
training, 4, 5, 9
Forest Park, 2
home-coming (1944), 296, 319
National Guard, 1
Pfister Park, 197
Public Library, xxiv
resources,
2
Roosevelt Jr. High Sch. band, xxi
rural & urban, 1
schools,
1
travel
to, 7, 47
Wendell Willkie's origins, xxi
work,
8
World War I (conscription), xxiv
Colleges
Bosie Junior, 98
business, 2, 6, 8, 143
Citadel, 33
Coffeyville Junior, 2, 4, 6, 83
band, xxi
St. Mary's
Atchison, Kansas, 145
Westminster, 11
Winthrop, 29
Congress on Industrial Organizations
foreign policy, xxix
Economics - capitalism, 24
consumerism, xix, xxxiv, xxxv
MacArthur, Douglas, 272
Rockefeller, Nelson, 94
ideology
honor, xv
trade as lifeblood, xv
Japan, 120, 312
petroleum, 305
landlords, 24, 31
Flagler, Henry, 59
Philippines, 272
Tuttle, Julia D. (Sturtevant), 59
media, 318
Morgan, J.P., xxxv
narcissism, xv
National Ass. Manufacturers, xxiii
parasitical, 59
patriotism, xv
Pauley, Edwin, 120
petroleum, 121
Cullen, Hugh Roy, 93
Dutch East Indies, 242
Hunt, H.L., 93
Murchison, Clinton, 93
profits, xii, 47, 93, 318
Richardson, Sid, 93
Philippines, 120
labor unions, 307
ruling class, 120
railroad industry, 293
Rockefeller, John D.
H. Tuttle gives job, 59
slavery (Japan), 120
stock market, xix
Wall Street, xiv
war
cost (workers), xxvi
covetous, xv, 261
credit & loans, xxiv
payment, 146
profits, xiv, xvii, xx, xxviii, xxxiv, 146,
178, 240
guaranteed, xvii
resistance, xxvi
tobacco, 260
racketerism, xxvii
wealthy neighborhoods, 201
Economics - conflicts, 60
class, xv, 28, 261
ends & means, xxxiii
labor strikes, xvi
national debt, 147
revolution (communist), xiii, 147
socialism for rich, 314
tax policies, xvii
war bonds, 146
conscription (capitalism), xxvi
labor strikes, 307
strikes, xviii
mine workers, xxvi
railroad workers, xviii
steel workers, xviii, xxvi
war (profits), xxvii
war costs (workers), 146
asceticism, xv, xvii, 261
discipline, xv, 261
rationing, 293
sacrifice, xv, xvii, 261
starve, xvii
Economics - corporations
alcoholic drink industry, 187, 319
Alexander & Baldwin, Ltd., xxix
American Factors Limited, xxix, 201
American Legion, 240
American Tobacco Company, xxxv
anti-unionism, xvii
banks, xii, xxviii
Brown Shoe Company, 140
C. Brewer and Company, Ltd., xxix
Castle & Cooke, Ltd., xxix
Charter Company, 320
City National Bank, 225
Coca-Cola, 178, 201, 319
Commercial Pacific Cable Co., 241
defense industry, xxxi, 11, 319, 322
First National Bank of Coffeyville, 144, 298
Ford, xxix
General Electric, xxix
General Motors, xxix
Cadillacs, 272
Hawaiian "big five", xxxvi, 201
Kellogg Cereal Company, 90
Lions, 240
Lucky Strike, 248
mining (death/injuries), xvii
motion picture industry, 108, 262
National Broadcasting Co., 301
National City Bank, xxiii, xxix, 199
National Geographic Society, 102
Navy-Maritime Commission, 121
New York Stock Exchange, 178
Pan American Airways, 12, 194, 206, 211, 241
Pepsi-Cola, 13
petroleum, xii, 47, 119
Japan, 121, 302
United States, 120
pineapple, xxxvi
plane building, 319
public relations firms, 237
Rotary Club, 240
Sears and Roebuck, 144
shipbuilding, xxxv
Sinclair Oil, 300, 321
Socony-Vacuum (Mobil Oil), xxix
Standard Oil, xxiii, 94, 268
ESSO, 121
Standard Oil of California, xxix
Standard Oil of New Jersey, xvii, xxix, xxxv,
93
Standard-Vacuum Oil, xxix
steamship industry, xxxv
steel, xii, 319
sugar, xxxvi, 120
trust, xxiv
Sumter Trust Company, 21
Texaco, xxix
textile, 319
Theo. H. Davies, Ltd., xxix
Time,
145, 256
tobacco, 319
tobacco industry, 187, 260
transportation, 319
Vernon Kilns, 144
VFW, 240
Vitro Corporation of America, 24
Wall Street, xiv, xxviii
Economics - Depression
fear of, xiii, 147
hatred, 183
no work, 39
military cuts (S. Mandarich), 52
Rhode Island, 39
South Carolina, 24
Economics - doctrine
"refined people", 7
inflation, 147
labor theory of value, xvi, 24, 59
profit, xix
war, xii, xvii
public ownership of production, xxiv
religion, xxxiii
slavery, xxiii
socialism, xxxiii
trickle-up theory of value, xvi-xvii
unemployment, xii
Economics - government
bonds, 56, 146, 300, 311
tax breaks, xii
war
defense contracts, xvii
national debt, 147
rationing board, 139
tax policy
depreciation, xvii
Economics - imperialism, 11
agrarian reform, xxix
agriculture, 120
Burma, 120
China, 119
coal, 120
England, 95, 115, 120
China, xxix
Gilberts, 122
glory, God & gold, xii
India, 120
Indonesia, xxxii
Japan, xxxiii
Malaysia, 120
New Guinea, 120
New Hebrides, 115
Singapore, 131
France, 97, 115
New Hebrides, 115
Germany, 119
Indonesia, xxxi
resistance, xxxii
Japan, 119
China, xxii
East Indies, xxxi, 214
English imitation, xxxiii
Philippines, 120
Latin America, 94
lowest common denominator, xxxiii
Morocco, 97
National Ass. Manufacturers, xxx
National Foreign Trade Council, xxx
Netherlands, 120
Balikpapan (Borneo/Indonesia), 305
Borneo, xxxi, 120
East Indies, 121, 242
petroleum, xxxii
Java, 120
Sumatra, 120
Timor, 120
petroleum, xxxi
resistance
American Legion, xxvi
Gompers, S., xxix
Neutrality Act (1935), xxvii
Smedley Butler, xxvii
soldiers
religion, 252
rubber, 120
Spain (glory, God & gold), xii
spoils of war, 319
strike breaking, xxix
sugar, 120
U.S., 11, 119
Asia, xxix, 261
Balikpapan, 121
bribes, xxxv
Chamber of Commerce, xxx
China, xxix, xxxv
1930s, xxii
concealed, xxxv
constant war, xxiii
covetous war, xxiv, 261
Cuba, xv
Dominican Republic, 132
Guam, xxix, 211, 238, 319
Haiti, 132
Hawaii
health care, xxix
housing, xxix
infant mortality, xxix
Japanese workers, xxix
nutrition, xxix
public education, xxix
Japan, xxix, xxxi, xxxv
Mexico, xv
missionaries, xxix
mocked, 252
Navy, 252
petroleum, xxxvi
Philippines, xv, xxiv, xxix, 11, 132, 211, 307,
319
Puerto Rico, 211
racketeer, xxviii
spoils of war, xxxvi, 179
US. Philippines (picture), 308
usury, xxix
war, 46
Economics - workers, xvii
aircraft plant (nurses in), 45
Coffeyville
railroad, 300
refinery, 300
commercial pilots, 59
discipline, 261
ends & means, xxxiii
farm, 24
cotton, 24
Germany
revolution, 317
Gompers (anti-imperialism), xxix
Hawaii
health care, xxix
housing, xxix
infant mortality, xxix
nutrition, xxix
public education, xxix
Indonesia, xxxi
Italy
revolution, 317
Japan
revolution, 317
make best, 107, 143
military, 24
exploited, 98
Navy, 107
Steve Mandarich, 52
no investments
Asia, xxxvi
Hawaii, xxxvi
nursing, 37
Philippines
labor strikes, 307
picture, 308
poor whites, 25
public ownership of production, xxiv
railroad strike, xviii
rationing, 293
rewards, 28
sacrifice, xvii, 261
Schneiderman, William, xxi
self-interest, xv, xvii, xix, 145
shipbuilding, 94
slavery, xxiii
steel strike, xviii
sugar, 120
trade unionism, xv, 317
United Mine
casualties, xvii
collective barbaining, xvi
conflict (Tuttle family), 59
Mother Mary Jones, xxvi
oppose FDR (1944), 261
strikes, xxvi
war profits, xvi
war views, xxix, 146
wages
collective bargaining, xvii
commercial aviation, 194
Hogan, Annie Jones, 21
National Guard, 2
Navy, xiii, 19, 21, 148
nurses, 45
training, 36
World War I, 102
war
ascetics, 261
bonds, 146, 300
finance (resistance), xxvi, 146
labor movement, xxviii
prosperity, xviii, xxxi, 143, 240
trick on (tobacco), 260
Work Project Administration, 75
young (tricked), 261
Europe
England
imperialism, 120
landlords, xxxv
France, 19, 143, 144
imperialism, 230
New Caledonia, 230
U.S. defeats (Battle for Morocco), 97
Germany, 1, 8, 19
Coca-Cola, 319
combat fatigue, 186
Doenitz, Admiral Karl, 96
imperialism (U-boats), 95
military strategy, 64
occupied, 317
Paulus, General Friedrich, 19
Polish invasion, xxxi
POWs, 317
revolution, 317, 318
Saipan & Tinian, 211
second front, 216
surrender, 311, 317
United States fear of, 119
war resistance, 230
World War I, 157
Italy
revolution, 317
surrender terms, 317
Netherlands
imperialism, 120
East Indies, xxxi, 305
North Atlantic, 95
Poland, 1, 19
German invasion, xxxi
Romania (capitulation), 244
second front, 216
Soviets, 19, 64, 119, 305
allies, 317
Asian war, 312, 315, 318
Japan invasion, 316
non-aggression treaty (Japan, 1942), 315
rank and file support, 317
Red Army, 178
Spain
Marianas (eighteenth century)
imperialism, 211, 238
History
lessons, xi
recollections, xxxvii, 115, 231, 280
Japan, 1, 5, 156
class system, 316
self-interest, 318
home islands
air attack, 251
Doolittle's raid, 65
Honshu, 316
imperialism, 314
Manchukuo (Manchuria), 315
Kawasaki, 313
Kerama Retto, 304
Kobe, 313
Kyushu, 316
Nagasaki, 306
Nagoya, 313
Nips, 236
Osaka, 313
patriotism, xxxiii, 46
resistance, xv
special interests, xv
politics
censorship, 313
communism, 314
deceit, 318
patriotism
resistance, 316
ruling class, 316
social revolution, 316
Tojo, Hideki, xxxiii
Army minister, 214
prime minister, 214
trick people, 313
Yonai, Mitsumasa, 214, 314
prisoners, 277, 306
religion
state Shintoism, xxxiv
sun goddess, xxxiii
revolution, 317
Ryukus, 302
social/intellectual
books, 106
workers (culture), 106
strategy (surrender), 317
superiors
Konoye, Fuminaro, 314
Tokyo, 211
Tokyo Bay, 319
U.S. (imperialism), xxix
Yokohama, 313
Japan - military
air power, 173
Bonins, 227
Carolines
Palau, 227
Yap, 227
Central Fleet (Samar), 282
class system, xiii
conscription (resistance), xx, 321
defensive perimeter, 93, 120
discipline (resistance), xix
economics (threat), xxxvi
Europeans
self-interest, 314
First Battle of Philippine Sea, 215
Formosa, 302
Gilberts, 136
Makin, 133, 135
Tarawa, 131
Halmahera, 252
Halsey tricked (Leyte), 279
Hollandia, 205
imperialism, xx, 253
Dutch East Indies (Indonesia), 214
English imitation, xxxiii
Indonesia, xxxii
Iwo Jima, 251, 302
kamikazes, 274, 281, 287
Chenango stops first attack, 274
Kwangtung Army, 315
Marianas, 212
Guam, 212, 226, 228, 233
losses, 230
morale, 229
Pagan (defenses), 218
Saipan, 214, 226
Marshalls, 172, 179, 182
Kwajalein, 176
Truk, 181
Okinawa, 302
Kadena, 236
Kadena Airfield, 303
Pearl Harbor, 121
petroleum, 119, 121, 122
Dutch East Indies (Indonesia), xxxi
cut off, 242
Philippines
casualties, 291
strategy, 271
pre-emptive strike, 119
Schoutens (Indonesia)
Biak, 214
Sixteenth Division (Army), 271
soldiers
casualties, 288
combat fatigue, 186
culture, 249
Deanna Durbin fans, 249
experiences, 198
resistance, xv, 316
suicide, 212, 224, 229
Leyte, 281
resistance, xx
tricked, xx, xxxiii, 314
Solomons, 203
Guadalcanal, 98
Southern Force, 281
Leyte, 280
strategy
civilian bombing, 313, 316
surrender terms, 313
kamikazes, 302, 304
Okinawa, 303
tricked, 314
Leyte, 276
over-extended, 259
Philippines
Central Force, 278
Leyte, 288
Sho 1, 278
surrender terms, 317
superiors
Isoroku, Adm. Yamamoto, 125
Kurita, Takeo, 278, 286
mentality, 313
Nishimura, Vice Adm. Shoji, 278
Surigao Battle, 280
Ozawa, Jisaburo, 278, 279
Yamashita, Tomoyoku, 271
surrender terms, 319
tricked (cap "T"), Surigao, 280
wages, xiii
war (China), xxvii
Zekes, 281
Japan - Navy
casualties, 291
Central Force, 278, 281
Combined Japanese Fleet, 215
destroyed, 133
imperial, 211
Northern Fleet, 278
Philippines
Force-C, 278
Ozawa's carriers, 278
Latin America
Columbia (imperialism), xv
Cuba
Coca-Cola, 319
imperialism, xv
Dominican Rep. (imperialism), xv, xxxv
Haiti (imperialism), xxxv
Mexico
imperialism, xv, xxxv
Tijuana, 143
Panama Canal, 98
imperialism, xv
World War II, 94
Lawyers
Alameda, California, 55
Carter, Ledyard & Milburn, xxxv
Glover, Paris, 26
Hannen, Jay, 10
Mundo, Lt. Commander A.L., 201
Roosevelt, Franklin D., xxxv
Terrar, Edward Jr., 70
Tutt, Ephraim, 261
Willkie, Wendell, xxi
Ziegler, Carl Edwin Sr., 7, 47
Love, 79
California, 117
Ed’s for Hazel, 165, 188
sectional (Kansas), 60
Marines, 48
1st Provisional Brigade, 237
4th Division, xviii
alcohol, 233, 234
Congressional lobbying, 321
doctrine
"suspended mental faculties", xxviii
mysticism, 321
needless casualties, xviii
obedience, xviii
racketeering, xxviii
take no prisoners, 224
tricked by society, 133
Gilberts, 130
Tarawa, 131
Second Division, 126
Guadalcanal (1st Division), 186
Guam (Marianas)
1st Provisional Brigade, 229
22nd Brigade, 229
3rd Amphibious Corps, 229
4th, 229
losses, 230
picture, 234
poor air support, 227
red-faced, 233
Japan
Iwo Jima, 302
Okinawa, 302
Manus, 250
Marshalls (4th Division), 173
politics, 323
public relations, 235
Saipan, 224
Media
advertising, 318
Armed Forces Radio Service, 248
bad luck (aviators), 277
commercial, 51
baseball, 240
patriotism, xxxiii, 241
Dalzell, South Carolina, 23
FDR in "war zone", 237
Guam
first landing, 233
picture, 234
Herodotus's History, xxxiv
heroes
Doolittle, James H., 65
Gentry, William E. "Bill", 231
hometown consumption, 237
O'Hare, Butch, 136
Schoonmaker, "Dutch", 231
Terrar, Edward Jr., 231
Wills, Capt. "Bucky", 231
Japan (Tokyo Rose), 274
journalists
Ernie Pyle, 62, 304
numerous, 237
Robert Sherrod, 314
magazines
Coronet,
248, 256
Omnibook,
248, 256
Saturday
Evening Post
isolationism, xxiv
Michener, James (novelist), xiii
motion picture industry, 262, 318
government advertising, 108
Keiths (National City), 91
movies, 50, 91
race hatred, 318
newspapers, xxxvi
Capper's
Weekly
Republican, xxii
Chenanigan,
94, 137, 177, 181
demobilization, 306
race hatred, 177
Chicago Tribune
anti-imperialism, xxxi
Coffeyville
Journal, 7, 309
Guam landing, 239, 240
Republican, xxiii
Coffeyville Public Library, xxiv
Emporia
Gazette (isolationism), xxiv
Evening
Bulletin (Philadelphia), 237
New York
Times
Guam landing, 239
race hatred, 318
Sun (Coffeyville), xxiv
public relations, 318
justify government, xv, xxxii
patriotism, xv
Philippines, 273
war merchants, 237
radio, 318
Coffeyville (KHB), 301
H.V. Kaltenborn, 301
National Broadcasting Co., 301
race hatred, 318
songs
race hatred, 318
subscriptions
Colliers, 145
Life, 145, 230
New Yorker, 145, 230, 248, 256
Time, 145, 230, 248, 256
USO shows, 250
women's war role, 140, 249
Military
administrative/logistics, 185
budget, 4, 52
cuts, 52
Philippines, 271
benefits (G.I. Bill), xiv, 45, 320
government
Congressional Armed Services Committee, 322
Joint Chiefs of Staff, 253, 259
Soviets (Red Army), 178
Asia, 315
Military - conflicts, 133
Army & Navy
Gilberts, 132
Marianas, 214
Guam landing, 231
Philippines, 282
civilian firebombing, xiii, 314
cruise missiles & pilots, 322
demobilization (picture), 308
Navy & Marines (Guam)
air support, 227
landing, 231
Nimitz & MacArthur, 212
Leyte, 279
strategy, 251
no prisoners, 212, 224, 313
obedience (resistance), xxxiii
patriotism (resistance), xv
racism, xiii
unconditional surrender
resistance, 314
Military - psychology/philosophy
alcoholism, xxxii
appearances, 272
Armed Forces Radio Service, 248
awards (Congressional Medal of Honor), 136, 235
careerists, xviii
obedience, xxviii
self-interest, xii, 132
discipline
court martial, xxvi
jail/death, 246
mutiny, xiii, xix
obedience, xviii-xix
resistance, xix, xxv, 307
troop rebellion, 307
entrepreneurs, xix
gambling, 307
killing
flash backs, xxxii
guilt, xxxii, 313
remorse, xxxii
shame, xxxii
suicide, xxxii
troop moral, 187
cowards, xxxvi
duty, xxxvi
group loyalty, xxxvi
honor, xxxvi
manhood/womanhood, xxxvi
patriotism (resistance), xv
self-sacrifice, xxxvi
workers (no control), xiii
Military - strategy
civilian firebombing, xiii, 313
Clausewitz, Karl von, 64, 107
cruise missiles, 322
eighteenth-century naval, 226
media (Philippines), 272
Napoleon, 64
Orange Plan, xxxi
Rainbow Five Plan, xxxi
Naval Academy, 118
"trade school" spirit, 194
Harrill, Adm. William K., 55
Mandarich, Steve, 52
O'Hare, Edward "Butch", 56
Pike, Bobby, 10
Thompson, Bert, 194
Wyatt, Ben, 287
Naval Air Group-35, 57
Beal, Buddy, 11, 59
boards Chenango, 101
Carpenter, "Charlie", 65
combat rotation policy, 202
commander (Mandarich, S.), 52
commendations
Leyte, 292
New Guinea, 292
commissioned, 65
components, 50
Dalzell, Sam, 51
Dick, John, 66
Dickey, Charley, 11, 64
Divine, Andy, 50
establishment of, 47, 50
Flint, Creepy, 51
Gladney, James B., 53
Hollandia, 205, 251
Holtville, California, 67
important people, 100
Lindgren, Alfred, 10
Magnusson, Herbert E., 67
Miller, Dan H., 51
morale (Pagan), 220
Morgan, Smiley, 17, 50, 65
Morotai, 251
parties, 207
Eniwetok, 223
Philippines, 265
picture (enlisted), 290
Shaw, Emmet, 51
Simpson, Ed W., 51-52
Sims, Joseph P., 11, 65
Straub, Bob, 11, 18
Tarawa, 131
Thompson, P.D., 11, 17, 65
Tuttle, Howard M., 11, 17-18, 49, 59
Weart, Bruce, 68
Naval Air Stations
Alameda (Oakland), 50, 55, 295, 302
Anacostia, 319
Barber's Point, Hawaii, 198
Burbank, California, 71
Corpus Christi, Texas, 10-11
Fairfax, Kansas, 7, 9
Glenview, Illinois, 309
Holtville, California, 67
New Orleans, 10
North Island (San Diego), 47, 49-50, 59
Opa Locka, Florida, 18-19
Otay Mesa, Cal., 68
Pensacola, Florida, 10
San Diego, California, 10, 47
Whidbey Island (Seattle), 57
Naval aviation, 1
combat, 227
aircraft action report, 218
Pagan Island, 219
photography, 228
danger, 15, 49-50, 55
Adams, Lt. (jg) Randall B., 256
Allison, Don, 92, 290
anti-aircraft fire
Marianas, 226
Morotai, 253
Philippines, 274
Cebu, 275
Leyte, 270
bad weather, 226
bomb own troops, 227
Bundy, Lloyd W., 91
Carpenter, Charles E. "Charlie", 113,
274
Case, Ernest W., 91, 273
casualties, 202
minimize, 177
Clemens, R.E., 269
combat, 137
fatigue, 185, 202
accidents, 242
Gilberts, 130
Tarawa, 133
Marianas, 226
crashes, 134, 171, 257
Marianas, 226
Divine, Robert A. "Andy", 113
Dobrovolny, George C., 290
Forrer, Sam W., 271
crash, 277
Gladney, James B., 53, 92, 256
Gonzales, Manuel, 92, 290
ground crew, 217
Guam, 233
Holloway, Lt. (jg), 174
Howard, Jack, 259
Howe, George W., 91
Howe, Gregg, 70
Hughes, H.J., 274
Kennedy, Jesse O., 91, 270
landing
carrier, 61
emergency, 51
night, 61
launch, 112
Magnusson, Herb, 221
Marshall, William, 221
McMahan, Edward P. "Shorty", 134, 259
Mears, Frederick, 170
Mitscher (overreaching)
June 22, 1944, 215
Morgan, Smiley, 69, 228
Newman, Edgar T., 91, 203
night flight (O'Hare, Butch), 56, 136
Outten, Ens. Henry P., 274
poor judgment (Bush, G.), 53
Robertson, J.D., 274
Robinson, Richard W., 304
Rochester, Ephraim O., 69, 91
Sangamon (aviator Snow), 260
Shaw, Emmet, 51, 228, 274
Shires, Aviator, 282
Simpson, Ed W., 52
Sims, Joseph P. "Joe", 113, 134
Singletary, Douglas K., 91, 226, 228
Spurgeon, Aviator, 282
Stagno, Richard, 134
Terrar, Edward Jr., 53
Thompson, Paul "P.D.", 259
Thornburg, Harold B., 53, 91, 256
Tuttle, H. (launch technique), 112
typhoon, 269
Volm, Bernard H. "Bernie", 49, 158
Weart, Bruce, 203
forced landing, 255
flight
combat (frequency), 227
crew
ground, 133
duties, 99
picture, 100
Hernandez, Anthony "Tony", 58
Stagno, Richard Sr., 58
Starks, Don, 58
hours, 9, 12, 15
launch
laws of physics, 112
technique, 112
procedures, 49
requirements (faked), 259
tests, 11
training, 7-9, 17-18
advanced, 18
basic, 10
Bluejackets'
Manual, 15
bombing, 18
carrier qualifications, 49
description, 13
emergencies, 15
exiting (G. Bush), 53
graduation, 18
ground school, 14
history, 15
instruments, 17
living conditions, 12
navigation, 13-14, 16
Navy way, 16
night operations, 18, 62, 67, 78
rules, 55
vertigo, 17
Mitscher, Adm. (overreaching), 215
strategy, 137
superstition, 277
Naval Carrier Divisn (CarDiv)-22, 93, 137, 138, 170, 189,
203, 253
Hawaii (May 1944), 187
Hollandia, 251
Japan, Okinawa, 305
Leyte, 265, 272
casualities, 287
Samar, 281
Marianas, 205
Guam, 227
Marshalls, 180
Morotai, 251
Ragsdale, Adm. (comm.), 171
Sprague, Adm. T. (comm., Marianas), 224
tour completion, 288
Naval conditions
air groups (combat rotation), 202
aircraft action report, 218
appearances
formal tea, 287
swearing, 289
band, 203, 250
casualties (Leyte), 287
censorship (classified), 218
commissary, 144
contract, 118
depressing, 277, 304
Fleet Recreation Center, 250
diseases (malaria), 58, 250
economics
imperialism (Guam)
communications, 211
military dictatorship, 211
pay, xiii, 19
allowances
clothing, 18
food, 19
elements, 144
war bonds ("Butch" O'Hare), 56
fatigue, 202
Pityilu, 260
fear, 97
attack, 104, 287
enemy fire, 233
food, 13, 101, 138
beer parties, 249
Pityilu, 260
coffee, 283
honored (post-combat)
Pearl Harbor, 291
intelligence, xxxvi, 70, 115, 126, 129, 266
morale, 65, 157, 220
pilots, 254
prisoners, 277
torture, 274
psychiatrists, 186
racism (black stewards), 287
secrets, 202
self-interested medicine, 186
stress, 202
submarines (casualties), 185
supplies/repairs
amphibious landing craft, 173
amphtracs (amphibious tractor/LVT), 131
Chenango
Eniwetok, 221
Philippines, 277
Leyte, 283
Naval Repair Base (National City), 138
Pacific Fleet (logistics), 173
radar, 136, 226
shortages, 50
USO shows, 250
violence, 220, 288
justified, 291
work, 99
aircraft repair, 226
cook, 217
duties, 96
standing watch, 114
stewards (Afro-Americans), 138
Naval conflicts
Adm. J. Hoover & Air Force, 172
Adm. Nimitz & Gen. MacArthur, 121, 203
Adm. Spruance & Nat. Guard, 135
Adms. Harrill & Clark, 55, 215
Adms. Kinkaid & Halsey, 287
Adms. Spruance & King, 172, 302
Adms. Ziggy Sprague & W. Halsey (Philippines),
284
alcoholism, 250
aviators & sailors, 123, 173, 215
AWOL, 98
black market (Calpatria), 59
brawls, 250
careerists, 107
Creepy Flint's attack, 52
discipline, 54, 70, 98, 277
demobilization, 306
jail/death, 246
permanent ensign, 169
resistance, 102
diseases (malaria), 250
Elliott, Commander, 113
fist fights, 71
gambling, 250
Harrill, Adm. W., 54
hatred of military
aviators, 260
Creepy Flint, 51
sailors, 98
hazing, 109, 203
imperialism, 11
MacArthur & workers, 272
military dictatorship (Guam), 211
military law, 115
censorship, 126
resistance, 102
court-martial, 70, 113
rights, 55, 138
Mitscher, Admiral
needless losses, 215
overreaching, 215
needless losses, 216
plane types, 204
prejudice (class), 60
reservists & careerists, 277
screw ball, 195
self-sacrifice (R.S. Rogers), 286
Spruance, Adm., 215
Weart, Bruce
nostalgia, 255
wants home, 228, 250, 255
Naval hospitals
Aihia Heights, Hawaii, 190
Balboa Park, San Diego, 74, 155
Hawaii, 187
routine, 195
Naval organizations
Air Group-20
Dickey, Charley, 170
Air Group-25, 251
casualties, 304
Okinawa, 302-303
Air Group-28, 98
exits Chenango, 101
Bureau of Ships, 121
carrier task group, 93
Central Pacific Force, 124
ComAir Seventh Fleet, 288
Command Air Pacific, 199, 202
commander (Mitscher, Adm.), 169
Fifth Fleet, 93, 189
Gilberts, 124
Marianas, 211
Fire Support Group-77.2 (Leyte), 280
Naval Air Group-25
leaves Chenango, 305
Naval Air Group-33, 305, 307
Seabees, 177, 195
Manus, 250
Seventh Fleet, 189, 259
"MacArthur's Navy", 272
Balikpapan (Indonesia), 305
Manus, 245
Morotai, 253
map, 254
New Guinea, 251
Philippines, 265, 272
Leyte, 279
Task Group-78, 203-204
Sprague, Adm. T. (Morotai), 253
Taffy-I, 265, 278, 285
Leyte (south), 273, 281
Taffy-II, 265
Taffy-III, 265, 278
Leyte (Samar/north), 282
task force, 102, 114
Task Force-34, 287
Task Force-38 (formerly TF-58), 253
Task Force-38.1 (Philippines), 277
Task Force-38.2 (Philippines), 277
Task Force-50, 128
Gilberts, 126
Task Force-51 (Chenango), 180
Task Force-52
Kwajalein, 175
Marshalls
Southern Attack Force, 169
Southern Attack Force, 173
Turner, Adm. K. (comm.), 173
Marshalls, 169
Task Force-52 (Makin), 126
Task Force-53, 126, 128
Gilberts
Adm. H. Hill (comm.), 126
Southern Attack Force, 169
Marianas, 211
Guam, 240
Marshalls
Adm. Conolly (comm.), 169
Northern Attack Force, 169
So. Attack Force, 211
Task Force-57
Gilberts, 126
Hoover, Adm. (comm.), 169
Task Force-58, 170
First Battle Philippine Sea, 215
Marianas, 211
Saipan, 214
Marshalls, 182
Task Force-58.4, 55
Task Force-77 (Morotai), 253
Task Group-30.8 (Okinawa), 305
Task Group-53.1 (Marianas), 205
Task Group-53.6, 138
Marshalls (Chenango), 173
Task Group-53.7 (Chenango)
Guam, 224
Task Group-77.1
Moluccas (Morotai), 253
Task Unit-16.1.1
return home, 291
Task Unit-77.4.1
Leyte, 265
Task Unit-77.4.1 (Taffy-I), 281
Task Unit-77.4.3
Leyte (Samar to north), 282
Third Fleet
fall 1944, 259
Leyte, 279
Manus (Adm. Halsey), 245
Nimitz, 279
Okinawa, 305
Philippines, 278
Third/Fifth Fleet
"Big Blue", 253
Torpedo Squadron-28, 186
Torpedo Squadron-35
enlisted picture, 290
Kwajalein souvenir, 179, 184
Torpedo Squadron-8, 50
VC-68, 285
VF-37, 253
VT-100, 198, 206
Naval psychology/social
alcoholism, 51, 64, 71, 99, 101, 105, 115,
138-140, 247, 250, 260
grog, 230
appearances, 18
"captain's dinner", 244
aggressive, 288
aviation
clean cut, 52
exaggerated results, 133
battle ready, 277
ceremonies, 66, 100, 137, 262, 275
Guam, 237
chaplain (admiral's staff), 246
clean bed, 233
clothing, 15, 18, 70, 74, 89
formal, 291
gold stripe, 292
funerals, 217, 282
good food, 233
heroics, 277
honored (post-combat, Pearl Harbor), 291
inspections, 66
rank/awards
Air Medal, 137
cadet, 10-12, 18
making, 51
medals, 137, 175, 262
rejection, 139, 295
brawls, 250
captain's badminton (Manus), 249
celebrations, 100, 255, 295
clubs
officers’, 50, 71, 101, 204, 222
culture
water painting, 205
wood sculpture, 205
divorce, 140
experiences
falling overboard (fear), 104
fishing, 99, 179
humor, 101, 105
"longest day", 221
anti-imperialism, 252
anti-military, 306
native culture, 182
Melanesian, 99
parties, 207
beer, 260
pets, 97
typhoon, 267
friendships, 103
gambling, 64, 250
card games, 102
joining up, 7, 10
jail/death, 246
marital unfaithfulness, 296
morality, 15
music, 103
parties, 275
poetry, 96, 137
prisoners (torture), 274
reading (Adm. Spruance), 106
sailors fear typhoon, 267
sex, 64, 138, 207
violence, 288
justified, 291
Naval strategy
amphibious/sailing freely, 124, 215
belly tanks (fire bombs), 218
Cape Trafalgar, 124
carriers, 253
combat air support, 228
eighteenth-century, 226
Jutland, 124, 276
Marine coordination, 208
sea power (limitations), 133
spotters, 228
Naval superiors, 14
Combined Chiefs of Staff, 122
Flag Plot, 283
Forrestal, Under Secretary J., 14
Ghormley, Adm. R., 65
Halsey, Adm. W., 50
bombastic, 65
military strategy, 64
Third Fleet, 253
tricked (Leyte), 279
Harrill, Adm. W.
Fleet Air Commander, 55
Hill, Adm. H., 126
Hoover, Rear Adm. J., 126
air power limitations, 133
King, Adm. E., 121
Chief Nav. Ops. (Pacific), 93
Kinkaid, Adm. Thomas, 265
Knox, W. (Navy Secretary), 181
Mandarich, Steve, 52, 198
minimize casualties, 177
Mitscher, Adm. M., 125
Moore, Carl, 136
Moore, Lt. Com. F., 258
Morgan, Corwin F. "Smiley", 137
Nimitz, Fleet Adm. C., 93, 121, 125, 136
Central Pacific commander, 253
Marianas, 211
U.S.S. Chenango visit, 137
Pike, Bobby, 10
Pownall, Air Adm. C., 125-126
rank & file views, 246
resistance to
Creepy Flint, 51
shellback initiation, 109
Sprague, Rear Adm. T., 253, 260
Guam, 224
Spruance, Adm. R., 93, 106
Fifth Fleet & Central Pacific commander,
123, 127
Marianas, 211
Halsey replaces, 253
Sullivan, John L., 275
Secretary of the Navy, 137
Towers, Vice-Adm. J., 124-125
Turner, Adm. K. (Makin, comm.), 126
Wyatt, Captain Ben, 287
Naval War College, 124
correspondence course, 202, 226
Ed’s resignation, 309
strategy, 280
Navy, 10, 14
Navy Nurse Corps, 1, 21
Matula, Mary, 193
Naval Training School
Chicago, 74
Neevies, Caroline, 193
requirements, 73
San Diego Naval Hospital, 74
superiors, 73
women’s rights (rank), 73
Newport Training School for Nurses, 35
care for aged and newborn, 37
course work, 36
Goodnow, M. (superintendent), 36
graduation photo, 39
map, 37
program (strengths), 37
Rayworth, Marie (teacher), 38
schedule, 37
school mates
Carpenter, Mary, 38
Hunt, Mary Estelle, 38
Kelly, Helen (Dwyer), 38
Krawiec, Stephanie Stack, 38
Moore, Elise, 38
Sweeney, Mary, 38
self-interest, 37
Pacific Islands (Oceania)
Admiralties, 203
Manus, 248
Seeadler Harbor, 204, 244, 260, 265, 288
Bonins, 212, 227
Carolines, 122, 174, 203
Palau, 203, 227, 255
Kossol Roades, 288
Peleliu, 257
Ulithi, 302
Woleai, 203-204
Yap, 203, 227, 255
Central, 93
Coral Sea, 125
Funafuti, 206
Gilberts
Apamama Island, 134
Betio, 129
Kuria, 134
Makin, 122, 126
Tarawa, 122, 126
description, 126
Hawaii, 12, 149, 169
Barber's Point, 198
Ford Island (Pearl Harbor), 206, 291
Hazel & Ed (visit), 324
Honolulu, 195
imperialism (1900s), xxix
Maui (Lahaina Roads), 171
native culture, 200
Oahu, 189, 200
Pearl Harbor, 1, 5, 7, 10, 48, 93
attack (no surprise), xxxi
public education, xxix
spring 1944, 186
U.S. ("big five"), xxxvi
U.S. labor (no investments), xxxvi
Waikiki, 188, 197
workers
housing, xxix
infant mortality, xxix
nutrition, xxix
Indonesia, 251, 302
anti-imperialism, xxxii
Biak (Schoutens), 205, 214
Borneo, 305
Jaluit, 173
Malay Archipelago (Celebes), 253
Marianas, 122, 174, 206, 208
description, 236
Guam, 11, 159, 211-212, 312, 321
Apra Harbor, 229
military (U.S.), 211
Nimitz's H.Q., 242
Orote Peninsula, 229
airfield, 231
map, 232
U.S. imperialism, 319
map, 213
Pagan, 211
Rota, 212
Saipan, 211-212
Tinian, 212, 228
Marshalls, 122, 169
Engebi, 180, 182
Eniwetok, 173, 180, 211, 221, 243
Officers Club (picture), 222
Kwajalein, 173, 180
Maloelap, 173
Mili, 173
Parry Island, 180, 182
Roi, 136
Truk, 177, 180, 222
Wotje, 173
Melanesia, 99
Moluccas
Halmahera, 251
Morotai, 251, 276
map, 254
New Guinea, 120-122, 189, 202
Aitape, 204, 251
Hollandia, 203, 251
Pityilu, 260
Wadke, 205
New Hebrides
Efate, 99
Panga Point, 126
Espiritu Santo, 111, 115, 126, 204
Pallikula Bay (Luganville Field), 204-205, 207
North, 93
Samoa (native culture), 206
Solomons, 125
Bougainville, 125
Florida Island
Port Purvis, 204
Tulagi Harbor, 302
Guadalcanal, 122, 125
Henderson Field, 205
Rabaul, 202-203
New Guinea, 255
South, 93
West, 94
Patriotism
bogus (Woodrow Wilson), xxv
combat fatigue, 185
corporate profits, xxviii
cowards, xxxvi
demagogic, xv
duty, xxxvi
failure of, 220
graft, xv
group loyalty, xxxvi
honor, xxxvi
Horace, 220
Japan, 46
religion, xxxiii
special interests, xv
sun goddess, xxxiii
lack, xxxi
manhood/womanhood, xxxvi
media promotion, 241
needless bloodshed, xv
rejected, xv
self-interest, xv
self-sacrifice, xxxvi
special interests, xiv
Terrar, Edward Jr., 11
Terrar, Hazel, 21, 45
trade unionism, xiv
workers, xviii
Philippines, 189
Bataan, 272
Cape Engano, 278
Cebu, 274
guerillas, 271
landlords
American collaboration, 272
Japanese collaboration, 272
Leyte, 259-260
map, 267
Tacloban airfield, 288
Manila, 211
Manila Bay, 211, 277
Mindanao, 259
Mindanao Sea, 282
Negros, 267, 275
Bacolod (Ed's attack), 275
Palawan, 277
postwar labor strikes, 307
resistance movement, 273
Samar Island, 277
San Bernardino, 215
San Bernardino Strait, 277, 279
Sibuyan Sea, 170, 277
Surigao Strait, 276
U.S.
1920s-1930s, 120
attacks, 255
Cebu, 266, 274
Lahug Field, 269, 274
Medellin Field, 269
Opon Field, 274
Dinagat, 267
Leyte
Dulag Field, 269
Tacloban Field, 269
Luzon (Bulan), 269
Manila, 257
Mindanao, 266
Negros, 266
Samar, 266
Suluan, 267
imperialism, xxx, xxxvi, 11, 132, 319
1900s, xxix
MacArthur's return, 251
invasion, 242
strategy, 121, 273
Planes
B-17 Bombers (Flying Fortress), xxviii, 203
B-24 Bombers (Super Flying Fortress), xxviii,
114
B-29 (Superfortress), 242
Beachcraft executive, 319
DC-3, 57
dirigibles, 295
Dumbo (Catalina rescue), 253
F4F (Navy Wildcat fighters), 99
F6F (Hellcat, Grumman), 50, 130, 204-205
function, 187
Philippines, 269
FM-2 (General Motors), 204
Ford tri-motor, 3
Helldivers, 130
Japanese
Bettys, 220, 227
Frances, 269
Oscars, 288
Sallys, 271
Tojos, 288
Tonies, 273
Vals, 274
Zekes, 204, 273, 281
N2S (Yellow Peril), 9, 15
N3N (Yellow Peril), 5, 12
P-40 (Army fighter), 51, 97
P-47, 241
P-51 (Army), 241
PBM (twin-engine), 206
P-boat (sea plane), 111
PBY (twin-engine), 206
Piper Cub, 4
SBC, 18
SBD, 50, 130
Chenango, 187
function, 187
SNJ, 12, 16, 49
SNV (Navy Vultee), 12, 16
TBD, 18
TBF, 18, 50, 53
crew, 56
picture, 100
description, 55
function, 56, 187
operations, 56
TBM (Martin), 53, 205
tailhook problems, 208
torpedo bombers, 18
Gilberts, 130
Politics
Burma (Aung San), 120
Churchill, Winston, 122
Japan
trick (kamikaze pilots), 281
prisoners (torture), 274
second front (June 6, 1944), 216
Politics - conflicts
anti-imperialism
American Legion, xxvi
Butler, S., xxvi
Indonesia, xxxii
Neutrality Act (1935), xxvi
U.S. Congress, xxiii
communist revolution (Japan), 316
demobilization, 307
FDR & J. Daniels, xxxv
forced service, 156, 240
golden rule & self-interest, xxxii
hatred
class, xxvi, 60, 147
inflation, xvii, 147
legislated, 79
MacArthur & FDR, 237
of Catholics, 43, 311
of Navy, 51
of Soviets, 64
of trade unions, xv
race, xix, 147, 180, 311
of Japanese, 177
sea duty, 51
sectional, 43, 311
troops (MacArthur damned), 272
veterans murdered, 272
war, 79
military dictatorship
Guam, 211
Philippines, 273
minimize casualties, 177
no principles, xxxiv
resistance movement
Philippines, 273
socialism for the rich, 314
trick on
Army Air Corps, 51
enemy, 51
Japan (Momo Iida), xx
Japanese troops, xxi
King, Adm. E., 172
Marines, 133
Philippine patriotism (MacArthur), 273
troops
MacArthur, 272
tobacco, 260
U.S., 12, 51, 313
Martin, Burke, 194
McMahan, "Shorty", 259
plane theft, 51
public, xxxv
via religion, 261
working people, 237
young workers, xxxiii, 261, 314
Japan, xxxiii
young workers (W. Wilson), xxv
UMW
oppose FDR, 261
war profits, xvi
veterans against FDR, 261
war resistance
American Federation of Labor, xxix, xxxv
Congress on Industrial Organizations, xxix
Republican Party, xxxv
United Mine Workers, 261
Willkie, xxi
workers, 107
Industrial Workers of the World, xxv
Politics - electoral
1940, xxi
1944, 166, 261
FDR & "war zone", 251
bought-off, xii
capital punishment, xii
Cappers Weekly (Republican), xxii
Congress (anti-imperialism), xxiii
Democratic Party, 23, 166, 237, 261
Dewey, Tom (1944), 261
Ford, Gerald R., 322
Hoover, Herbert, 35
isolationism, xxiv
Jefferson, Thomas (embargo), xxii
Laird, Melvin (Def. Sec.), 322
Lincoln, Abraham, 172
Marines
bribery, 323
McKinley, William, xxx
people at worst, xii
Republican Party, xxi, 143, 261
agrarianism, xxxv
Capper, Arthur, xxii
Civil War, xxiii
Hazel’s mother’s hatred, 311
Landon, Alf, xxxiv
media, xxii
platform (anti-war), xxxv
war finance (capital taxation), 146
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 14, 96, 122, 237, 251
death, 310
lies, 314
public relations, 239
resistance to, xxiii
Roosevelt, Theodore, xv
imperialism, xxiii
ruling class (divine), xxxiii
Terrar, E., xxi
Terrar, H., 23
Truman, Harry, 120, 318
atom bomb, 317
Senator, xvi
Willkie, Wendell, xxi, xxx
Wilson, Woodrow, xxv, xxxv
Politics - government
anti-imperialism (Neutrality Act), xxxv
Central Intelligence Agency, 200
Civil Aeronautics Adm., 4
Civilian Pilot Training (CPT), 5-6
solo, 4
subsidized, 4
conferences
Anglo-American
Quebec, August 1943, 122, 202
Cairo (November 1943), 202
Casablanca (1943), 122
Hawaiian (July 26, 1944), 259
Yalta (February 1945), 314-315
conscription, xix
Burke-Wadsworth Bill, xxxv
capital, xxvi
jail/death, 246
World War I, xxv
no pay, xv
resistance, xxi
Selective Service Act
draft, 5, 21, 240
workers, xiv
World War I, xxiv
Constitution
adoption, xii
E. Terrar’s oath, 11
enlist, xix
Federalist
Papers, xii
foreign policy
1930s (China), xxii
anti-imperialism
American Legion, xxvi
Neutrality Act (1935), xxvii
civilian bombing, 312
corporations, xxiii
empire building, 11
hatred (cold war), 64
isolationism, xxii
revolution (Japan), 316
strike breaking, xxiii, xxix, 307
usury, xxix
free education, xii
jail, xix
Japan
ruling class, 312
Tojo, Hideki, 214
Yonai, Mitsumasa, 214
martial law, xxiii
media advertising, 108
national debt, 147
nurse recruitment, 45
Office of Price Adm., 154
paternalism (trick), xxiii, 261
revolution, 147
Indonesia, xxxii
self-interest, xii
Supreme Court (labor), xxi
tax breaks, xii
unemployment, xii
war
causes
FDR, xxi, xxxi
fore-knowledge, 261
oil embargo, xxxi
Japan, xxxi
imperialism, xxiii, xxix
international commerce, xv
minor trade objectives, xxix
profit, xii, xx, xxxiv
small national advantage, xxix
special interests, xv
concessions
baseball, 240
G.I. Bill (E. Hunt), 45
Servicemen's Readjustment Act, 320
women’s rights (work), 73
FDR's electoral use, 237
finance (workers), 147
racketeering, xxviii
rationing board, 139
resistance, xxi, 307
subsidy
defense contracts, xvii
military, 4, 27, 52, 148
bonds, 56, 146
tax policies, xvii
Work Project Administration, 75
Religion
African-American, 26
Baptist
Salem Church, Sumter, S.C., 28
Terrar, Edward Sr., 153
bible
Deuteronomy
25:4 (anti-imperialism), xxix
guide to life, xi
Mk 9:42-47, xxiii
Mk
9:48, xxiii
Romans 13 (obedience), xxxiii
Cassandra (prophet), 151
Catholicism
Browne, Fr. Michael J.
instructs Hazel, 116
culture, 107
Easter 1944, 150
hierarchy, xxxv
Jesuits, 318
Knights of Columbus, 9
Koch, Fr. H. (advice), 9
McNamara, Fr. J. (gambler), 246
O’Brien, Fr. John, 7
parish churches
Hold Name, Coffeyville, 300
Sacred Heart, 86
Coronado, California, 86
St. Martin's, La Mesa., 161
St. Rose of Lima, Chula Vista, California, 68,
116
Pius XII, 317
Purcell, Fr. John J.
Coronado priest, 86
Spellman, Archbishop Francis, 317
Tierney, Fr. Peter, 7
working class, 107
chaplain's tent (Manus), 248
Chenango
chapel, 266
funerals
at sea, 180, 203
Leyte, 282
formality, 217
Japan
emperor, 46
politicians as divine, xxxiii
state Shintoism, xxxiv
sun goddess, xxxiii
Jewish, 11, 24, 117, 310
Kempis, Thomas à, 29, 160
Methodist, 153
Providence (Dalzell, S.C.), 84
morality, 15
Mormons, 89, 261
orphanage, 246
Salem Church, Sumter, S.C., xxxii
workers (bible), 97
Religion - doctrine
anti-imperialism, 252
capitalism, 261
class conflict, 32, 317
consolation, xxxii
cowards, xxxvi
duty, xxxvi
God’s mercy, 269
God's anointed (politicians), xxxiii
God's mercy, 257
God's strength (MacArthur), 273
God's will
killing, xxxii
war, 324
war as, xii, xxxiii, 220
grace, 153
honor, xxxvi
imperialism, xxxiii
American missionaries, xxix
'just war', xxxvi
killing, 220
justification, xxxii
wrong, xxxii
kingdom of God, xxxiv
loyalty, xxxvi
manhood/womanhood, xxxvi
nationalism (resistance), xxxiv
obedience (rejected), xxxiii, 102
Pagan, 220
predestination
battle protection, 176
Japan, xxxiii
Plan Orange, 121
providence, 269
government leaders, xxxiii
luck, 82
ruling class, xxxiii
divine, xxxiii
self-interest, xxxvi, 317
golden rule, xxxii
self-sacrifice, xxxvi
soul, 269
superstition (aviators), 277
war
mysticism, 320
School
Field Kindley Memorial High, 2
Hillcrest High (Dalzell), 24, 30
law, 8
Newport Training Sch. Nurses, 35
prayer, 29
Self-interest
advertising industry, 318
alcohol industry, 187
Army (Air Force), 172
capitalism (petroleum), 93
Capt. H. Felt, 305
corporations, 13
Creepy Flint, 321
education, 12
government, 12
group loyalty, xxxvi, 185
honor, xxxvi
manliness, xxxvi, 185
patriotism, 185
tobacco promotion, 187
trick on young workers, 261
asceticism, 261
discipline, 261
sacrifice, xxxvi, 261
troop moral, xxxvi, 187
Iida Momo (father), 321
international commerce, xiv
John L. Lewis, xvi
MacArthur, Douglas, 272
Philippines, 120
media industry, 318
Melanesians, 99
military medicine, 186
National Guard (Makin), 132
Naval aviators (combat resistance), 202
Navy, 11
rank & file, xii, xix
religion (compatibility), xxxiv, xxxvi
shipbuilding industry, 318
Terrar, E., 1, 3-6, 102, 145, 320, 324
war options, 202
Terrar, H., 21, 37, 39, 320, 324
textile industry, 318
Theodore Roosevelt, xv
tobacco industry, 187, 260, 318
U.S. troops (picture), 308
United Mine Workers, xvi, 261
war
cheat, 321
corporate tax policies, xvii
G.I. Bill, 320
history, xii
railroad workers, xviii
steel workers, xviii
workers, xviii, 46
Creepy Flint, 52
G.I. Bill
education, xiv
housing, xiv
transitional income, xiv
workers, xvi
Ships/boats
amphibious tractors
(amphtracs/LVT), 131, 173, 175
battleships
U.S.S.
Indiana, 176
U.S.S. Missouri, 307
U.S.S.
South Dakota, 97
U.S.S.
Washington, 176
carriers
class
Bogue, 121
Casablanca (CVE), 96
Cimarron, 121
Essex (CV), xviii
Kaiser (CVE), 96, 203
Sangamon
(CVE), xviii, 93
CVEs, xviii
described, 96
duties, 94
CVs, xviii
definition, 94
disliked, 94, 96
escort (description), 94
kicked off, 51
procedures
landing, 61
ready room, 104
strategy, 124-125
U.S.S. Altamaha (CVE 18), 61
U.S.S. Barnes (CVE), 133, 173
U.S.S. Bogue (CVE), 96
U.S.S. Card (CVE), 96
U.S.S.
Copahee (CVE 12), 69
U.S.S. Core (CVE), 96
U.S.S. Enterprise, 65, 94, 125, 136, 170
U.S.S.
Fanshaw Bay
Moluccas (Morotai), 253
U.S.S. Fanshaw Bay, 212, 269
Leyte, 283, 285
U.S.S. Gambier Bay, 286
Leyte, 282
U.S.S. Gilbert Islands
Balikpapan (Indonesia), 306
U.S.S.
Hornet, 125
U.S.S. Kalinin Bay, 283
U.S.S. Kinshaw, 283
U.S.S. Kitkun Bay, 283, 287
U.S.S.
Langley, 204
U.S.S.
Liscome Bay, 173
sunk, 134
U.S.S. Long Island, 49
U.S.S.
Manila Bay, 173
U.S.S.
Midway, 138
Moluccas (Morotai), 253
U.S.S. Nassau (CVE), 133
U.S.S.
Natoma Bay, 173
U.S.S.
Petrof Bay, 265
U.S.S.
Princeton, 204, 277, 279
U.S.S.
Saginaw Bay, 265, 276
U.S.S.
Sangamon, 96, 126, 138, 224, 260
fire, 171
Guadalcanal, 98
Manus, 246
Moluccas, 253
North Africa, 97
Philippines
Leyte, 273, 282
return home, 291
Saipan, 221
U.S.S.
Santee, 96, 253, 274
damaged, 288, 291
kamikazes, 282
Philippines
Leyte, 273
U.S.S. Saratoga, 94, 305
U.S.S.
Solomons, 138
U.S.S. St.-Lo, 287
U.S.S.
Suwannee, 96, 126-127, 138, 171, 228, 242, 274
Balikpapan (Indonesia), 306
U.S.S.
Suwannee (CVE 27)
damaged, 288, 291
Guadalcanal, 98
kamikazes, 282
Manus, 260
Marshalls, 174, 176, 178
Saipan, 221
North Africa, 97
Philippines
Leyte, 273
U.S.S. Wasp, 52, 104
U.S.S. White Plains, 283-284
U.S.S.
Yorktown, 125
Eniwetok, 221
cruisers
U.S.S.
Cleveland, 98
U.S.S.
Columbia, 98
U.S.S.
Montpelier, 98
H.M.S.
Venomous, 98
Higgins
Gilberts, 131
hospital
U.S.S
Relief, 73
U.S.S.
Solace, 73
Japan
barges, 218
Fuso
(battleship), 280
Hiyo,
215
I-56 (submarine),
282
luggers, 218
Musashi (battleship), 170, 215, 279
sampans, 218
Shokaku,
215
submarines (I-175),
134
Taiho,
215
Yamashiro
(battleship), 280
Yamato
(battleship), 215, 279
oilers
description, 121
Esso New Orleans, 93-94
PT boats, 254
submarines
Admiralties, 242
Marianas, 242
merchant ship attack, 242
New Guinea, 242
U.S.S.
Flying Fish
Philippines, 215
U.S.S. Harder, 204
transport
U.S.S.
Freemont, 269
U.S.S.
Colorado, 212
U.S.S.
Entrepid, 181
U.S.S.
Indianapolis, 127
U.S.S.
Maryland, 212
U.S.S.
Pennsylvania, 212
U-boats, 95
South Carolina
Dalzell, xxxii, 21
African Americans, 26
bootlegger, 44
Confederate tradition, 24
culture, 25, 32
drama, 32
farm life, 26
Hillcrest High, 30
newspapers, 23, 30
Providence Methodist Church, xxxii
revolutionary, 27
support for poor, 30
Myrtle Beach, 43
Pocalla Lake, 35
Poinsetta Park, 43
Sumter, xxxii, 21
Strategy
bombing
civilians, 312
incendiary, 312
Clausewitz, Karl von, 124
occupation, 259
Germans, 64
Japan, 93, 172
Indonesia
petroleum, 302
Iwo Jima, 302
kamikazes, 302-304
Leyte, 288
Samar, 284
Okinawa, 128, 302-304
Ten-Ichigo, 302
King, Adm. E., 302
Leyte, 286
Naval, 124
sea battles, 97
Spruance, Adm. R., 302
unconditional surrender, 312
Strategy - U.S., 121
amphibious, 124, 128, 173
Army, 119
bombing
Japan, xxviii, 212
napalm, 241
nuclear, 306, 314, 316
vs. infantry, 314
vs. invasion, 203
cap "T" (Surigao), 280
carriers, 124-125
Chenango
air __, 101
Central Pacific, 122
South Pacific, 122
escort (North Atlantic), 95
Spruance, Adm. R.
conservative, 125, 173
task groups, 93, 253
cruise missiles & pilots, 322
disputes, 121
evolution, 125
Halsey, Adm. W., 259
intelligence, 125
July 26, 1944 plan, 259
King, Adm. E, 172
land invasion (Japan), 316
limitations
air power, 133
West Pacific, 94
sea power, 133
MacArthur, 212, 214, 251
South Pacific, 251
Mahan, Alfred Thayer, 124
maximum property & human damage, 312
naval (battleships), 124
Navy, 119
Nimitz, Fleet Adm. C., 251
no prisoners, 212, 224, 313
Pacific
Central, 122, 202, 251
Adm. Spruance (1945), 253
Formosa, 302
Gilberts, 125, 128, 130
isolation, 128
Makin, 132
Halmahera, 251
island-hopping, 122, 169, 206
Japan (blockade v. invasion), 302
Marianas, 212, 251
Marshalls, 172, 182
Army & Navy, 172
Eniwetok & Truk, 180
Morotai, 251
New Guinea, 212
Philippines, xxviii, 189, 266, 271, 279
Leyte (Z. Sprague), 283
Rabaul, 202
Saipan, 214
South, 122, 202, 214, 251
stepping-stone, 251
War Plan Orange, xxviii
Western (1942), 94
Rainbow Five Plan, xxxi
Red Plan, xxxi
smoke, 285
Spruance, Adm. R., 125
War Plan Orange, xxxi, 119
Terrar, E. - ambitions
"descent living", 221
"do things together", 224
aeronautical engineering, 244
being stationary, 243
child rearing, 143, 201
college, 8
coming home nightly, 216
country rides with baby, 255
farming (San Joaquin Valley), 244
flight instructor, 308
go home, 242
go places, 224
Hazel, 221
landing signal officer, 308
lasting peace, xx
medical school, 8
meeting baby, 242
officer of the day, 114
playing with baby, 259
post-war, 320
business school (Marianas), 225
career Navy, 244
charter service, 198, 225
college professor (economics), 226
vacation time, 244
filling station chain, 244
Harvard Business School
rejection, 199
Harvard Graduate School (economics), 226
hopes, 157
law school (Marianas), 225
playing stock market, 244
storage garage chain, 244
work, 117
Saturday night home, 259
shore duty, 243
Terrar, E. - aviation
awards, 137
distinguished flying cross, 275
carriers
procedures
landing, 61
launch, 112
laws of physics, 112
night landing, 67
qualifications, 49, 61
crew
Gentry, "Bill", 208, 233
Marianas, 226
Schoonmaker, "Dutch", 57, 231, 233
danger
accidents, 242
Alameda, 53
anti-aircraft fire, 175
Halmahera, 253
Marianas, 226
Pagan, 220
Marshalls, 183
shrapnel, 182
crash, 208, 235
pictures, 209
DC-3, 57
ditching, 111
electrical failure (Marianas), 213
engine failure, 206
fatigue, 242
foul weather (Marianas), 213
landing, 61
night, 320
touch & go (Guam), 232
launch, 112
lost
carrier, 111
concentric squares, 111, 213
Marianas, 213
Northern California, 53
Marshalls, 182
plane malfunction, 208
radar (defective), 136
religious preparation, 171
snipers, 233
U.S. Marines ground fire, 235
war, 116
flight
duties, 277
fuel conservation, 213
transport, 277
gunnery, 110
hours, 67, 289, 309, 319
Marianas, 231
instructor, 118
Barber's Point, Hawaii, 199
Glenview, Illinois, 310
techniques, 310
landing, 320
log, 68
picture, 289
practice (Espiritu Santo), 206
radio operations, 232
skills, 56, 137
pride, 293
TBF (first flight), 53
training
bombing (Manus), 247
Civilian Pilot Training, 239
continual, 110
initial, 4
wingman
Creepy Flint’s, 129
Smiley Morgan's, 58
Terrar, E. - cavalry
bad experience, 3
food, 3
horses, 2
Terrar, E. - combat
Apamama Island, 134
attack, 114
battles within battles, 287
belly tanks (fire bombs), 218
fatigue, 135, 255
Gilberts
Tarawa, 131
picture, 130
Leyte, 270, 277
description, 289
maps, 254
Marianas
Guam, 159, 226
first landing, 228, 322
picture, 234
first landing (picture), 234
map, 213
Pagan, 218
description, 218
Marshalls, 174, 182
Eniwetok, 181
missions, 110
bombing
Marianas, 226
Guam, 227
Marshalls, 178
Philippines (Negros), 275
ground-air support (Guam), 231
gunnery (Marianas), 226
Pagan (aircraft action report), 219
patrols, 129, 291
anti-submarine, 111, 113, 127
Gilberts, 134
Guam, 212, 227
Marshalls, 178
Morotai, 254
scouting, 110
Guam, 224
Leyte, 273
Morotai, 253
Morotai, 255
routine, 110
sinks luggers
Bacolod (Negros, Philippines), 275
strategy, 124
air power (doubts), 133
ground-air support, 227
tactics, 110
Terrar, E. - conflicts
air commander (Elliott, Com. J.), 111
anti-aircraft fire (Halmahera), 253
Army Air Force, 309
avoiding/minimizing sea duty, 118, 191, 198,
211
escapism
country rides with baby, 255
future plans, 244, 259
home pictures, 245
flight instructor, 170
future plans, 289
landing signal officer, 225
shore duty, 225, 243
transport squadron, 198
bombing, 314
censorship, 102, 126, 135, 207
"code sheet", 225
code, 175, 225, 230, 255
Hanson, Rex, 247
resistance, 115
Marianas, 230
cheating disliked, 107
Chevrolets disliked, 296
combat (self-rotation), 202
court-martial, 55, 113
discipline
conscription, xix
enlist, xix
house arrest, 55
jail/death, xix, 246
Donlon, John J., 80, 161
Dr. Flushing (quack), 198
Durant, Will, 216
fatigue (combat), 135
morale (Pagan, Marianas), 220
fear, 293
carriers, 198
fitness report (negative), 55
France, 230
frequent __, 192
government media, 108
Harrill, Adm. W., 54-55, 215
hatred
athletics, 201
carriers, 191
combat, 118, 202, 220, 293, 320
being shot at, 322
Depression, 183
Navy, 118, 165, 170, 181, 187, 322
Marshalls, 183
sea duty, 103, 118, 223, 258
extended, 230, 260
Marianas, 230
separation from Hazel, 80, 149, 170, 187, 189,
201-202, 223
Manus, 250
ship life, 187
Thornburg, Dr. Harold B., 190
war, 79, 116, 118, 196
"dirty job", 167
"this mess", 224
boring, 242
damnable, 183
interferes with life, 225
lost time, 216
monstrosity, xx
nightmare, 320
pointless, 242
WW II, 183, 201
resistance, 230
hotel management, 309
imperialism, 252
moods, 86, 296
mother, 8
"maternal aviator", 245
college education, 85
marriage, 85
finances, 85
Naval aviation, 85
movies, 91, 107
Naval Academy "trade school" spirit,
194
Navy career, 118, 244
no college degree, 199
no mass, 115
not pushed around, 113
obedience, 112, 135
rejection, 102, 112, 126
O'Hare, Butch, 136
older generation, xx
racism ("Nips"), 236
rank
class
resistance, 295
rank (class), 138
resistance, 60
Rogers, Ben, 139
squadron mate, 133
stands on rights, 55
steal friend's girl, 80
Terrar, H., 140, 146
politics, 166, 261
Terrar, Mildred
picture, 246
Thornburg, Harold B., 53
uncompromising, 80
underdog psychology, 230
van Deurs, Capt. (regs), 244
war (legislation), 79
worries (danger), 116
Terrar, E. - economics
advice (to Hazel), 145, 146, 293
banking, 84
First National Bank of Coffeyville, 144
Marianas, 225
car purchase, 245
clothing purchase, 292
costs
automobile, 296
childbirth, 157
housing, 85, 149
Chula Vista, Cal., 90
Depression, xiii, 183
gift-giving, 145
Christmas 1944, 293
household
budget, 143
income tax, 146
management, 144
housing, xiv, 297
quonset hut, 199
land purchase, 85, 147
loan from mother, 84
Philadelphia main line, 11
philosophy, 118
"descent living", 221
anti-imperialism, 252
being rich, 226
conservative, 146
inflation (hatred), 147
investing, 145
money
purpose, 118
saving, 118, 145-146, 225
secondary, 170
versus family, 226
self-interest, 145
G.I. Bill, xiv, 320
spoils of war, 179, 184, 294, 295
self-sufficient, 147-148
wealth, 60, 85
post-war plans, 147
anxious to begin, 216
business school, 225, 243
charter service
lodge/sporting goods store, 225
college professor, 226
economics, 244
farming, xiii, 147-148, 225
Imperial Valley, 118
San Joaquin Valley, 243
Harvard Grad. Sch. (eco.), 226
hedge bets, 118, 148
law school, 117, 225, 243
making a living, 199
playing stock market, 244
regular Navy (engineer), 244
service station, 118
chain, 244
sports charter service, 117, 198, 243
storage garage (chain), 244
U.S. foreign service, 118
public transportation, 91
wages, 295
war finance (workers), 147
work, 310
adm. assistant (Congress), 322
Columbia Drug Store, 2, 47
congressional staffer, 235
filling station, 152
job resume, 202
lawyer, 8
Navy, 19, 110
administrative, 85
attorney, 115
duty officer, 58
instructor, 308
Hawaii, 199
mess officer, 138
office, 199
standing watch, 114
Nixon campaign (1960), 200
Oil Country Specialties (OCS), 8, 19
wages, x, 8
bounty, xiii
Navy, xiii, 59, 84, 144, 148
bonus, 148
commissary, 155
Terrar, E. - experiences
baby's first picture, 245
battles
Apamama Island, 134
Marshalls, 174
large formation, 173
Tarawa, 129
beauty, 69
coral atolls (Marshalls), 178
Hawaii, 189, 196, 201
flowers, 292
Hawaiian house, xiv, 195
childbirth, 156
Eniwetok, 223
cigarette lighter, 260
crash (pictures), 209
crew's cold juice, 111
Dalzell's Yiddish speech, 189
dawn carrier landing, 320
desert mirage, 67
dreams, 320
engine failure, 206
falls into harbor, 66
FDR's congratulatory telegram, 239
first Guam landing, 231, 322
Golden Gate Bridge
coming home, 295
flying under, 54
Hawaii
Outrigger Club, xiv, 197
map, 197
post-combat, 292
vacation, 187
picture, 188
volcano (picture), 200
Hazel's pregnancy, 116
hazing (shellback initiation), 109
honored
Congressional Marines, 323
Pearl Harbor (post-combat), 291
humor, 151
anti-imperialism, 252
baby's potty, 308
Ben Wyatt's fear, 287
Bob Hope, 250
changing diaper, 296
false fears, 104
Manus (outhouse), 247
Marine's fear, 208
priest/gambler, 246
seasick Marines, 104
joy riding, 70
last view of land, 103
Manus ("rest & recreation"), 247
maritime living, 105
marrige, 117
mother-in-law's visit, 311
Mt. Rainier, 57
native culture, 262-264
Hawaii, 200
Marianas, 236
Marshalls, 182
Samoa, 206
night flying, 83
parenthood, 117
picture, 301
Point Arena landing, 54
roommate's death, 257
Samoan workers, 206
Santa Clause to baby, 289
sleeping on floor, 60
sunsets
at sea, 108
picture, 109
Eniwetok, 221
talk with Bull Halsey, 64, 259
Tarawa, 131, 132
Top of Rock (Mark Hopkins Hotel), 295
travel, xiv
San Diego, 48
Truk (picture), 222
typhoon, 268
USO Shows, 250
walks with Hazel, 91
wealthy neighborhoods, 201
wiener roast (Espiritu Santo), 207
woodcarving, 264
Terrar, E. - health
athletics, 106-107
hikes, 193
swimming, 195
cigars, 244
diet, 192
doctor shopping, 190
fear/nervousness
roommate's death, 257
smoking, 111
food, 13, 91, 186
banana cream pie, 196
breakfast, 189
Chinese, 189
Cokes, 178, 201
complaints, 104-105
curry, 192
dinner, 195
dislikes
beer, 200
chicken, 88
liver, 192
excessive coffee & cream, 190
figs, 189
fillet mignon, 201
French bread, 196
fudge, 145
hamburger steak & onions, 248
ice cream (gedunk), 105
mashed potatoes, 248
pecan roll, 104
pecans, 145
restaurants, 91
steak, 196, 244, 252
& potatoes, 216
fries, 207
improvement, 211
physical requirements, 7
eye glasses, 9
sickness/injury
anemia, 190-191
blood count, 190
combat fatigue, xxxiii, 135, 186, 293
concentration, 288
Marianas, 216, 242
tobacco, 260
fever, 255
flying preoccupation, 186
leg pain, 190
malnutrition, xxxiii, 190
psychiatric, xxxiii, 193
skin cancer (sunburn), 178
somatic (leg pain), 186, 191
sports, 171
underweight, xxxiii, 7, 186, 190
wounds, 14
sleep, 13, 49, 106, 108, 186, 256
desert heat, 67
difficulty, 106, 182, 295
getting to, 49, 320
prayer, 116
ship deck, 182
teeth, 81
tobacco (negative views), 186
vertigo, 17
vitamins, 192
weight, 252
Terrar, E. - media
art gallery (Hawaii), 198
charcoal drawings (Hawaii), 195
lectures (martial law), 201
letters, 68, 188
baby discussed, 230
Christmas, 321
code, 115
Donlon, John J., 161
father, 207
Hazel, 115-116, 135, 149, 188, 221, 235, 245,
260, 292
mother, 86, 140, 194
mother-in-law, 116, 140, 194
parents, 116
sisters, 194, 222
stops writing, 288
watercolors, 262-263
magazine subscriptions, xxxvi
Marianas, 230
movies, 50, 107, 179, 262
dislikes, 91, 108
Hawaii, 194
Manus, 246-248
music, 82
records, 178
painting
Eniwetok, 222
Pacific map, 266
watercolors, 195, 247, 262-263
phone calls (to Hazel), 149, 295
phonograph records (Hawaii), 196
piano playing, 196
poetry, 79
radio, 256
Manus, 248
reading, 106, 170, 178, 206, 216, 226
childhood, xi
Hawaii, 193
Manus, 252
August 1944, 246
Marianas, 230
Moluccas
Morotai, 256
on ship, xxxvi, 107
war's origins, xxxvi
working class Catholics, 107
woodcarving, 264
Terrar, E. - Navy
"captain's dinner", 244
Air squaqdron VT-100
picnics, 200
awards
citation, 182
Congressional Marines, 321
Distinguished Flying Cross, 242
gold star, 175
Bachelors Officers Quarters (BOQ)
Alameda, California, 55
Barber’s Point, Hawaii, 199
Holtville, California, 58
Opa Locka, Florida, 19
benefits
G.I. Bill, 320
housing, xiv
social, xiv, 321
travel, xiv
wages, xiv
certified shellback, 110
clothes, 65, 86, 136
bridge coat, 292
gold stripe, 292
laundry, 292
contract, 118
court-martial, 113
crossing equator, 109
picture, 110
departure, 319
enlistment, 7
leave, 88, 139
liberty, 181
post-graduate engineering, 244
rank
apprentice seaman, 9
cadet, 10
class, 138
ensign, 18
lieutenant, 311
rank (class)
resistance, 60
ship
"men's club", 178
life, 107
routine, 105
squadron picnic, 201
strategy, 64
bombing, 314
overrated, 322
cap "T', 280
discussion Adm. W. Halsey, 64
occupation, 259
superiors
Elliott, James, 111
Halsey, Adm. W., 64
Harrill, Adm. W., 55
Ketcham, Capt. D., 244
Mandarich, Steve, 198
Moore, Lt. Com. F., 260
Morgan, "Smiley", 175
Nimitz, Fleet Adm. C., 239
plays badminton, 249
Ragsdale, Adm. Van, 240
Sprague, Vice Adm. T., 224
van Deurs, Capt. G., 244
USO shows, 250
Terrar, E. - politics
1944, 166, 260
congressional staffer, 235, 322, 323
European D-Day, 216
European second front, 216
Nixon-Lodge campaign (1960), 200
Republican Party, 143, 166, 260
Landon, Alf, xxxiv
McGugin, Harold, 300
Willkie, Wendell, xxi
Romania's capitulation, 244
Soviets, 64
war resistance, 79
Terrar, E. - psychology/philosophy
alcohol, 66, 82, 115, 194, 247
Barber's Point, Hawaii, 200
Gilberts, 136
grog, 230
Hawaii, 189, 292
high ball, 201
rye & ginger ale, 247
short-snorter, x
Top of the Rock (SF), 295
awards
Congressional Marines, 321
awards (Cong. Medal Honor), 286
baby
activities, 224
diaper change, 296
gender, 117
gives name, 208
red hair hopes, 224
to Coffeyville, 293
clubs (exclusive), 197
doctrine
"descent living", 221
"refined people", xiv, 7
"right school", xiv
"trade school spirit", 194
"well-heeled", xiv
childrearing, 163-164, 216
corporal punishment, 217
good example, 217
gift-giving, 144-145, 256
good luck, 82
happiness, 232
family & money, 117
have cake & eat it, 193
Hazel
beautiful mother, 223
inspires strength, 181
honor, 138, 236
life
complete, 207
rounded, 117
love, 79, 188
California, 117
Hazel, 165, 245
redheads, 250
make best, 230, 243
hospital, 193
war, xiii, 1, 91
making living, 199
media & women's war role, 249
motherhood as "fullest virtues", 223
optimism, xiii
post-war, 118
parenthood (child's gender), 117
patriotism, xviii
flag, x
oath to Constitution, 11
peace, xx, 196
time, 200
plans future, 225
self & world knowledge, xi, 80
self-interest, xii, xviii, 1, 102, 145, 190
Civilian Pilot Training, 4
education, xiv
G.I. Bill, xiv
hospital care, xiv
housing, xiv
National Guard resignation, 3, 5
Navy, 6
social, xiv
spoils of war, 179, 184, 295
transitional income, xiv
travel, xiv
wages, xiv
war options, 202
withdrawl from war, 190
stick-to-itness, 8
war ("dirty job"), 167
work, 199, 231
family (accumulate goods), 296
fear
classmate’s death, 293
communist revolution, xiii
roommate's death, 257, 293
shipmate's death, 293
summer-fall 1944, 293
future welfare, 261
gift-giving, 295
history
lessons, xi
recollections, xxxvii, 41, 70, 115, 231
cap "T", 280
sense of, 236
hospital (boring), 193
ignore obvious, 80
marriage (indecision), 80
morale
good, 252
Pagan, 220
mysticism
aviation, 191
rejected, 320
war, 191
parenthood
pictures, 158, 301
preparations, 160
responsibilities, 79, 117
preparations, 223
pride (flying skills), 293
railroad industry (trick on), 293
self-interest, 319, 324
swearing, 289
tobacco, 260
typhoon, 268
Terrar, E. - religion
advice (Hazel), 153
battle preparation, 171
Catholicism
baby's baptism, 230
church visits, 153
Communion, 191, 192, 193, 246
for Hazel, 150, 201
Confession, 82, 115, 171, 180
holydays, 153
Knights of Columbus, x, 116
mass attendance, 50, 53, 68, 82, 115, 148, 150,
153, 171, 180, 191, 193, 261, 295
Coffeyville, 300
Hawaii, 189
Honolulu cathedral, 201
native village, 200
Manus, 246, 248
doctrine, xxxii
fatalism rejected, 257
God's blessing (fatherhood), 223
grace, 153
life (rounded), 117
meatless Fridays, 153
morality, xxxii
mystical body of Christ, xxxii
no killing, xxxii
obedience (rejected), xxxiii
providence
God and flying, 55
Leyte, 277
luck, 82
Marshall invasion, 174
predestination, 82
marriage, 83
self & world knowledge, 80
self-interst & golden rule, xxxii
sex, 53
political consequences, xxxii
prayers, 116
for Hazel, 150, 201
novena, 192
rosary, x, 116
seeks Hazel's, 116, 154
Terrar, E. - social/intellectual, 2, 59
Alameda, California, 55
athletics, 106
badminton, 249
beachcombing (Manus), 249
bowling, 195
dislikes, 107, 201
enjoys exercise, 201
golf, 91
surfboarding, xiv
Waikiki, 197
swimming, 195, 207
Hawaii, 201
tennis, 201
Manus, 248
volleyball, 107, 171
World Series (1944), 262
automobile
Plymouth, 296
Rolls Royce, xiv, 59, 83
picture, 60
baby (name/gender), 222
birthdays, 190
bull sessions, 247
cateyes
Manus, 249
Christmas 1943, 139
Christmas 1944, 300
Clausewitz, Karl von, 64
clubs
officers', 50
Eniwetok, 222
Outrigger (Waikiki), 197
short-snorters, x
Coronado, California, 64
correspondence courses
strategy & tactics, 202
description, 226
dinner, 83
Christmas 1943, 140
Easter 1945 (Donlon's mother), 311
Hart, Stephen Moylan, 200
Hawaii, xiv, 189, 201
Honolulu, 195
Marineroom Restaurant (La Jolla), 91
fishing, 247
friends, 321
gambling/games
cards/dice, 102, 104, 106-107, 178
acey-ducey, 107, 256
backgammon, 246, 255
bridge, 171, 179, 195
cribbage, 201
gin rummy, 107
hearts, 222
McNamara, Fr. Joe, 246
poker, 107, 179
ping-pong, 195, 247
World Series, 262
gift-giving, 144
hotels
Ambassador (Los Angeles), 83
Del Coronado, 64, 259
Mark Hopkins (SF), 295
Moana (Hawaii), 197
Royal Hawaiian, 197, 324
leave, 88, 207
liberty, 181
lunch (Thompson, B.), 194
marriage
age difference, 81
anniversary, 188
Manus, 248
ceremony, 86
courtship, 68
El Centro, California, 78
dating, 81
Ed's family supports, 80
happiness, 82
honeymoon, 83, 88
Hotel Del Coronado reception, 87
loan from mother, 84
music, 87
obstacles, 80
second honeymoon, 248
mathematics, 104
Navy, 50
no date, 252
Otay Mesa, Cal., 81
Palm Springs, Cal., 59
picnics, 196
Hawaii, 200
Kansas reunions, 60
roommates
Barber’s Point, 200
Beal, Buddy, 59
Gladney, James B., 207, 257
Magnusson, Herb, 252
Morgan, Smiley, 189
Ross, Jack, 207
Tuttle, Howard, 189
San Diego, 66
County Club, 91
school, 1
ship life, 103
souvenirs/spoils of war, 179, 236, 294
bathrobe, 295
stamp collection, xxx
Terrar, Rosemary
birthday gift, 116
visit, 60
visiting
Christmas, 1944, 145, 293, 298, 299
Terrar, E. - WW II
hatred, 116, 118, 196
"dirty job", 167
"this mess", 224
boring, 242
damnable, 183
interferes with life, 225
legislation, 79
lost time, 216
monstrosity, xx
nightmare, 320
pointless, 242
preparations, 1, 7
character references, 7
final, 47
flight training, 7
Civilian Pilot Training, 3, 239
junior college degree, 6
National Guard, 3
Selective Service Act, 5
resistance (German), 230
second front (June 6, 1944), 216
Terrar, H. - conflicts
censorship, 126, 135
resistance, 115
code, 175
Dalzell, Peggy, 165
fears, 150
Hogan, Annie Jones, 140
hotel accommodations, 309
Navy, 165
obedience, 135
rejection, 102, 126
older generation, xx
stands on rights, 140
Terrar, E., 140, 146, 149, 165-166, 261
Terrar, Margaret Maye (Gergen)
mother-in-law, 85
Terrar, H. - economics
banking, 84, 140, 166, 225
bonds, 166
doctrine
class conflicts, 28
condemnation of wealth, 28
egalitarian, 32
golden rule, 24
Kingdom of Christ, 29
labor's reward, 28
morality, 32
rich versus poor, 28
sin, 32
the poor, 28
G.I. Bill, 320
household
income tax, 146
management, 84, 140
shopping, 143
housing, xiv, 90, 154
Chula Vista, Cal., 90, 154
hotel, 309
Kelloggs, 139, 149, 154
Navy Nurse Corps, 19
public transportation, 91
savings bond, 159
spending
free, 146
unwise (Ed's view), 143
Univ. Mich. Hospital, 39
living conditions, 39
patient relations, 40
tuberculosis ward, 40
work conditions, 41
work
clerk, 26, 35
gift, 92
Hicks, Ward (patient), 40, 92
injury, 37
Navy Nurse Corps, 21, 75-76
El Centro, 76
enlistment, 73
resignation, 89
San Diego Naval Hospital, 74
social, xiv
superiors (surgeon gen.), 89
nursing, xiv, 39, 42
school, 37
skills, 37
obstetrics, 75-76, 151
refusal, 143, 320
wages, 26, 35
benefits (Naval commissary), 143
Navy, xiii, xiv, 21, 76
nurses training, 36
Univ. Mich. Hospital, 40
Terrar, H. - health
childbirth, 156, 222
cooking, 105
headaches, 150
Naval Hospital, 151
pregnancy, 79, 102, 116, 150, 320
exercise, 150-151
picture, 150
second, 312
smoking, 163
stomach, 151
weight gain, 165
Terrar, H. - media
letters, 85, 115, 261
Christmas, 321
code, 115
fears boring, 157
stationary, 149
to Ed, 116, 148, 252, 292
Manus, 245
movies, 249
Keiths (National City), 91
music, 83
picture taking, 149, 245
scrapbook, 150
subscriptions, 145
telephone, 150
Terrar, H. - politics
1944, 261
Democratic Party, 166, 261
FDR's San Diego visit, 261
Terrar, H. - psychology/philosophy
ambitions, 39
child rearing, xiv, 143
motherhood, 77, 312
not greedy, 143
appearances, 34, 42
clothing, 143
Christmas 1943 (picture), 140
Easter 1944, 153
fashions, 46, 79
high school, 33-34
Michigan, 42
nursing school, 37
uniform
Navy, 74, 89
nursing, 42, 76
egalitarian, 165
family (accumulate goods), 296
father's death, 21
fears, 320
fears (Ed's loss), 149
gift-giving, 140
history
lessons, xi
recollections, xxxvii
love
California, 117
strength, 29
make best
education, 39
war, 21, 89-92, 167
golf, 74
misses Ed, 149
moral lessons, 32
parenthood (pictures), 301
patriotism, xviii, 45
peace, xx
self-interest, xviii, 21, 37, 39, 102, 319, 324
shopping, xiv, 144
views on Ed, 79
Terrar, H. - religion
Baptist, xxxii
Horeb (Dalzell), 27
Merton Rd. (Memphis, Tn.), 21
Poag, Rev. Sam Park, 21
Salem (Sumter, S.C.), 21
bible, 28
clothing, 140
guide to life, xi
Psalms, xxxii
Catholicism, 38
baptism (baby's), 161
first communion, 153
hatred of __, 43
instructor (Fr. M. Browne), 116, 152
joins, 152
mass, 88
attendance, 153, 166
Coffeyville, 300
sponsors, 153
doctrine
class conflicts, 28
condemnation of wealth, 28
egalitarian, 32
golden rule, xxxii, 24
Kingdom of Christ, 29
labor's reward, 28
morality, xxxii
rich versus poor, 28
self-interest & golden rule, xxxii
sin, 32
the poor, 28
Methodism, 153
lay-by time (Dalzell), 28
Providence (Dalzell), 27
music, 26, 29
poetry, 32
political consequences, xxxii
prayer, 28
Hillcrest High (Dalzell), 25
Jones' family, 29
Terrar, H. - social/intellectual
alcohol, 42, 45
athletics, 30
basketball, 24, 26
golf, 74, 91, 92
swimming, 35
automobile, 43, 245
character
shopping, 143, 166
baby supplies, 164
pottery, 144
visits (Kelloggs), 168
childrearing
adjustments, 164
depression, 164
fatigue, 163
Christmas 1943, 139
Christmas 1944, 300
cooking, 91, 105, 152, 191, 247
fudge, 145
Coronado beach, 79
dinner
Easter 1945 (Donlon's mother), 311
education
actress, 32
class president, 30
Four-H Club, 30
high school, 30
essays, xi
graduation, 34
nicknamed "Strawberry", 34
nursing school, 34, 39
conditions, 37
courses, 36
schedule, 37
poetry, 30, 31
school, 29
marriage, 82
age difference, 81
anniversary, 248
ceremony, 86
courtship, 68
music, 87
no relatives, 86
second honeymoon, 248
Michigan, 42, 321
Navy Nurse Corps, 75
parenthood
baby
book, 158
pictures, 158
washing (picture), 162
birthdate, 152
childbirth, 156
childrearing, 162
fatigue, 163
pictures, 159, 311
preparations, 144
baby's name, 151
pregnancy, 150, 312, 320
San Diego County Club, 91
Univ. Mich. Hospital
Alexander, Dr. John, 40
doctor friends
Alvarez, Russell de, 143
Conger, Kryil, 42
Threlkeld, Lal Duncan, 143
Work, Walt, 42
nurse friends
Bignatti, Bonnie, 42
Brawner, Dorthy, 42
Carstens, Marge, 42
Conger, Joy, 42
Dick, Jolia, 42
Hamlin, Margaret "Ham", 42
Kolenic, Vicki, 42
Moore, Harriet, 42
Smith, Agnes, 42
Threlkeld, Josephine, 42
Volk, Rose, 42
vacations, 45
1937, 43
visiting
Christmas, 1944, 299
walks with Ed, 91
Terrar, H. - WW II
adventure, 45
experiences
California's beauty, 77
marriage, xiv, 46
military recruitment, 45
motherhood, xiv, 46
preparations
work experience, 21
prosperity, 143
travel, xiv, 46
views on, 21
Tuberculosis
Hazel's ward
U. Mich., 73
Hicks, Ward
Hazel'a patient, 40
Iida, Momo, xx
Kellogg, Dr. Carl, 90
Tuttle, Frederick, 59
United States
Arizona (Chocolate Mtns), 67
Georgia
Atlanta, 287
Tattnall County, 270
Illinois
Chicago, 246
O'Hare Airport, 56
Evanston, 310
Kankakee, 246
Iowa (Davenport), 257
Kansas, 3
Ft. Riley, 3
Independence, 245
Kansas City, 7, 9, 10, 48
reunions in California, 60
Louisiana,
Hammond, 320
New Orleans, 295, 308
Mass., Winthrop (Ft. Banks)
R. Edmunds Hogan, 45
Missouri
Chillicothe, 8
Henry County, xxiii
Oklahoma (Okla. City), 143
Penn. (Morrisville), 237
Rhode Island, 321
Newport Training Sch. Nurses, 34-35
Providence Island, 45
Woonsocket, 45
Virginia
Hampton Roads, 97
Norfolk, 98
Washington
Mt. Rainier, 57
Seattle, 302
Washington, D.C., 38, 319
Universities
Brown, 59
Harvard
Business School, 199, 320
College, 199
Graduate School (eco.), 226
Law School, 320
Iowa, 47
Kansas (Lawrence), 8, 10, 51, 81
Mitchell, Don, 195
Kansas State (Manhattan), 10, 146
Loyola (Chicago), 77
Michigan, 11, 152
Medical School, 90
Minnesota, 45
Northwestern, 8
Pennsylvania, 40
Rutgers, 52
Southern Cal. Sch. Medicine, 53
Temple, 152
Wake Forest, 88
Washburn, 10
Washington (School Medicine), 152
Yale, 53
University of Michigan Hospital, 143
patient relations, 40
tuberculosis ward, 40, 73
wages, 40
Wales
baby's name, 151
Ed Terrar, Sr., xvi, 107
Hugh Powell
Coffeyville publisher, 7
John L. Lewis, xvi
Rhondda Valley, xvi
Tylerstown (coal mining), 143
War
American Civil, xxiii, 25, 324
strategy, 172
American Revolutionary, 15, 107, 178
budget, 27
land grants, 27
self-interest, xii
William Jones, 27
causes
fear, xii
glory, xii
God's will, xxxiii
honor, xii
religion, xii
self-interest, xii
cold (U.S.), 64
easily justified, xxxiv
Gallic (Caesar), xxxiv
hatred of, xx
Japan & China, xxii, xxvii
'just war', xxxvi
Nat. Ass. Manfctrs
perpetual __, xxiv
Peloponnesian, xii
profits, xii
banking, xii
steel, xii
Russo-Japanese, 121
Spanish-American, 119
Cuba, xv
Guam, 238
Philippines, xv
U.S. & Columbia, xv
U.S. & Mexico, xv
U.S. & Santo Domingo, xv
Vietnam, xii
Widows
Annie (Jones) Hogan, 21
Gerry Volm, 49
Women
"women's work"
contempt, 199
divorce, 140
egalitarian, 165
Japanese, 156
media's view, 140
motherhood as "fullest virtues", 223
Mother's Day, 201
rights, 73
Selective Service Act, 21
sex, 138
war
prosperity, 143, 240
role, 249
Women's Flying Corps, 188
work, 249
refusal, 143
Workers
culture, 107
Mother Mary Jones, xxvi
demobilization strike, 307
morality, 313
politics, 107
self-interest, xv-xvi
solidarity, xvi
trade union strikes (1919), xxvi
trade unionism, xv
Philippines, 307
typhoon's power, 267
war crimes, 313
World War I
causes, xxiv, xxxv
corporate profit, xxiv
profit, xx
conscription, xxiv
resistance, xxv
Industrial Wrkers World, xxv
correspondence (Ed’s parents), 102, 148, 153
dislike of, 102
Ed’s parents (post-war hopes), 157
Japan, 172
Jutland naval battle, 276
Roosevelt, Franklin D., xxxv
Terrar, Edward Sr.
card playing, 171
combat fatigue, 185
veterans (1944 politics), 261
Veterans Bonus, 1
wages, 102, 144
WW II
administrative (non-combatants), 185
causes, x
consumerism, xxxv
politics, xxxv
corporate profit, xx
covetous, 261
FDR, xxxi
oil embargo, xxxi
Balikpapan (Indonesia), 305
Japan, xxxi
World War I, xx
commencement, 1
conclusion (causes)
Soviets vs. bomb, 316, 318
conscription, xv, 240
Japan, 321
Selective Service Act
draft, 5, 21
teenagers, xviii
experiences (peace), 198
necessity, xxxvi
no lessons, xxxvii
preparations
Hazel Terrar, 21
Japan, 119
United States, 119
problems solved, xxxvi
Red Cross, 157, 196
war crimes, 318
WW II - conflicts
careerists (Nat. Guard), 132
casualties, 240, 311
China, 324
civilian, 185, 312
firebombing, xiv
civilian bombing, 313
nuclear, 306
deaths, 240
Iwo Jima, 302
Japan, 312, 324
Catholics, 307
Leyte, 288
minimize, 177, 214
Soviets, 324
U.S., 324
Catholic hierarchy, xxxv
censorship
Japan, 119, 313
U.S., 102, 119, 126, 202, 313
combat
fatigue, 185, 220
causes, 185
hatred of, xx
horror, 220
demobilization, 306-307
picture, 308
fears (home events), 186
monotonous, 220
obedience
resistance, 132
National Guard, 132
Rockefeller, Nelson, 94
workers (no control), xiii
youth opposition, xx
WW II - economics
boom, xvii-xviii
budget, 120
capitalism, xvii
failure, 146
deficit, 146
flight training, 4
resistance, 146
taxation, xvii
U.S. (bonds), 56, 146, 166
capitalism
minor trade advantages, xxx
profit, xvii, xxxi, 146, 240, 314
exploitation (workers), xxix, 98
imperialism, 46, 93
England, 95
Germany, 95
Japan, 119
Manchukuo, 315
petroleum, xxxi, 121-122
Philippines, 120
Rockefeller, Nelson, 94
U.S., 119, 261
incentive for, xxxi, 146
petroleum, xxix, xxxii, 119, 305
U.S.
petroleum, xvii, 121
war rationing board, 139
WW II - psychology/philosophy
boredom, 186, 220
exotic (foreign lands), 220
God's will, 220
group loyalty, 185
humility/wisdom, 322
make best, 1, 21
Cullen, Hugh Roy, 93
Flint, Creepy, 51
Hodge, Fay, 97
Martin, Burke, 11
Murchison, Clinton, 93
Ries, Ed, 99
manipulation
cowards, xxxvi
duty, xxxvi
group loyalty, xxxvi
honor, xxxvi
manliness, xxxvi, 185
self-sacrifice, xxxvi
technology, 314
mental breakdown, 290
moral, xxxiii
morale, 220
morality, 15, 132, 313
motherhood, 46
not making best, 49
patriotism, 185
publicity war, 237
self-interest
capitalism, 261
petroleum, 94
cheat war, 321
FDR, 261
MacArthur, Douglas, 120, 251
Melanesians, 99
workers, 46
Japanese, 314
suicide, xxxii, 186
views about, xxxvii, 21
monstrosity, xxxiii
workers, 94
violence, xxxvii, 91, 220
atmosphere, 220
justification, 313
justified, 291
pleasures, 220
shame, xxxii
war crimes, 313
without ideology/purpose, 237
WW II - social/intellectual
changes brought, 45
history, xi
Japan, 156
nature of, xi
Acheson, Dean (Under-Sec. St.), 318
Adams, Lt. (jg) Randall B.
shipmate (killed), 257
Albright, Neil K. (Chenango aviator), 142
Alexander, Dr. John
U. Michigan MD, 40
Allison, Don
squadron mate, 92
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Allphin, Ann (Steinberger) (Ed's cousin), 299
Alvarez, Russell de, 152, 155
medical doctor, 143
Anthes, Rev. Philip E. (Boston preacher), 45
Aung San (Burmese revolutionary), 120
Bailey, George W. (Ed's ancestor), xxiii
Ball, Lucile (actress), 194
Barnett, Mr. B. J. (landlord), 24
Bartlett, Joe (Cong. Marines), 323
Beal, Buddy, xiv
flight school mate, 11, 64, 86
Beckwith, Charles F.
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Bentley, Braum
Coffeyville flight instructor, 2, 6
Berg, Norman, viii
author/aviator, 12, 17, 18, 55
Bignatti, Bonnie, 158
Michigan nurse friend, 42, 45
Bingham, Herbert E.
Chenango aviator, 142
Bingham, Remster, A.
Chenango aviator, 142
Bird, Admiral Richard E.
arctic expedition, 53
Blades, Jimmie
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Bland, James (black musician), 31
Blanton, Anella (Mrs. Thomas Bowlus, Ed's friend), 299
Blanton, Nonie (family friend & rich), 299
Blanton, W. Sneed (family friend), 299
Bliss, Cornelius (imperialism), xxxv
Bogart, Humphrey (actor), 194, 249
Bonaparte, Napoleon, xi
Booth, Alex (Chenango intelligence), 267
Boyle, S.C. (Hazel's cousin), 43
Bradbury, Allen (Coffeyville), 299
Bradbury, Frank (Coffeyville), 299
Brawner, Dorothy "Dot"
Michigan nurse friend, 42
Breese, Ed (uncle), 159
Breese, Lena (aunt), 159
Brookman, Paul
Nagasaki survivor, 307
Brougher, General William E.
Philippines, 273
Browne, Fr. Michael J., 152
Chula Vista priest, 116
Buell, Thomas, 126
historian, 124
Buffington, Calvin
Chenango aviator, 142
Bundy, Lloyd W.
squadron mate (killed), 91
Burdoe, Jack (Chenango
crew), 208
Butler, General Smedley
anti-imperialism, xxvii
Byrd, Admiral Richard
South Pole, 213
Byrnes, James Francis
director war mobilization, xviii
Caesar (Roman general), xxxiv, 320
Cagney, James (actor), 194
Calhoun, John D.
Chenango aviator, 142
squadron mate, 72
Calvocoressi, Peter (historian), 280
Campbell, Herb L.
Indian bank owner, 299
Campbell, Virginia (family friend, rich Indian), 299
Capper, Arthur (journalist), xxii
Carlson, Major Evans (Marine), xviii
Carpener, Mary (school mate), 38
Carpenter, Charles (stamp collector), xxx
Carpenter, Charles E. "Charlie", viii, 101, 113,
235, 238, 302
Chenango aviator, 142
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
Philippines, 275
squadron mate, 10, 64-65, 72, 86
Carpenter, Dorothy, viii
Carr, Rosemary, 187
Hazel's housemate, 152, 154
pregnancy, 152
Carr, Tim, 187
SBD pilot, 154
Carstens, Marge
Michigan nurse friend, 42
Case, Ernest W.
squadron mate, 274
killed, 92
Cavenaugh, William J. (Ed's teacher), 300
Chadwick, Ida (Coffeyville), 301
Chaney, Ensign Robert F., 276
Chenango aviator, 142
squadron mate, 275
Chiang Kai-Shek
Chinese leader, xxix
Churchill, Winston, x, 122
Cillessen, George
Coffeyville friend, 166
Ed’s cousin, 299
fears for Ed, 239
Cillessen, Katherine (cousin), 299
Cillessen, Kitty (Ed’s cousin), 299
Cillessen, Mary, 239-240
Coffeyville friend, 159, 166
Clark, Admiral Joseph
J. “Jocko”
Marianas, 215
Clark, Betty (editor), viii
Clark, Lieutenant Colonel C.O.
Marine, 237
Guam, 239
Clausewitz, Karl von, 107, 124, 260, 314
military strategist, 64
Clemens, Ensign Radley E.
Chenango aviator, 270
Clemens, Radley E. (Chenango
aviator), 142
Collins, Mary, 158
sister of John Donlon, 77
Collins, Tim (Mary's husband), 158
Colona, Jerry (actor), 250
Conger, Dr. Kyril (Mich. friend), 42
Conolly, Adm. Richard L. (comdr)
Marianas, 221
Marshalls, 175
Southern Attack Force, 227
Task Force-53, 169
Guam, 241
Marianas (So. Att. Force), 211
Cook, Elizabeth "Lizzie", 300
Coffeyville friend, 159
Ed's family friend, 299
picture, 301
Cooke, Rev. (Dalzell preacher), 27
Cubine, Georgia (college teacher), 8
Cullen, Hugh Roy (oil profiteer), 93
Cutino, Benjamin
Sunday school teacher, 29
Dalzell, Bonnie Brooks, 159, 162
picture, 162
Dalzell, Peggy, 162, 165
baby sitter, 166
correspondence, 159, 194, 245
Hazel’s housemate, 154
letters to Ed, 152
parental chores (picture), 162
pregnancy, 152
visits baby, 157
Dalzell, Samuel Jr., 104, 117
alcohol, 189
charter service, 198, 225
Chenango aviator, 142
downs Val, 275
Hawaiian vacation, 188
Philippines, 275
picture, 188, 322
squadron mate, 51, 91
Davis, Elmer H. (Office of War Information), 318
De St. Jeor, Waldo
Chenango band leader, 250
Decker, Richard (Coffeyville friend), 299
Delano, Warren (imperialism), xxxv
Dewey, Tom (politician), 261
Dick, Carol Lynne
Michigan friend, 144, 158
Dick, John "Whiskey", 101, 302
air medal, 263
anti-aircraft damage, 226
Chenango aviator, 142
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
picture, 322
squadron mate, 66, 72
Dick, Jolia (Michigan friend)
Carol's wife, 158
Dickey, Charley, viii, 11, 101, 104, 262
Hawaii, 194
post-war employment, 170
squadron historian, 64, 88, 169
Dinkins, Mrs. (Dalzell teacher), 33
Divine, Robert A. "Andy", 113, 302
Chenango aviator, 142
Manus, 250
squadron mate, 50, 72, 101
Dobrovolny, George C. "Daub"
Chenango shipmate
hero, 257
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Doenitz, Admiral Karl
German U-boat commander, 96
Donlon, John J., 155, 160, 167
baby gift, 158
Catholic sponsor, 153
correspondence, 194, 257
dog offer, 297
godfather, 161, 230
mutual friend of Ed & Hazel, 68, 77, 80, 87, 88
does physical, 89
wedding help, 84
picture, 161
picture taker, 150, 245
Terrars dine with mother, 312
Doolittle, General James H.
Battle for North Africa, 97
Tokyo raid, 65
Durant, Will (philosopher), 216
Durbin, Deanna (actress), 246, 249, 262
Eckhardt, Charles (Coffeyville), 299
Eckhardt, Eloise, 299
Coffeyville friend, 71, 83
Egan, Joseph
Chenango shipmate, 278
Eilbacker, Mrs. Joe (Coffeyville friend), 301
Eisenhower, General Dwight D.
tobacco, 187
Elliott, James E. (air commander), 111
Etter, Ross (Ed's boss), 300
Exum, Robert L. "Bob", viii, 127, 307
Manus, 250
shipmate & historian, 102
Fahey, James (combat veteran), 322
Fansler, Ensign (Ed's roommate), 207
Felsen, Milt, xix, 315
combat veteran, 314
Felt, Captain Harry (Chenango skipper), 305
Fetsch, Edward J. (Chenango aviator), 142
Fitch, G.C. (radio operator), 69
Fletcher, Mary (Hazel's friend), 157
Flint, Leon Nelson (Creepy's father), 51
Flint, Robert C. "Creepy", 104, 129, 137, 322
squadron mate, 51, 65, 83
photograph, 52
Florence, Patty (USO actress), 250
Flushing, Dr. (quack), 198
Fontaine, Joan (actress), 262
Ford, Gerald R., 323
Ford, Pop (Outrigger Club), 197
Forrer, Sam W., 104
Chenango aviator, 142
crash, 278
downs
Oscar, 289
Sally, 271
Philippines, 269
picture, 271
squadron mate, 64, 86, 88
Forrestal, James V. (Naval Under Sec.), 170, 317
Marshalls visit, 176
Fussell, Paul
combat veteran, 315
Gay, John (Navy aviator), 50
Geiger, Major General Roy S.
Guam, 229, 239
Gentry, Roberta, 302
Gentry, William E. "Bill", viii, 302
confidence, 233
crewmate (crash landing), 207
flight hours, 232
Guam (first landing), 231
happiness, 233
Morotai, 258
picture, 234
radio problems, 232
San Francisco, 296
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Gergen, Peter
Ed's paternal grandfather, 159
Gergen, Rosetta
Ed's paternal grandmother, xxvi
Elk City, Ks., 299
Gladney, James B.
Chenango aviator, 142
Ed's roommate, 207
Morotai, 257
squadron mate, 53, 72
killed, 92
Glass, Thurston E. Jr.
Chenango aviator, 142
picture, 322
Glover, Paris (Dalzell neighbor), 26
Goff, Irv (combat veteran), 314
Gompers, Samuel
anti-imperialism, xxix
Gonzales, Manuel
squadron mate, 92
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Goodnow, Minnie
nursing school superintendent, 36
Grable, Betty (actress), 262
Gray, J. Glenn (historian), 220
Griesbaum, E. G.
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Griner, Gen. George (Saipan), 214
Grubb, Delman C.
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Hagenauer, Fr. A.L. (St. Martin’s), 161
Hall, Henry "Hank" Bethune, 142, 188, 276
air combat intelligence officer, 140
Halsey, Adm. William "Bull", xiii, 50
Cape Engano Battle, 279
Okinawa, 306
Spruance's replacement, 254
Third Fleet, 245, 260
tricked (Leyte), 280
Hamilton, Alexander (politician), xii
Hamlin, Margaret "Ham"
Michigan nurse friend, 42
Hancock, Roy (Coffeyville draft resistor), xxv
Hannen, Justin "Jay"
flight school mate, 10
greets baby, 159
Hanson, Rex J., 70, 142, 189, 208, 262
birthday party, 255
censor, 247
law school advice, 225
Manus, 250
picture, 188
squadron mate, 72
squadron intelligence officer, 89
Hardcastle, First Lt. Orville
Chenango shipmate, 217
chief sailor (picture), 269
Harrill, Adm. William K., 54
Marianas, 215
Harrington, Anita (Coffeyville), 301
Harrington, Louise (Coffeyville), 301
Harrington, J.J. (Coffeyville), 301
Harrington, W. J. (Coffeyville), 301
Hart, Eleanor L. (Steve's sister), 199
Hart, Henry Gilbert
Harvard B. School overseer, 199
Hart, Stephen Moylan
economic advice, 225
Ed's Navy friend, 199
Hatto, Mrs. Sunday
school teacher, 29
Hawthorne, Nathaniel (author), 32
Hedley, J. Henry (Ed's teacher), 300
Heracleitus (philosopher), 220
Herman, Woody (musician), 82
Hernandez, Anthony "Tony", viii
TBF crew, 58
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Herodotus (Greek historian), xxxiv
High, Stanley (journalist), xxiv
Hildebrand, Evelina
Hazel's school mate, 33
Hill, Admiral Harry, 126, 128, 180
praised napalm, 241
Hindle, Brooke, viii, 102, 115, 125, 127, 172, 237, 246
Chenango historian & crewmate, 109-110, 113
combat fatigue, 243
Hindle, Helen, viii
Hirohito (Japanese emperor), 319
Hitler, Adolph, 318
Hodge, Fay (Chenango crew), 97
Hogan, Annie Jones (mother), 21, 157
baby gift, 312
conflicts
adoption of children, 22
dislikes
Catholics, 43, 311
Northerners, 43, 311
Republicans, 311
family break up, 22
Terrar, H., 140
description, 311
Hazel's marriage, 86, 88
heavy smoker, 43, 311
housewife, 143
letters from Ed, 116
marriage to E.E. Veith, 41
rent, 44
residence, 44
swindled, 21
trip to beach, 43
visits Terrars, 311
work, 22
clothing, 44
grocery store manager, 43
wages, 22
Hogan, Claude (father), xxxii, 21
dairy farmer, 143
Hogan, Claude Jr. (brother), 22-23
plumber's assistant, 35
Hogan, Cora Mabel (Emery)
sister-in-law, 45
Hogan, Elizabeth Jane Brown
Hazel’s grandmother, 34
Hogan, Hugh (brother), 24, 27
sailor, 145
Hogan, Robert Edmunds (brother), 21-22, 24
Army, 23
enlistment, 29
medic, 29, 35
staff sergeant, 45
conflict with mother, 23
school dropout, 29
suicide, 45
work, 29
care for sick, 45
Hogan, Rosie (sister), 22
motorcycle ride, 35
Holloway, Lt. (jg) (squadron mate), 174
Hoop, Ens. Louis B.
Chenango aviator, 142, 269
Hoover, Rear Admiral Johnny, 126, 133
Marshalls (air admiral), 172
Hope, Bob (comedian), 250
Hopps, Mrs. E.O. (Coffeyville), 300
Horace, Roman historian, 220
Hord, Donal (artist), 75
Hostler, Van C. (Chenango gunner), 237
Hostler, William (Chenango), 304
Howard, Jackson "Jack", 302
hero (Morotai), 259
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Howard, Newton R., 293
Chenango artist, 222
map, 267
ship mate (Espiritu Santo), 205
Howe, George T. (squadron mate, killed), 91
Howe, Gregg (squadron mate), 70
Hughes, Harry J.
Chenango crew mate, 275
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Hunt, H. L. (capitalist), 93
Hunt, Mary Estelle
friend/godmother, 36, 145, 148, 161
ambitions, 38
Army enlistment, 45
beach trip, 43
Catholic, 38
sponsor, 153
correspondence, 158, 160
France, 144
G.I. Bill, 45
gift, 160
Public Health Service, 45
Hutchinson, Annie (Coffeyville), 300
Iida, Iida (Japanese worker), 314
Iida, Momo, 322
Japanese youth, xx
religious nationalism (rejected), xxxiv
Isoroku, Admiral Yamamoto, 125
Jackson, Helen Hunt (poet), 30
Jackson, Stonewall (Confederate), 25, 160
Jarman, Gen. Sanderford (Saipan), 214
Jay, John (politician), xii
Jennings, Charlie (El Centro friend), 78
Jennings, Sonja (El Centro friend), 78
Johnson, Earl (Coffeyville friend), 301
Johnson, Mr. (band teacher), 6
Johnson, Steve
squadron mate, 64
squadron supply officer, 86
Jones, Allene (adoptive sister), 21
church musician, 28
Jones, Ann Beth (Freeman)
Revolutionary ancestor, 27
Jones, Annie Mae
adoptive sister, 21
Jones, Charlie
adoptive father, 21, 28
care for parents, 27
character, 23
golden rule, 24
Hazel’s vacation (1937), 44
job, 23
politics (Democratic Party), 23
prayer, 29
Jones, Charlie H.
Confederate ancestor, 25
Jones, Clyde, 158
adoptive mother, 21
Hazel's vacation (1937), 44
music, 27
typhoid fever, 26
correspondence, 159
housewife, 143
Jones, Eute (adoptive sister), 21
Jones, Fannie "Momma"
grandmother, 25, 27
Jones, Fred (uncle)
sheriff, 35
Jones, Harry (great uncle)
"colored girlfriend", 44
alcohol, 44
Jones, Lena (adoptive sister), 21
church musician, 28
Jones, Lorenzo "Ren"
adoptive brother, 21, 24
fishing & hunting, 26
work on atomic bomb, 24
Jones, Mother Mary
United Mine Workers, xxvi
Jones, Robert "Bob" "Poppa"
Hazel’s grandfather, 27
objects to daughter’s (Lizzie Troublefield’s)
marriage, 44
visit with, 35
Jones, William (Revolutionary ancestor), wages, 27
Judd, William
Ed's Hawaiian benefactor, 196
Kaltenborn, H.V.
radio broadcaster, 302
Karns, Ed (Coffeyville friend), 299
Karns, Kitty (Coffeyville friend), 299
Kayser, Ann (family friend), 312
Kellogg, Dr. Carl, 139, 154, 248
Chula Vista friend, 90
Hawaiian friend, 201
picture, 168
Kellogg, Tommie, 144, 157
Chula Vista friend, 90
correspondence, 194
gift-giver, 159, 160
names baby, 156
Kelly, Gene (actor), 262
Kempis, Thomas à, 29, 160
Kennedy, Ens. Jesse O.
Chenango aviator, 142
squadron mate (killed), 91, 271
Kernan, Alvin (historian), 18, 320
Ketcham, Captain Dixwell "Dixie", 126, 267
Chenango arrival, 245
skipper, 93
Keyes, Frances Parkinson
author, 246
Kiester, Ens. Robert S.J.
Chenango band officer, 250
Kimball, Edgar H.
Chenango aviator, 142
King, Adm. Ernest "Ernie", 93, 303
Chief of Naval Operations, 121
Marshalls, 172
war politics, 237
Kinkaid, Adm. Thomas C.
Balikpapan (Indonesia), 306
kamikazes, 282
Leyte, 280
Philippines, 266, 281
Seventh Fleet commander, 253
Kisler, Fred (Coffeyville business friend), 301
Kistler, Mrs. Bill (Coffeyville), 300
Kline, Leonard K. (Coffeyville), 300
Klonke, Mary Lee (Michigan friend), 158
Knight, Patrick (editor), viii
Knorring, Ed (Chenango crew), 100
Knox, William Franklin "Frank"
Navy Secretary, 181
Koch, Fr. Herman J., 9
Kolb, Ensign (squadron mate), 69
Kolenic, Vicki, 158
Michigan nurse friend, 42
Konoye, Fuminaro
Japanese leader, 315
Krawiec, Phil, 38
Krawiec, Stephanie (Stack)
nursing school mate, 38
Krueger, General Walter, 266
Philippines, 272
Kurita, Takeo
Japanese Navy leader, 279, 285
Laird, Melvin R.
Defense Secretary, 323
Landon, Alf
Republican politician, xxxiv
Langford, Francis (actress), 250
Lasswell, Mary (fiction writer), 257
Leahy, William (Fleet Admiral), 317
Lee, John (Ed's cousin), xvi
Lee, Robert E.
Confederate general, 25
Lehane, Fr. Thomas
St. Martin's, 161
LeMay, General Curtis, 313
Lenoir, Mary (Dalzell sch. mate), 25
Lewis, John L.
anti-FDR, xxxv
anti-imperialism, xxix
attacks politicians, xxxiv
faithful to wife, xvi
no alcohol, xvi
picture, xvii
Welshman, xvi
Lightfoot, Vernon (Coffeyville classmate), 299
Lightstone, Jack (flt. instructor), 4
Lindberg, Charles, 5
Lindgren, Alfred (squadron mate), 10
Lindgren, Annie, 10
Link, Henry (author), 262
Lippert, Dorothy, viii
Lippert, Larry (shipmate/editor), viii
Livingston, Peggy
Hazel's school mate, 33
Lowell, James Russell (poet), 31
Ludwick, E.D., 162
landlord, 155
picture, 155
Mabury, Max (Coffeyville friend), 301
MacArthur, General Douglas, 120-122
1920s-1930s, 120
appearances, 273
Balikpapan (Indonesia), 306
Carolines, 203
conflicts
Cairo Conference, 202
FDR, 237
Hollandia, New Guinea, 205
Leyte, 280
Morotai, 253
murders veterans, 273
New Guinea, 212
Philippines
Leyte, 266
return, 252, 272
Seventh Fleet, 245, 260
trick on troops, 273
Western New Guinea, 189
Mack, Thelma (Dalzell neighbor), 26
MacLeish, Archibald (Ass. Sec. State), 318
Madigan, Charles "Red Eye"
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Madison, James (politician), xii
Magee, John (poet), 322
Magnusson, Herbert E., 139
Chenango aviator, 142
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
shoots down enemy, 133
Marianas Islands, 221
squadron mate, 67
Mahan, Alfred Thayer, xxxiv, 124, 320
imperialist religion, xxxiii
Malinasky, Frank
Chenango Landing Signal Officer, 100
Mandarich, Steve
Barber's Point, Hawaii, 198
squadron mate, 52, 65
arctic expedition, 53
Mandrich, Steve
picture, 322
Mann, Ensign (squadron mate), 235
Marlin, Dee (Chenango crew), 100
Marshall, George Catlett
Army chief of staff, xviii
Marshall, William T. "Bill", viii, 202
Catholic, 180
Chenango aviator, 142
Chenango historian, 257, 274
diary, 187
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
Marianas (shoots enemy), 220
picture, 322
squadron historian, 180
Marshalls, 176
squadron mate, 72
wants home, 278
Martin, Burke, 198
flight school mate, 11
Hawaii, 194
Mason, Theodore, 321
Matis, Vic (actor), 262
Matula, Mary, 193
Navy Nurse Corps friend, 76
visits baby, 157
Maugham, Somerset
author, 262
fiction writer, 257
McCathern, Nina Lee
Hazel's school mate, 33
McClelland, Bill
Coffeyville Navy friend, 60
picture, 61
McCloud, Anna, 300, 301
Ed's family friend, 299
McCutcheon, Otis "Ted" Eddy
Squadron-28 member, 98
McGee, Sherman N.
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
McGrath, Violet (Coffeyville), 300
McGugin, Harold (Coffeyville), 301
McGugin, Mrs. Calla (Coffeyville), 301
McKinley, William, xxx
McMahan, Edward P. "Shorty", 134, 302
Morotai, 259
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
McMeen, Fern (Ed's teacher), 300
McMillan, W.W.
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
McNamara, Fr. Joe
priest, 247
Mears, Frederick
aviator/author, 170
Meche, Frederick K., 208
radio-operator, 134
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Meeske, George (Coffeyville), 301
Michener, James, 16
novelist, xiii
Michielssen, Arthur, 100
U.S.S. Chenango
duty officer, 138
Mikulak, Goerge I.
Chenango aviator, 142
Miller, Dan H., 204, 302
acey-ducey, 257
air medal, 263
Chenango aviator, 142
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
squadron mate, 51, 64, 72, 78, 86
Miller, Donald F.
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Miller, Fred (refinery worker & Ed's cousin), 299
Miller, Margaret Gergen
Ed's great aunt, 159
Mills, C.T. (squadron mate)
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
Mills, Colonel G. (Chenango aviator), 142
Mitcham, John H.
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Mitchell, Don, 188, 299
correspondence, 194, 246
Ed’s Coffeyville buddy, 86
Kansas U. (Lawrence), 195
no alcohol, 194
Mitchell, Fred (Don's dad), 299
Mitscher, Rear Admiral Marc A., 125, 182, 215
commander
carrier Task Force-38, 254
carrier Task Force-58, 169
Marianas, 211
fast carriers
Marshalls, 174
Marianas, 215
Moody, Ens. J. Whitfield
Chenango aviator, 237, 304
Moon, Harold (Coffeyville), 299
Moon, Robert (Coffeyville), 299
Moore, Carl, 172
Admiral Spruance's aid, 239
Naval officer, 136
Moore, Elise (school mate), 38
Moore, Frederick T. Jr. (Chenango aviator), 142
Moore, Lily (Hazel's sch. mate), 33
Moore, Lt. Com. Frederick Thomas, Jr., 260
Chenango air group cmndr., 261
Chenango shipmate, 258
Moore, Robert O. "Bob"
Ed's workmate
Coffeyville, 159
Moret, Al (flight school mate), 10
Morgan, Corwin F. "Smiley", 71-72, 101, 137, 302
Chenango aviator, 142
correspondence, 194
downed, 228
flight crew
Don Starks, 58
Tony Hernandez, 58
Hawaiian vacation, 188
humor, 160
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
roommate, 189
San Diego, 66
squadron mate, 17, 50, 65, 69, 78
torpedo bomber skipper, 174
Morgan, J. P. (capitalist), xxxv
Morison, Samuel E. (historian), 284
Morrey, Al (Coffeyville friend), 299
Morris, Elias (Hazel's sch. mate), 33
Morris, Lillie (Hazel's sch. mate), 33
Morris, Stewart E. (Chenango aviator), 142
Moyer, Kathleen (family friend), 310
Moyer, Tony (family friend), 310
Mulligan, F.J. (shipmate), 217
Mundo, Lt. Commander A.L.
Navy lawyer, 201
Murchison, Clinton (capitalist), 93
Murray, John (cadet friend), 171
Murry, A.K. (Torpedo Sqdn-35), 290
Mutsuo, Saito (Japanese soldier), 198, 319
Nash, Clyde S. (Coffeyville), 301
Neevies, Caroline (Hazel's Nurse Corps friend), 193
Newman, Edgar T.
Chenango aviator, 203
squadron mate (killed), 91
Nimitz, Fleet Adm. Chester W., 125, 135, 137, 170, 177, 202,
253
Balikpapan (Indonesia), 306
Central Pacific commander, 93, 121
Chenango awards, 263
congratulated E. Terrar, 240
Leyte, 280
Marianas
Guam, 221, 242
Saipan, 214
Marshalls, 181
regard for troops’ lives, 203
strategy, 252
Nishimura, Vice Adm. Shoji
Japanese naval leader, 279, 281
Noble, Adm. A.G., 306
Northcutt, Winifred (Hazel's sch. mate), 33
O’Brien, Fr. John (Coffeyville priest), 7
O'Brien, Pat (actor), 246
O'Hare, Edward "Butch"
aviator ace, 56
night combat, 136
Oldendorf, Adm. Jesse B.
Leyte, 280, 281, 284
Olds, David Mack
combat veteran, 318
O'Meare, Margaret Mary (Ed's cousin), 159
Orwell, George (novelist), xxxiii
Outton, Ens. Henry P.
Chenango aviator, 142, 275
Ownes, Claude E.
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Ozawa, Adm. Jisaburo, 285
Japanese naval leader, 215, 279
Pauley, Edwin, 319
petroleum executive, 120
Peffer, William (politician), xxiii
Pendleton, Link (Coffeyville), 300
Perino, John J.
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Perry, Commodore Matthew
Naval imperialism, xxxv
Phillips (Chenango aviator), 142
Pius XII, 317
Plattone (Coffeyville friend), 195
Plottner, Betty Decker (Coffeyville), 299
Plottner, Vernon (Coffeyville), 299
Plymale, E.F. "Gene"
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Poag, Rev. Sam Park
Sumter preacher, 21
Powell, Hugh J.
Coffeyville publisher, 7
Welshman, xxiii
Pownall, Air Admiral Charles A. "Baldy", 125, 126
Purcell, Fr. John J. (Coronado priest), 86
Pu-Yi (Chinese war criminal & emperor), 317
Pyle, Ernie, 305
Ragsdale, Rear Adm. Van H., 224
commander Carrier Division-22, 171
congratulated E. Terrar, 240
Reed, Jesse L. (Coffeyville casualty), 240
Rees, Edward (U.S. Congress), 308
Reid, Burt (Coffeyville friend), 301
Richard, T.A. (Chenango aviator), 142
Richardson, David (Chenango crewmate), 226
Richardson, Richard (Chenango crew), 205
Richardson, Sid (oil profiteer), 93
Riddle, Isabelle (Coffeyville), 301
Ries, Ed, viii, 250
Chenango crew & historian, 97-98, 113
Robertson, J.D. (Chenango crew), 275
Robinson, Lt. Comdr. Richard W. (Chenango aviator),
305
Rochester, Ephraim O., 91
squadron mate, 69
Rockefeller, Nelson (war
profits/resistance), 94
Rogers, Ben
Navy acquaintance, 139
visits baby, 160
Rogers, Lt. Comdr. R.S.
Fanshaw Bay,
286
Rogers, Mary
civil servant, 139, 143
visits baby, 157, 160
Roles, George W.
Coffeyville casualty, 240
Roosevelt, Franklin D., xxii, xxvii, 14, 96, 122
"peacemaker", xxvii
1940 politics, xxi
1944 politics, 252, 261
civilian bombing, 313
congratulated E. Terrar, 240
cuts Japanese petroleum, 119
death, 310
golden rule & self-interest, xxxii
imperialism, xxix, xxxi, xxxv
lies, 315
moral leader, xxxiii
Neutrality Act violation, xxvii
never in uniform, xxxiv
Secretary of the Navy, 122
trick on young workers, 262
war politics, xxi, 237
womanizer, 140, 310
World War I, xxxv
World War II causes, xxxi
Roosevelt, Theodore
anti-trade unionism, xv
imperialism, xxiii, xxxv
militarist, xxiii
self-interest, xv
Root, Elihu (imperialism), xxxv
Ross, John Morris "Jack", viii, 302
Chenango aviator, 142
Ed’s roommate, 207
squadron mate, 72
Ross, Larry (USO actor), 250
Saito, Mutsuo, xxxiv
Japanese aviator, xix-xx
Sample, Rear Adm. William D.
Balikpapan (Indonesia), 306
Sampson, Manfred (Chenango crew), 100
Sanders, Jane (Hazel's friend), 157
Scarborough, Dick
Dalzell school mate, 25
Schneiderman, William (labor leader), xxi
Schoonmaker, Clark T. "Dutch", 208
confidence, 233
Gilberts invasion, 134
Guam (first landing), 231
Morotai, 258
picture, 234
San Francisco, 296
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
turret gunner, 57
Shakespeare, William
namesake, 140
Shapiro, Harriet (Moore)
Michigan nurse friend, 42
Shaw, Emmet A.
Chenango aviator, 142
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
squadron mate, 51, 72, 228, 275
Shepherd, Gen. Lemuel C. (Marine), 237
Sherrod, Robert (journalist), 315
Shirer, John Marion
Dalzell school mate, 25
Shires, Naval aviator, 283
Short, Ens. Herman C. (Chenango aviator), 142, 289
Shrider, Marine Colonel Peter P., 237
Simpson, Edward "Ed" "Sonny" Whitson,
Jr.
Chenango aviator, 142
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
picture, 321
squadron mate, 51-52, 86
Sims, Admiral William S., 11
Sims, Joseph P. "Joe", 72, 101, 113, 134
backgammon, 256
Chenango aviator, 142
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
picture, 322
squadron mate, 11, 65, 69
Singletary, Douglas K., 228, 235
Chenango aviator, 142
down over Guam, 226
squadron mate (killed), 91
Skelton, Red (comedian), 194
Smith, Agnes (Michigan nurse friend), 42
Smith, Betty (novelist), 178
Smith, Gen. Carl Ralph C., 126
Army commander, 132
Marianas Islands, 214
Smith, Gen. Julian C. (Marine commander), 126, 132
Smith, General Holland "Howlin' Mad", 132
Guam, 239
Marine commander, 132
Smith, John F.
historian, 243
Suwanee
aviator, 228
Smith, V.P. (Torpedo Squadron), 290
Sommers, Andy (picture), 322
Spann, Caro (Hazel’s aunt), 43
Spann, Dianna (Dalzell cousin), 44
Spann, Maria (Dalzell cousin), 44
Spellman, Archbishop Francis, x
surrender terms, 317
Sprague, Adm. Clifton "Ziggy", 267, 284
Sprague, Adm. Thomas L. "Tommie", 253
beer party, 261
Chenango visit, 224, 263
Leyte, 284
Moluccas Battle, 254
Philippines, 277
Taffy-I, 286
Spruance, Adm. Raymond S., 93, 106, 125, 132, 303
battleship admiral, 173
Fifth Fleet & Central Pacific commander, 123, 127
Marianas
Guam, 239
Saipan, 214
Marshalls, 169, 172
strategy conflicts, 173
Tarawa (commander), 135
Spurgeon, Naval aviator, 283
Stackhome, William C. (Dalzell pastor), 84
Stagno, Richard W., 134
TBF crew, 57
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Stalin, Joseph, 317
Asia war, 315
Starks, Donald "Don", viii
TBF crew, 58
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Starts, Teresa (Ed's cousin), 299
Steinberger, Edward J. (Ed's cousin & Jesuit priest),
299
Steinberger, George (cousin), 99
Steinberger, Hattie (cousin), 299
Steinberger, John (Ed's cousin), 299
Steinberger, Josephine (cousin), 299
Steinberger, Nora (cousin), 299-300
Steinberger, Paul (Ed's cousin), 299
Steinberger, Stella (cousin), 245
Steinberger, Stella (Ed's cousin), 299
Steinberger, Teresa (cousin), 299
Stevenson, Robert Lewis (poet), 31
Stimson, Henry (Sec. of War), 317
Stouffer, George (cadet friend), 171
Straub, Bob (squadron mate), 11, 18
Stroup, Russell (chaplain), xv, 336
Stump, Adm. Felix
commended Chenango, 221
Taffy-II, 267, 286
Sukarno, Achmad
Indonesian revolutionary, xxxi
Sullivan, John L., 174, 276
Secretary of the Navy, 137
Swenson, Leonard W.
Chenango aviator, 142
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
Tenberg, Sylvan L. (Chenango aviator), 142
Terrar, Ann Elias
paternal grandmother
midwife, 143
mineworker, 143
Terrar, David Byron
birth, 321
conception, 313
Terrar, E. "Toby"
activities, 224
baptism, 161, 230
birth, 156
Christmas 1944, 301
conflicts
food, 163
first birthday, 312
firsts, 163, 310
formula, 162
greets Ed, 296
Marianas, 231
named, 207
pictures, 157, 159, 245, 301, 312
toy, 160
Terrar, Edward Sr.
1944 politics, 261
American Legion, xxiv, xxvii
automobile sales, 166, 297
beneficiary, 49
coal miner, xv
conscription, xxiv
faithful to wife, xvi
house diagram, 297
interest in baby, 244
labor strikes, xv, xxvi
letters, 102, 148, 230, 244
interest in baby, 245
marriage, xxiv
migrant, xv, 107
newspaper interview, 239
no alcohol, xvi
open house, 300
picture, xvi, xxvii, 301
religion
Baptist to Catholicism, 153
communion, 153
Knights of Columbus, 9
supports Ed Jr.'s marriage, 80
sweet tooth, 145
Veterans Bonus, 1
Welshman, xvi
work, 192
World War I, xxiv
"quartermaster parasite", xxvi
card playing, 171
court martial, xxvi
dislike, xxiv, 157
make best, xiii
self-interest
citizenship, xxvi
travel, xxvi
wages, xxvi, 144
Terrar, Margaret Maye (Gergen), 145
"refined people", xiv, 7
at Ed’s marriage, 84, 87
business college, 8
conflicts
Ed Jr., 8
college education, 85
Naval aviation, 85
correspondence, 102, 194
nervous children, 246
finds job for Ed Jr., 8
fiscal prudence, 8
house diagram, 297
keeps Ed’s recording, 13
letters to Ed Jr., 85
loan for marriage, 84
marriage, xxiv
neighbors, 159
newspaper interview, 239
open house, 298, 300
picture, 301
politics (Republican Party), 261
positive toward daughter-in-law (Hazel), 86
religion (novena), 192
secretary, 143
World War I
benefits, 144
Terrar, Mildred
ambitions (Women's Flying Corps), 188
college, 166, 297
tuition help, 145
Ed’s sister, 19
bridesmaid, 84, 87
greets baby, 159
husband, 145
letters, 222
picture, 246
Terrar, Rosemary
baby gift, 312
birthday, 129
gift, 116
Ed's sister, 9
Ambassador Hotel (picture), 61
California visit, 60
greets baby, 159
letters
Chicago, 246
Eniwetok, 244
Navy job, 246
radio, 257
work, 297
Thomas, Jack Evans
Chenango radio operator, 237
Thomas, Jack Evans (Chenango crew), 304
Thompson, Bert (Coffeyville friend), 194
Thompson, Paul D. "P.D.", 205, 302
Chenango aviator, 142
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
Morotai, 259
squadron mate, 11, 17, 60, 64-65, 72, 83, 86-87
Thompson, William J.
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Thornburg, Harold B., 190-191
Chenango aviator, 142
fatalism, 258
hero, 257
joyriding, 257
killed, 92
Marshalls, 178
picture, 258
squadron flight surgeon, 51, 53
Threlkeld, Josephine "Jo", 143, 158
Michigan nurse friend, 42
Threlkeld, Lal Duncan, 158
medical doctor, 143
Throckmorton, Ray
Ed's brother-in-law, 145
Thucydides (Greek historian), xii
Tierney, Fr. Peter
Coffeyville priest, 7
Tipton, Joseph R.
Chenango aviator, 142
Tojo, Hideki
Japanese militarist, xxxiii
prime minister, 214
Tokyo Rose (Japanese media), 274
Tolstoy, Leo (author), xi, 106
Towers, Air Vice-Admiral John H. "Jack", 124, 173
Troublefield
Elizabeth "Lizzie", 311
Troublefield, Elizabeth "Lizzie" Hazel’s aunt
(marriage), 44
Troublefield, James Mclurin "Max" (painter), 44
Truax, Woodrow E. "Woody"
flight school mate, 11
Truman, Harry, 120, 317, 318, 319
demobilization, 308
Tucker, Elise (Hazel’s cousin), 21
Tucker, Lillie (Hazel’s aunt), 22
Turner, Adm. Kelly, 126
comm. (Task Force-52)
Marshalls, 173
So. Attack Force, 169
Guam, 239
Tutt, Ephraim (author), 262
Tuttle, Howard M., 104, 117, 193, 207, 302
art critic (Eniwetok), 222
baby discussion, 223
best man, 86, 87
birthday party, 255
Chenango aviator, 142
fuel conservation, 213
Hawaii, 189
Kwajalein souvenir, 179
launch technique, 112
picture, 322
squadron mate, 11, 17-18, 49, 65, 69, 72
Tuttle, Ralph (Coffeyville), 299
van Deurs, Captain George, 277, 304, 337
Chenango arrival, 245
Chenango skipper, 93
Leyte, 267, 282
Moluccas Battle, 254
Veith, Emil Emrich (step father), 35
Volm, Bernard H. "Bernie", 158
Navy buddy, 11, 49
Volm, Gerry (widow), 49
Walling, Wilbur
Sumter grocery owner, 35, 43, 45
Wang Ching-wei (Chinese leader), xxix
Washington, George (president), xxiv
Wassick, Ms. (nurse), 155
Wassum, R. P. "Bob" "Fooley"
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Watson, George (Coffeyville friend), 201
Watson, Marine Gen. T.E. (Eniwetok), 181
Weart, Bruce F., viii, 260, 270, 302
Chenango aviator, 142
diary, 203
fatigue, 261
fever, 256
Guam, 227
lonesome, 251
Morotai, 255
picture, 322
squadron mate, 68, 72
squadron party, 207
Weatherby, Virginia Louise
Harry Jones' girlfriend, 44
Wells, Orson (actor), 262
White, Harry Dexter, xxx
anti-imperialism, xxix
White, William
journalist, xxiv
Whited, Nordstrom C.
Chenango aviator, 142
Whitmore, Allmarie (friend), 310
Wildeson, Lt. (jg) Kenneth F.
Chenango aviator, 142
squadron mate, 273-275
Willkie, Wendell
Coffeyville teacher, xxi
picture, xxii
politician, xxi
Wills, Captain V.T. "Bucky"
Guam landing, 231
Marine spotter, 208, 227
picture, 234
Wilson, Karl
Coffeyville J. C. president, 6
Wilson, Robert C. "Bob", 323
San Diego member Cong., 236
Wilson, Woodrow (president), xxv
Wood, Gen. Leonard (imperialism), xxxv
Work, Dr. Walt (Michigan friend), 42
Wright, Frank Lloyd (architect), 299
Wukovits, John (historian), 284
Wyatt, Ben (Chenango skipper), 288
Yamashita, Tomoyoku
Japanese military, 272
Yannone, Archille J.
Chenango shipmate, 257
Torpedo Squadron-35, 290
Y'Blood, William (historian), 238
Yonai, Mitsumasa, 315
Japanese prime minister, 214
Ziegler, Carl Edwin Jr., 299
Coffeyville friend, 7, 47
Ziegler, Carl Edwin Sr., 7, 159, 299
Zumwalt, Elmo R. (Chief of Naval Operations), 323
[1]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, August 23, 1943), in
possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[2]Hazel Hogan, "English Parallel
Report on The Scarlet Letter by
Nathaniel Hawthorne," (manuscript, October 1930), in possession of Hazel
Terrar. Ed started his life-long library habit as a grade-school student.
[3]Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War,
trans. Richard Crawley (New York: Modern Library, [1876], 1982), 1.76.2.
Crawley translates the Greek words deos, time, and ophelia as
honor, fear and interest.
[4]Robin W. Winks (ed.), British
Imperialism: Gold, God, Glory (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963),
pp. 1, 13.
[5]See Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay, The
Federalist: The Eighty-Five Essays written by Alexander Hamilton, John Jay and
James Madison (New York: Modern Library, 1937), no. 51, pp.
337-340. Ed bought a copy of this in the 1960s. Self-interest has continuously
dominated American politics, despite complaints that because
they buy elections, it only benefits the capitalist minority. As political
scientist Walter Stone in Republic at Risk: Self-Interest in American
Politics (Pacific Grove, California: Brooks/Cole Publishers, Co., 1990),
pp. 6, 8, put it, “Politics is about who gets what. Some people win and some
lose – some get tax breaks, others get electrocuted, some get a free college education, others get assaulted in the
halls of their high schools. Some have high-status jobs, others have no jobs at
all. . . Count on the worst from people in politics and you will seldom be
disappointed.”
[6]See James Mill, An
Essay on Government (Cambridge, England: University Press, [1824], 1937).
[7]A standard comment in
Ed's letters to Hazel was, "I will be glad when the war is over and we can
be together." See Terrar, Jr., "Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar):
1943-1944," (October 30, 1943). Ed's dad, Ed Sr., had expressed this philosophy in the letters he
wrote to his wife and Ed's mother in World War I, as in, "Now about
getting disabled, we must not think of that, only hope for the best." See
Edward Terrar, Sr., "Letters to Maye (Gergen) Terrar," (manuscript,
May 18, 1918), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[8]Terrar, Jr.,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar)," (April 5, 1944), no. 70.
[9]William McBride, Good Night Officially: The Pacific War
Letters of a Destroyer Sailor (Boulder, Colorado: West View Press, 1994),
p. 5.
[10]James Michener, The
World's My Home: A Memoir (New York: Random House, 1992), pp. 20,
27-28, 35, 42. Michener worked under Admiral William Halsey. Using his own DC-3, he toured
forty-nine South Sea Islands.
[11]Like the American military, the Japanese
maintained a class system in which good wages helped maintain loyalty from the officers. See
Tessa Morris-Suzuki, Showa: An Inside History of Hirohito’s Japan
(London: Schocken Books, 1984), pp. 129, 131.
[12]The pay was enough to muddle one’s
thinking. For example, Army Air Corps aviators were paid $245 per month as
opposed to $21 for those in the trenches. This led some black Army
aviators in the 477th Air Wing to condone racial segregation and betray the “mutiny” and
“treason” of their comrades against the system. For example, in April 1945 at
Freeman, Indiana, one of the black betrayers, as quoted in John B. Holway’s Red
Tails, Black Eagles: The Men of America’s Black Air Force (Las Cruces, New
Mexico: Yucca Tree Press, 1997), p. 273, remarked, “Look, I’m making more money
now than I ever made in my life, and you guys [protesting against a segregated
officers club] are fowling it up.” The good wages also had a part in buying the
complicity of the army aviators, black and white, who firebombed the civilian populations of
Asia and Europe.
[13]Terrar, Jr.,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar)," (October 27, 1943), no. 8.
[14]The Terrars and the other veterans
continued to make the best of the war after it was over. The G.I. Bill included funding for
education, housing and transitional income. Daydreaming about anticipated
post-war veterans benefits helped the troops pass through some difficult
moments. Sailor Hugh Aaron, as quoted in Letters
from the Good War: A Young Man's Discovery of the World (Belfast,
Maine: Stones Point Press, 1997), p. 297, wrote home from the South Pacific on
June 29, 1944:
Yes, I've often thought of the hospital care that is available to veterans. My prime concern now is government-financed education. Take notice of any information on the subject. We hear little of the government's postwar benefits.
Among
the post-war benefits received by the Terrars was a re-adjustment allowance,
which gave them $200 per month for several years during a time when they were
having trouble making ends meet. The benefits also allowed them to purchase
their first home in 1955 with no down payment. Finally, the benefits paid Ed's
tuition when he went back to school in the 1950s. See also, Milton Greenberg, The G.I Bill: The Law that Changed
America (New York: Lickle Pub., 1997), p. 16; Theodore Mosch, The G.I. Bill: A Breakthrough in Educational
and Social Policy in the United States (Hicksville, N.Y.:
Exposition Press, 1975), p. 2.
[15]Leroy Ashby, William
Jennings Bryan: Champion of Democracy (Boston: Twayne Publishers,
1987), p. 82.
[16]William Braisted, The United States Navy in the Pacific, 1897-1909 (Austin:
University of Texas, 1958), pp. 166, 173. The Japanese special interests, no
less than the American, used "national honor" for private gain. Their
victims were as much the Japanese as the American people. A Japanese nurse
recalled that the rank-and-file soldiers generally did not fall for the
“national honor” propaganda and never died with praise of the emperor but
rather with cries for their mother. See Soka Gakkai (ed.), Women
Against War: Compiled by Women's Division of Soka Gakkai, trans. Richard
Gage (Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1986), p. 86.
[17]Leland Lovette, Naval Customs, Traditions and Usage
(Annapolis: U.S. Naval Institute, 1939), p. 172. Military chaplain Russell
Stroup in Letters from
the Pacific: A Combat Chaplain in World War II (Columbia: University of
Missouri Press, 2000), p. 164, described to his family on December 15, 1944 the
rank-and-file’s rejection of the patriotism peddled by the government media,
“They scoff at the patriotic sentiments that were so familiar to us of another
generation . . . The songs they sing are not martial but maudlin. They seek no
glory and they find none in battle. The super-patriotism of the Nazi, the
Japanese, or the Russian leaves these men cold. The simplest sort of appeal to
a nationalistic spirit is dismissed as ‘propaganda for the home front.’ Let the
hero in a Hollywood spectacle talk of his eagerness to die for the Four
Freedoms and they will walk out on the show.”
[18]Under the system of
cost-plus contracting, in which the government
guaranteed the cost of production plus a percentage profit, firms operating
under defense contracts had little incentive to promote
efficiency. Indeed, higher production costs meant higher profits. Furthermore,
as Lewis explained, the Administration's wartime tax policies, accelerated depreciation allowances, and the
general demand for greater production encouraged companies to rebuild their
facilities and this further contributed to the high cost of scarce materials.
See John L. Lewis, United Mine Workers
Journal (April 1, 1943), p. 7. Illustrative of the corporations for which
the war and government policy provided a heaven-sent blessing was Standard Oil of New Jersey. Selling the government 665
million barrels of oil during the conflict, its yearly profits of $150 million
included revenue from the oil consumed by Ed’s ship, the Chenango, and
from the gas consumed by each flight Ed made in his TBF. The Chenango
itself belonged to Standard Oil’s 135 vessel “Navy” prior to the war, with its
construction having been subsidized by the government. See Charles Popple, Standard
Oil Company (New Jersey) in World War II (New York: Standard Oil Company,
1952), pp. 192, 253-255; Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine, John L. Lewis: A Biography (New York:
Quadrangle, 1977), p. 419.
[19]Lewis, United Mine Workers Journal (April 1, 1943), p. 7. In ibid., (August 15,
1943), p. 6, Lewis paraphrased to Truman a Department of Interior report to the
effect that until mid-1943 "the deaths and injuries in the mining
industry since Pearl Harbor exceeded all casualties in the military forces of
the United States since Pearl Harbor." For miners and other workers the
battle for production on the home front produced its own body count.
[20]War correspondent Robert Sherrod in Tarawa, the Story of a Battle (New York:
Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1944), p. 151, voiced such anti-labor discontent in
1944:
My third trip back to the United States since
the war began was a letdown. I had imagined that everybody, after two years,
would realize the seriousness of the war and the necessity of working as hard
as possible toward ending it. But I found a nation wallowing in unprecedented
prosperity. There was a steel strike going on, and a railroad strike was threatened. Men
lobbying for special privilege swarmed around a Congress which appeared afraid
to tax the people's newfound, inflationary wealth. Justice Byrnes cautioned a
group of news people that we might expect a half million casualties within a
few months - and got an editorial spanking for it. A "high military
spokesperson," generally identified as General Marshall said
bitterly that labor strikes played into the hands of enemy propagandists.
Labor leaders got furious at that.
[21]See William Manchester, American Caesar: Douglas MacArthur,
1880-1964 (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1978), p. 393.
[22]In one of the great
naval battles of the war in October 1944 at Leyte Gulf, six CVEs and
their destroyer escorts, not the much-lauded high speed carriers staffed by
careerists, turned back Japan's much larger and stronger main task force.
[23]Quoted in Major Jon T.
Hoffman, From Makin to Bougainville:
Marine Raiders in the Pacific War (Washington, D.C.: History and Museums
Division, Headquarters, U.S. Marine Corps, 1995), p. 3.
[24]Obedience at the expense
of self-interest was also negative for the country’s defenses because it
sparked resistance and mutiny. This was as much a problem for the Japanese as
the Americans. Saito Mutsuo, a young
Japanese army aviator, as quoted in Morris-Suzuki’s Showa, pp. 115, 118,
found that the military system there attempted to turn the rank and file into
machines with only the two most basic instincts, eating and sleeping. But those
superiors intent on seeking blind obedience sometimes ended up being killed by
their own troops. Propaganda to the contrary, the rank and file were not
machines.
[25]Milt Felsen, The
Anti-Warrior: A Memoir (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1989), p. 202.
[26]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, December
7, 1943), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[27]Ibid. (August 21, 1943). Ed was not a poet. He lifted the phrase
from Walter Benton's This is My Beloved
(New York: A.A. Knopf, 1943).
[28]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, April 14,
1944), no. 79. For the "older generation" World War II was a
continuation of World War I. There had been a lapse in the hot war but
the low intensity war continued. John Keegan in The Second World War (New York: Viking, 1990), p. 10, which Ed
purchased, summarized, "The First World War explains the Second and, in
fact, caused it, in so far as one event causes another." Both wars had
common roots in the effort of capital to expand and protect profit.
[29]Gerald Linderman, The World Within War: America's Combat
Experience in World War II (New York: Free Press, 1997), p. 362.
[30]George Flynn, The Draft: 1940-1973 (Lawrence, Kansas:
University Press of Kansas, 1993), pp. 19, 21, 28, 47.
[31]Tokyo student Iida Momo was more successful
than most in avoiding conscription. He feigned the symptoms of tuberculosis. As
quoted in Morris-Suzuki, Showa, p. 168, he remarked, “I saw the war in
very straight forward terms as a struggle between imperialist Japan and its opponents. But what mattered was that I knew
that Japan had to lose – both that it was a good thing that Japan should lose,
and also that it was inevitable.”
[32]Haruko and Theodore
Cook, Japan at War: An Oral History (New York: The New Press, 1992), p.
221.
[33]Morris-Suzuki, Showa,
p. 131.
[34]Richard C. Kirkland, Tales of a War Pilot
(Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1999), p. 2, observed,
"We all know war is nasty; the vast majority hated it and counted the days
until we could go home. But we also knew why we were there." Kirkland knew
why he was there, but American's policy makers had a lack of confidence that
others shared his idealism. Even with draft laws, six thousand were jailed.
[35]Ellsworth Bernard, Wendell Willkie:
Fighter for Freedom (Marquette, Michigan: Northern Michigan University
Press, 1966), p. 400.
[36]Steve Neal in Wendell
Willkie, Dark Horse: A Biography (Garden City, New York:
Doubleday and Co., 1984), p. 159, summarized Willkie's antiwar politics:
Throughout the isolationist Midwest, Willkie
kept repeating that if FDR's promise to keep American boys out of foreign war was
no better than his 1932 promise to balance the budget, then "They're
already almost on the transports. . . We do not want to send our boys over
there again. If you elect me President, they will not be sent. And by the same
token, if you re-elect the third-term candidate, I believe they will be
sent."
[37]Joseph Barnes, Willkie:
The Events He Was Part Of - The Ideas He Fought For (New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1952), p. 197. Robert E. Whitworth, who was vice president
of Nutrena Mills, Inc. and president of the Coffeyville Chamber of Commerce led
in organizing the home coming. The Willkie campaign was supposed to start on
Sunday, September 15, but the candidate had laryngitis from speaking so much.
It had to be delayed until the following day. The Coffeyville Junior College
Band, the Field Kindley Memorial Band and the
Roosevelt Junior High Band all marched in the parade which started at 1:30 p.m.
Willkie's speech at 4:00 p.m. was delivered at the Coffeyville softball park at
Fourth and Buckeye, which is now the site of the Coffeyville Regional Medical
Center. Attendance estimates ranged from 50,000 to 85,000. See “Willkie
Homecoming Edition," Coffeyville Journal
(September 16 and 17, 1940).
[38]Anonymous, Statistical Abstract of the
United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1955), p. 330.
[39]Capper's Weekly was published by the Republican Arthur
Capper, who had served as the governor of
Kansas between 1915 and 1919 and then as a representatives to the U.S. Senate
between 1919 and 1949.
[40]John Partin, "The Dilemma of a 'Very
Good Man': Arthur Capper and Noninterventionism, 1936-1941," Kansas History: A Journal of the
Central Plains (Summer 1979), vol. 2, pp. 87-88, 91; Capper's Weekly (Topeka,
Kansas: February 13, May 29, 1937); Robert Divine, The
Illusion of Neutrality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1962). FDR and his role model, Theodore Roosevelt, as quoted in Nathan Miller, Theodore Roosevelt: A Life
(New York: William Morrow & Co., 1992), p. 384, complained of America's
negative tradition toward militaristic foreign policies:
In domestic policy, Congress in the long run is apt to do what is right. It is
in foreign politics, and in preparing the army and navy that we are apt to have
the most difficulty, because these are just the subjects as to which the
average American citizen does not take the trouble to think carefully or
deeply.
[41]The Coffeyville
Journal, as in its editorial of December 1, 1939, p. 4, praised
the popular "rebellion" against both FDR and America's corporate
interests that were campaigning to have Congress declare war. Owner-editor
Powell chaired Wendell Willkie's Publicity and Radio Committee when the 1940
Republican campaign for president was launched in Coffeyville. See
"Willkie Homecoming Edition," Coffeyville
Journal (September 16, 1940). Later, on November 4, 1940, the Journal endorsed
Willkie's candidacy.
[42]Eighteen sixty-one was also the year that, for expressing
similar views in Henry County, Missouri and refusing to migrate, Ed Jr.’s maternal
great-great-grandfather, fifty-seven year old George W. Bailey, was taken from
his house and murdered by the slavery paramilitary. George was killed along side his eighteen-year old
son, James, in their front yard, in full view of his wife and younger children.
See Toby Terrar, “The Civil War from the View of Laboring People: Agrarian
Reform or Tragedy?” Mid-America: A Historical Review, 84 (Winter/Summer,
2002), 55-100.
[43]William Peffer, Congressional Record
(53rd Congress, 3rd Sess.), pp. 2241-2244, 3095, 3044,
3112-3113, 3203. During the 1890s the National Association of Manufacturers,
which was the largest business organization in the world with 900 members,
called for big government to function as the “servant of the people.” This
meant state and federal judiciaries and military to suppress “irresponsible and
unemployed laborers opposed to the nation’s institutions.” It also meant a
civil service, U.S. foreign policy and diplomacy, American legations and
consular servants whose chief object was to extend profitable markets for home industry by perpetual war. Peffer did not oppose big
government, but he called for it to own and operate such industries as coal
mining in order to make critical resources available at cost and to improve the lot of mine workers. He favored the creation of
a 500,000 person industrial army of the unemployed to be put to work on
authorized public improvements. He felt it wiser to furnish work for starving
people to prevent the necessity of increasing the standing army to shoot them
down. See Walter LaFeber, The New Empire: An Interpretation of American
Expansionism, 1860-1898 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1963), pp. 85,
194, 198, 237, 370; Gene Clanton, Populism: The Humane Preference in
America, 1890-1900 (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1991), p. 128-129.
[44]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, March 30, 1993). White was baited as an isolationist. But he also
did some isolationist baiting himself. The sugar trust with its capital invested 8,000 miles
from San Francisco was the one that was isolated. There was no need for an
empire. America itself grew more than enough sugar to serve its needs.
[45]"Gergen -
Terrar," The Sun (Coffeyville,
Kansas: June 20, 1917), no. 246, p. 1, in possession of Edward Terrar.
[46]Woodrow Wilson, who had earlier been elected because he promised not to go
to war, was quoted in ibid. in
defense of going to war:
The great fact that stands out above all the
rest is that it is a People's War, a war for freedom and justice and
self-government amongst all the nations of the world, a war to make the world
safe for the people who live upon it and have made it their own, the German
people themselves included; and that with us rests the choice to break through
all these hypocrisies and patent cheats and masks of brute force and help set
the world free, or else stand aside and let it be dominated a long age through
by sheer weight of arms and the arbitrary choices of self-constituted masters,
by the nation which can maintain the biggest armies and the most irresistible
armaments - a power to which the world has afforded no parallel and in the
place of which political freedom must wither and perish.
[47]Ed Sr. was not an American citizen and
could perhaps have avoided being drafted. But with his friends having been
called, he and Maye were feeling conspicuous. He waived his exemption. See Toby
Terrar, Family History Information about
Edward L. Terrar and Margaret Maye Gergen Terrar (Silver Spring, Md.: CW
Press, 1994), p. 41.
[48]Quoted in ibid., p. 53; see also,
Kenneth Davis (ed.), Arms, Industry and
America (New York: H. H. Wilson, 1971), p. 30.
[49]Paul Koistinen, The
Military-Industrial Complex: A Historical Perspective (New York:
Praeger, 1980), p. 54. Somehow, out of the painful labors and camaraderie
during the war, joined with difficult years in the 1920s and 1930s in providing
for his family on as little as $20 per week, emerged pleasant memories for Ed
Sr. He and his American Legion comrades did
not like people saying their efforts during World War I had been mistaken. From
a self-interested perspective, Ed Sr.'s service had benefited him; it helped
gain his American citizenship and it allowed him to visit his family in Wales.
It gave him a regular paycheck that helped support his new wife as well as
himself. In the 1930s he received a veterans "bonus" of about $500
with which he put an addition onto his house. Ed Sr. was in the headquarters company
(signal platoon, pigeon department) of the Army's 355th Infantry, 89th
"Midwest" Division, which minimized his service in the
trenches. Homing pigeons were used for communication during World War I. As a
youth in Wales, Ed had raised homing pigeons as a hobby. He was able to obtain
a position in the signal platoon because of his earlier experience. He became,
in the military slang, a "quartermaster parasite turned Legionnaire," one not in the
trenches but willing to put others there. However, Ed Sr. only minimized, he
did not escape the combat. He was wounded in the shoulder, gassed more than
once, had run-ins with the officers and was threatened with court martial. See
Terrar, Sr., "Letters to Maye Gergen (Terrar)," (manuscript, August 21,
1919), letter no. 88, p. 106, in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.; Toby Terrar,
Family History Information about Edward
L. Terrar and Margaret Maye Gergen Terrar, p. 41; Linderman, The World Within War, p. 360.
[50]Beginning in 1900 Mother Jones was an
international organizer for the UMW. The September 1919 UMW convention at
Cleveland, Ohio voted for its 400,000 members to strike on November 1. They
demanded a sixty percent wage increase, a six-hour workday, a five-day
workweek, time-and-a-half pay for overtime work and double pay for Sundays and
holidays. The strike was settled for many on January 7, 1920, for others on
March 31, 1920. See Philip S. Foner (ed.), Mother
Jones Speaks: Speeches and Writings of A Working-Class Fighter
(New York: Pathfinder Press, 1983), pp. 305-307.
[51]See Roscoe Baker, The
American Legion and American Foreign Policy (New York: Bookner,
1954), pp. 156, 166. The Neutrality Act of 1935, which the Legion supported, included
(1) an embargo on the export of arms to belligerent countries; (2) prohibited
private loans to belligerents; (3) prohibited ships from entering the ports of
belligerents; and (4) prohibited American citizens from taking passage on
belligerent ships.
[52]See Warren Cohen, "The Role of
Private Groups in the U.S.," in Dorothy Borg (ed.), Pearl Harbor as History: Japanese-American Relations, 1931-1941
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1972), p. 434.
[53]Smedley Butler, quoted in Hans Schmidt, Maverick Marine: General Smedley D.
Butler and the Contradictions of American Military History
(Lexington, Kentucky: University of Kentucky Press, 1987), p. 231. Butler, as
quoted in ibid. explained how he, as
a military officer, obtained his views about war as a racket:
It may seem odd for me, a military man to adopt
such a comparison. Truthfulness compels me to. I spent thirty-three years and
four months in active military service as a member of this country's most agile
military force, the Marine Corps. I served in all commissioned ranks from Second
Lieutenant to Major-General. And during that period, I spent most of my time
being a high class muscle-man for Big Business, for Wall Street and for the
Bankers. In short, I was a racketeer, a
gangster for capitalism. I suspected I was just part of a racket at the time.
Now I am sure of it. Like all the members of the military profession, I never
had a thought of my own until I left the service. My mental faculties remained in suspended animation while I
obeyed the orders of higher-ups. This is typical with everyone in the military
service.
[54]Ibid. See also Smedley Butler,
"America's Armed Forces," pt. 2, Common
Sense (New York: November 1935), vol. 4, p. 11.
[55]As Jonathan Utley in Going to War with
Japan: 1937-1941 (Knoxville, Tennessee: University of Tennessee Press,
1985), pp. 157, 163-164, pointed out, the Army and Navy’s fifty-year old strategy for a Japanese war was to use
the Philippines as a platform from which to mount a blockade. But MacArthur and
the politicians had neglected to equip the Philippines for that role. With few
ground troops, the only possible weapon was sea and air power. But there were
no airfields large enough to base the one-hundred B-17 Flying Fortresses and
B-24 Super Flying Fortresses needed. Nor were there ports large enough to handle the fleet. The
20,000 American garrison troops had little popular support and were defeated.
[56]Many in America's labor movement, led by
Samuel Gompers, protested at the beginning of the 20th
century, when the military killed thousands of Philippine working people
because they were "revolutionaries." See Bernard Mandel, Samuel Gompers: A Biography
(Yellow Springs, Ohio: Antioch Press, 1966), pp. 203-204, 207-208.
[57]Dubofsky and Van Tine, John L. Lewis, p. 474. Not surprisingly
Hawaii's working people sympathized with neither side during the war. As one
worker commented in Ruth Tabrah's Hawaii:
A History (NY: Norton, 1984), pp. 137, 166, 180, "If the Japanese rule
us or the haoles (American
corporations), all the same hard times for us." The Japanese workers that
Ed saw in Hawaii made up a third of the agricultural work force. Unlike their
counterparts in America, they were not interned during the war. This was
because the corporations, which set the Hawaiian war policy, would have been
bankrupted without their labor. The five big companies that dominated Hawaii's
economy were: Alexander & Baldwin, Ltd., American Factors Ltd., Castle & Cooke, Ltd., C. Brewer and
Company, Ltd., and Theo. H. Davies, Ltd.
[58]In labor’s view foreign
policy should not place an economic muzzle on foreign workers. Because they
were deprived of what they produced, working people in Hawaii, China and the
Philippines complained of high infant mortality and limited public
education, health care, housing, and nutrition. See Niall O'Brien, Revolution from the Heart (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 236. The lack of enthusiasm for either side
during World War II by Asian workers was common. The Chinese government of Wang Ching-wei, which collaborated with the Japanese starting in March
1940, believed the war would only help British and American corporations such
as Texaco, Standard Oil of California, Socony-Vacuum (Mobile Oil), Standard Oil
of New Jersey (Standard-Vacuum Oil), GM, Ford, General Electric, National City
Bank and American missionaries. Chiang Kai-Shek's Kuomintang nationalist government was seen as a British
puppet.
[59]The American
Federationist (November 1939), p. 1178.
[60]Harry D. White, quoted
in Utley, Going to War with Japan, p. 170. The Asian policy of the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce in more recent times has been long-sighted. It has
supported rather than sought to war against the government of China. The
resulting trading of American corporations there has resulted in what White
called billions, not millions.
[61]Edwin Hoyt, Japan’s
War: The Great Pacific Conflict (New York: McGraw-Hill Books, 1986), pp.
245-246.
[62]Naval aviator Harold L. Buell in Dauntless Helldivers: A Dive-Bomber
Pilot's Epic Story of the Carrier Battles (New York: Orion,
1991), p. 44, remarked, "Our group had been expecting a declaration of war
for some time, but against a different enemy - the Axis."
[63]Boeman, Morotai: A Memoir of War, pp. 1-2. Mira
Wilkins in "The Role of U.S. Business" in Dorothy Borg's Pearl Harbor, A History: Japanese-American
Relations, 1931-1941 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1972), p. 366,
maintains the war was a calculated
policy. FDR commented, as quoted in ibid.,
when he used America's monopoly on oil to cut off Japan's supply on July 25, 1941:
If we had cut the oil off [a year earlier], the
Japanese probably would have gone down to the Dutch East Indies to get oil a
year ago, and the American people probably would have had war.
As
it turned out not only the Japanese and Dutch but the British imperialists had
an eye on the oil in the East Indies. After the war the British employed the
defeated Japanese army itself in attempting to put down the national liberation
party there. Under Achmad Sukarno the
Indonesians had declared independence from the occupying Japanese and former
Dutch imperialists on August 17, 1945. See Calvocoressi et al., Total War, p. 1193; E.B. Potter, Nimitz (Annapolis, Md.: Naval Institute
Press, 1976), p. 317; Manchester, American
Caesar: Douglas MacArthur, p. 366; Robert Stinnett, Day of Deceit: The Truth about FDR and Pearl Harbor (New York: Free
Press, 2000), p. 253.
[64]At age 20 in 1940 Ed had
finished junior college and gave lengthy thought to his religious beliefs and
whether what had been taught him was true. He decided that he believed in God,
that Jesus Christ had
redeemed him by dying on the cross and that the Catholic Church was the true
church. In the years afterwards, he remained steady in these beliefs. Toby
Terrar, Family History Information about
Edward L. Terrar and Margaret Maye Gergen Terrar, p. 68. Religion was also
part of Hazel’s life. Her father was Baptist
and sang in the choir. As a child she attended Sunday school at Salem Baptist
Church in Sumter, South Carolina. At age nine, after her father died and she
went to live with maternal relatives at Dalzell, South Carolina. Her mother’s sides of
the family were Methodists. Hazel became a member of the Providence Methodist
Church, where she continued to grow in her religious beliefs. See Toby Terrar, Genealogical
Information about the Brown and Related (Gibson, Raines, Tompkins, Mann)
Families of Blythewood/Doko (Richland/Fairfield Counties) South Carolina
(Silver Spring, Md.: CWP, 1988), pp. 57-60.
[65]Paul Fussell in Wartime:
Understanding and Behavior in the Second World War (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 143, 153, studied the army of public
relations officers conscripted from advertising agencies to justify government
policy.
[66]Quoted in Brooke Hindle, Lucky Lady and the Navy Mystique: The
Chenango in World War II (New York: Vantage Press, 1991), p. 235.
[67]Stephen Ambrose, The
Wild Blue: The Men and Boys Who Flew the B-24s over Germany (New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1991), pp. 231-232; John Boeman, Morotai: A Memoir of War (New York: Doubleday, 1981), p. 269;
Thomas Buell, The Quiet Warrior: A Biography of
Admiral Raymond A. Spruance (Boston: Little Brown, 1974), p. 304.
Samuel Stouffer, The American Soldier
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949), vol. 2, pp. 87, 585, examined
negative troop beliefs about politicians who viewed them as expendable, as
means rather than ends in the pursuit of wealth.
[68]Veteran Milt Felsen in The
Anti-Warrior, p. 137, summed up the lesson which combat and imperialism had
for him, “The longer I lived the more I learned why the free-enterprise
system was so much more successful than socialism. The Ten Commandments were
socialism, understood by all to be an illusory ideal. Breaking them was
capitalism, which relies unerringly on the lowest denominator to be the most
common.”
[69]Studs Terkel, The
Good War: An Oral History of World War II (New York: Pantheon
Books, 1984); Hugh Aaron, Letters from the
Good War: A Young Man's Discovery of the World (Belfast, Maine:
Stones Point Press, 1997).
[70]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, April 14, 1944), no. 79.
[71]Both Ephraim Tutt in Yankee Lawyer: The Autobiography of Ephraim
Tutt (New York: Editions for the Armed Services, Inc., 1943), p. 218, which
Ed read while at sea, and Paul Fussell in Wartime,
p. 154, were mistaken, in Ed's estimation, in asserting that conscripts would
believe anything, so long as it was asserted officially.
[72]William Puleston, Mahan:
The Life and Work of Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan (New Haven, Connecticut:
Yale University Press, 1939), pp. 133-134. Mahan also supported the principle
of hierarchy and believed in a self-sacrificing aristocracy, heroism, obedience
and rigid control of the masses by their social and theological superiors. For
him the executioner was the cornerstone of society, the battleship the
foundation for civilization, there being only two realities – crime and
punishment. For those like novelist George Orwell, who as a youth was it unwilling employee, the religion of
imperialism was little more than claustrophobic oppression, mindless jingoism,
vilification of foreign and domestic working people and their culture,
hypocrisy and all white clubs. Alcoholism, adultery, gambling, greed, gluttony,
free speech and everything else was allowed, except thinking for yourself.
Questioning the nature of imperialism was unthinkable. On this the religion of
imperialism dictated the code of silence, the Sahib Code. See George Orwell, Burmese
Days (New York: Harper, 1934).
[73]See Soka Gakkai, Women Against War, pp. 18, 77.
[74]In Japan there was
skepticism about religious nationalism (state Shintoism). Aviator Saito Mutsuo, as quoted in Morris-Suzuki’s Showa, p. 133, recalled, “I never believed, during the war,
that I was fighting for the emperor, and I don’t think that any of my friends
believed it either. Of course people talked about ‘dying for the emperor,’ but
we didn’t feel that way.” Iida Momo, another Japanese youth, obtained insight into Japan’s war
propaganda from reading in 1943 a translation of Herodotus’s History and
Caesar’s Gallic Wars. He commented in ibid.,
p. 181, “In the middle of the most technologically advanced war the world has
ever known, I could still learn from these books how human beings can find a
justification for any war and a political rational for any act. Reading
Herodotus in particular somehow gave me a great overall vision of history.”
[75]Typically, Republican platforms in the 1930s
stated, "In the event of war in which the manpower of the nation is
drafted, all other resources should likewise be drafted. This will tend to
discourage war by depriving it of its profits. See Merle
Miller, Ike the Soldier: As they Knew Him
(New York: G. P. Putnams' Sons, 1987), p. 254. In the 1936 presidential
election the senior Terrars had voted for Alf Landon, the former Republican
governor of Kansas. He was from Coffeyville's neighboring town of Independence,
Kansas. Ed Jr. saw Landon at Fourth of July
celebrations, parades and similar ceremonial events. See Rosanna Thompson, Too Good to Keep: A View of the
Century from the Pages of Capper's Weekly (Topeka, Kansas:
Stauffer Communications, 1979), p. 149.
[76]The American Federation of Labor at its
1937 convention demanded that Congress enact neutrality laws that would ensure
the United States stayed out of another war. See American Federation of Labor, Report of the Proceedings of the
General Convention of the American Federation of Labor
(Washington, D.C.: The Federation: 1937), p. 13.
[77]See Coffeyville
Daily Journal (October 26, 1940); Doris Goodwin, No Ordinary Time: Franklin and Elinor
Roosevelt: The Home Front in World War II (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 1994), p. 184. During World War I, FDR was assistant secretary of the Navy. The then secretary of the
Navy, Josephus Daniels and many in the career Navy opposed America’s entry into
the war. Admiral William S. Benson had commented, as quoted in Geoffrey Ward, A First-Class Temperament: The Emergence of
Franklin Roosevelt (New York: Harper & Row, 1989), p. 347, "It is
not our business, pulling the British chestnuts out of the fire. We would as
soon fight the British as the Germans." But FDR disagreed. From the
beginning, as Ward puts it, he was a worshipper at the altar of J.P. Morgan Jr.,
Elihu Root, General Leonard Wood, Cornelius Bliss and his cousin, Theodore
Roosevelt. His first job out of law school in 1907
had been with Carter, Ledyard & Milburn. Their clients were Standard Oil of New Jersey and the
American Tobacco Company. He continued to be a servant of these
interests throughout his life. In 1917 he lobbied Woodrow Wilson for war. He
had done similar work involving Mexico in 1914, Haiti in 1915 and the Dominican
Republic in 1916. See ibid., pp. 70, 325, 339, 560.
[78]Roosevelt's family, as John L. Lewis pointed out, had been
dominated by economic excesses for several generations. FDR's grandfather, Warren Delano, an
agent for Russell and Co., had pioneered the China trade with the aid of U.S.
Navy guns and bribes. In the 1850s the same class of New York merchants,
steamship company owners, shipbuilders and their
Congressional backers commissioned Commodore Matthew Perry (1794-1858) of
the U.S. Navy to lead a military expedition to Japan. The purpose was to
establish a U.S. monopoly. Perry was married to the daughter of a New York
shipping merchant and banker. Those behind the expedition instructed Perry to
conceal the real purpose from the American public. See Peter Wiley, Yankee
in Land of the Gods: Commodore Perry and the Opening of Japan
(New York: Viking, 1990), pp. 47, 77, 79, 97.
[79]Gerald Sittser, A Cautious Patriotism:
The American Churches and the Second World War (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1997), pp. 38-39. The hierarchy’s complaint against the
Burke-Wadsworth Bill reflected more their self-interest than the influence of
labor. The bill failed to grant religious exemption to preministerial students.
When treated like workers, they reacted like workers.
[80]Douglas E. Leach, a fellow Pacific Naval
World War II veteran born the same year as Ed Jr., in his Now Hear This: The Memoir of a Junior
Naval Officer in the Great Pacific War (Kent, Ohio: Kent State
University Press, 1987), p. xiv, remarked, "I have tried to approach the
war [in writing about it], as I did at the time, from a Christian perspective.
Indeed, for many committed Christians, even a so-called 'just war' poses a serious
moral dilemma."
[81]See Terrar,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar)," (July 20, July 23, July 31, 1944),
nos. 2-57, 2-59, 2-65.
[82]Eugene Sledge, With
the Old Breed at Peleliu and Okinawa (Annapolis, Md.: Naval
Institute Press, 1966), pp. 22, 50; Robert Morris, Tradition
and Valor: A Family Journey (Manhattan, Kansas: Sunflower
University Press, 1999), p. 108; Walter Benjamin, War
and Reflection: The Navy Air Corps, 1944-1946:
Reflection on the War Fifty Years Later (White Bear Lake,
Minnesota: Red Oak Press, 1996), pp. 7-8; Leach, Now
Hear This, p. xiv.
[83]The Japanese “threat” meant as little to
American imperialism as it did to working people. By September 1947 politicians
such as George F. Kennan, who was Secretary of State George C. Marshall’s top
policy planner, were working to have Japan recreate its Greater East Asia
Co-Prosperity Sphere to thwart communism’s advance. See Arthur Dudden, The
American Pacific: from the Old China Trade to the Present (New York:Oxford
University Press, 1992), p. 210.
[84]Jack Swayze, Sporting
Course: Memoirs of a World War II Bomber Pilot (Manhattan,
Kansas: Sunflower University Press, 1993), p. viii. The government-sponsored
studies of rank-and-file psychology during the war found the same beliefs. The
war was seen as a bad but unavoidable thing, brought on by imperialism. The
closer to the “real business of war,” the more worthless it was felt. Those
with wives and children had a particular hatred. Political attempts at making
them internalize the war as their own responsibility or adopt imperialist
beliefs were not successful. See Samuel Stouffer, The American Soldier:
Adjustment During Army Life (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949),
vol. 1, pp. 431, 441, 444, 449, 463.
[85]Such was the conclusion of Alvin Kernan,
as he commented in Crossing the Line: A
Bluejacket's World War II Odyssey (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval
Institute Press, 1994), pp. 146-147:
War's cruelty and randomness, its indifference to human
life and the speed with which it erases existence forces anyone who thinks to
realize that war is not an aberration, only a speeded-up version of how it
always is. The evidence is always there, I reasoned, to anyone who will look
and see the plain facts his senses offer him - and what else is there except
the historical record, which fully agrees? - that men and women, like
everything else in the world, are born, grow and work for a time, and then
disintegrate.
[86]"Coffeyville Senior High School
Grade Report" (manuscript, 1935-1938), in possession of Toby Terrar. Ed
took a college preparatory course in which he had about a "B" average
with his worst grade being a "D" in physics during his second semester of
junior year. Other subjects were algebra, chemistry, history, geometry, English
and Latin. He also had some practical courses: woodwork, typing, glee club,
band, debate and journalism.
[87]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, March 21, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[88]There is an account of
Ed's family in Toby Terrar, Family
History Information about Edward Luther Terrar and Margaret Maye Gergen
(Silver Spring, Maryland: CW Press, 1994).
[89]Edward Terrar, Jr.
"On Becoming a Naval Aviator" (typewritten manuscript, May 28, 1988)
in "Miscellaneous Gergen-Terrar Interviews, 1988-1993," in possession
of Toby Terrar.
[90]Anonymous, "Year Passes in
Review," Coffeyville Journal
(January 1, 1940).
[91]The new Coffeyville
Municipal Airport had been dedicated on Sunday November 12, 1933. Some 7,000 of
the town's 12,000 population attended the dedication, including 13-year-old
Edward and family. Several hundred federal relief employees helped build the
170-acre field and hanger at a cost of $16,000. The Coffeyville newspaper
played up flying as glamorous and "trail blazing." See
"Thousands out to Open City Airport," Coffeyville Daily Journal (November 13, 1933), p. 1.
[92]Another veteran, Robert Carlisle in P-Boat Pilot: With a Patrol Squadron
in the Battle of the Atlantic (Santa Barbara, California: Fithian
Press, 1993), p. 23, stated that his CPT program cost $365, but the government
paid for all but the $6 to get a physical and the $7.20 for accident insurance.
[93]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Chronological
Biography" (manuscript, electronically filed as "EFTbiog,"
January 20, 1996), p. 2. Ed commented further about the program in "On
Becoming a Naval Aviator:"
So much for the National Guard at this point. There
was instituted sometime in the mid 30s by the federal government a program to
train aviators. The training was provided locally and by contract. It was known
as Civilian Pilot Training and the Civil Aeronautics Administration was the
Federal Agency which ran the program. In Coffeyville there were two
brothers named Lightstone who provided the training. So I signed up.
[94]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"On Becoming a Naval Aviator."
[95]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Chronological Biography," p. 2.
[96]One of Ed's early recollections of a
radio was connected to aviation. On May 20-21, 1927 at age 7, he listened on
his family's radio to the coverage of Charles Lindberg's transatlantic flight. See Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Interview" (manuscript, May 1, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[97]George Flynn, The Draft: 1940-1973 (Lawrence, Kansas:
University Press of Kansas, 1993), p. 11.
[98]Doris Goodwin, No
Ordinary Time: Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt: The Home Front in World War II
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), p. 186.
[99]Anonymous, The
College Dial (Coffeyville, Kansas, Coffeyville Junior College,
December 1940), p. 4, stated:
The draft will call some of our students into
service before this school year is over. Members of the National Guard which will mobilize
December 23, will not be in classes after the Christmas holidays. These boys
will be missed on the campus, but they will be performing a great service to
our country. Others have asked to be called in June, that they may finish out
their school year. There has been no reply to this request.
[100]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"On Becoming a Naval Aviator."
[101]Ibid.
[102]In the afternoon, Fr. O’Brien would
sometimes come over to the parish school that the Terrar children attended. The
children would sit on his lap. Maye told her daughters not to sit on his lap. See
Toby Terrar, Family History Information
about Edward Luther Terrar and Margaret Maye Gergen (Silver Spring,
Maryland: CW Press, 1994), p. 63.
[103]Ed's military serial number was 156370.
[104]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Gergen Family Interviews: 1969-1979" (manuscript, June 6, 1973), p.
31, in possession of Toby Terrar.
[105]Ed obtained the job at Oil Country
Specialties (OCS), which was then part of Parkersburg Rod and Reel, through
his parents. Jim Gregg, the OCS purchasing agent was a customer at the Triple A
Garage, which the Terrars were running by the late 1930s. The war was coming
and steel was short in supply. OCS needed an "efficiency expert" so
that the best use of their steel supply could be made. Ed's mother wrote him about the job. He signed on as a clerk, making $70 per month. OCS used 4 ft. by 6 ft., one inch thick steel plates
from which sheaves (circular gears) were cut for oil drilling rigs. Over a
nine-month period, Ed figured out how to maximize steel usage and helped the
company save nearly $1 million per year. After this success, Ed felt he should
be given a raise to $100 per month. The company offered a $10 raise to $80 per
month. Ed was drawing close to entering the military anyway, so he quit. See
Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview" (manuscript, March 25, 2001), in
possession of Toby Terrar.
[106]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Chronological Biography," p. 2.
[107]After the war, Charlie
Carpenter stayed in the Navy and retired on
disability (tuberculosis) as a lieutenant commander while still young. He went
back to school at the University of Kansas, obtained an engineering degree and worked as a road
engineer for the state of Kansas. Fifty years later Charlie and his wife Dottie
remembered visiting the Terrars in 1950 at Chula Vista, California. The dining room there had been made into the boys’
bedroom, complete with bunk beds.
[108]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944" (September 29, 1944),
no. 3-18.
[109]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, December 28, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[110]After the war P.D.
Thompson was a contractor. He built hospitals, schools and churches. He and his
wife Mary Jo also owned 150 walking horses, including a number of prizewinners.
Joe’s cousin, Admiral
William S. Sims, contributed to the conquest of the Philippines at the turn of the
century. He then spent the rest of his career defending it not only from rival
Asian and European powers, including the Philippine people, but from the
American people and Congress, which had little interest in supporting the
defense industry and empire building. Cousin Joe’s inheritance was World War II. See William
Braisted, The United States Navy in the Pacific, 1897-1909 (Austin,
Texas: University of Texas Press, 1958), pp. 30-31, 51, 180; Braisted, The
United States Navy in the Pacific, 1909-1922 (Austin, Texas: University of
Texas Press, 1971), pp. 197, 493, 496. Joe had grown up on Philadelphia's main
line, which was a nice part of town. His father had written a
book about playing cards. After the war Joe was a travel agent in Philadelphia
and was married a number of times. Ed kept in contact, calling him on the phone
on his birthday.
[111]Aviation Cadet Regiment,
The Slipstream (Corpus Christi, Texas: United States Naval Air Station, 1943), p. 154, has Ed's
picture and those of his buddies.
[112]Terrar, "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944" (August 26, 1944), no. 2-88.
[113]Norman Berg, My
Carrier War: The Life and Times of a Naval Aviator in World War II
(Central Point, Oregon: Hellsgate Publishers, 2001), pp. 7-8.
[114]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944" (April 8, 1944), no. 73.
[115]Edward Terrar, Jr., Aviator's Flight Log Book (manuscript,
1942-1945), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[116]Berg, My
Carrier War, pp. 9-10.
[117]See Edward Terrar, Jr., Aviator's Flight Log Book. The
Pepsi-Cola Company sponsored the phonograph making. Mark Pendergrast in For God, Country and Coca-Cola: The
Definitive History of the World's Most Popular Soft Drink
(London: Orion Business, 2000), p. 209, examined the use of the war to sell
beverage products. Large-costing ad campaigns allowed the companies to avoid
excess profits taxes. Of the Pepsi phonograph records, Pendergrast wrote:
Although his aggressive style didn't help when
he protested Coca-Cola's virtual monopoly on bases, Pepsi president Walter Mack
was determined to attract military business anyway, opening three huge
Pepsi-Cola Servicemen's Centers
in Washington, San Francisco, and New York, where soldiers could find free
Pepsi, nickel hamburgers, and a shave, and free pants pressing. And in 1942,
Pepsi invaded military installations to offer another free service. GIs could
record greetings and send them anywhere they chose. For tongue-tied soldiers,
Mack even provided sixteen boilerplate messages addressed to Mom, Dad, or the
girl back home. "Let me tell you," thousands of these ghostwritten
messages sincerely commenced, "Uncle Sam is doing a good job keeping me in
the pink of condition for you, honey, so don't be worrying about me." By
the end of the war 3 million personalized Pepsi recordings had been delivered
to loved one.
[118]Edward Terrar, Jr. "Transcription of
Phonograph Recording," (Corpus Christi, Texas: Summer 1942), in possession
of Edward Terrar, Jr. The date of Ed's A and B check was recorded in Terrar, Aviator's Flight Log Book. Ed's
over-exposure to the sun had results fifty years later. He periodically had
skin cancers on his nose. The growths had to be cut off and were the only
war-related wounds he suffered.
[119]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Navigation Workbook for Sale at Ships Service Store" (manuscript,
1942), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[120]Austin Knight, Modern Seamanship (10th ed., New York:
D. Van Nostrand Co., 1901, October 1942); Leland Lovette, Naval Customs, Traditions and Usage
(Annapolis: U.S. Naval Institute, 1939); and Anonymous, The
Bluejackets' Manual: United States Navy (10th ed., Annapolis:
U.S. Naval Institute, 1940).
[121]Anonymous, The Bluejackets' Manual, pp. 152, 157,
160.
[122]Lovette, Naval Customs, p. xv.
[123]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Interview" (manuscript, March 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[124]James Michener, The
World's My Home: A Memoir (New York: Random House, 1992), p. 18.
[125]Berg, My
Carrier War, pp. 27-28.
[126]Edward Terrar, Jr. "Interview,"
(May 1, 2002) in possession of Toby Terrar.
[127]Alvin Kernan, Crossing
the Line: A Bluejacket's World War II Odyssey (Annapolis,
Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1994), p. 157.
[128]Eugene Sledge, With
the Old Breed at Peleliu and Okinawa (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval
Institute Press, 1996), p. xvi.
[129]According to Norman Berg, My
Carrier War, p. 22, flight grades determined whether a cadet received what was requested.
[130]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Miscellaneous Orders for Edward Terrar, Jr.," (manuscript,
1942-1945), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[131]Rosie Hogan Horney,
"Interview with Toby Terrar" (manuscript, June 5-7, 1971), in
possession of Toby Terrar, mentioned the Sumter Trust Co.
[132]Another version of why the
family was split up was propounded by Elise Tucker, one of Claude's nieces. This version maintained that not
long after Claude's death Annie moved to Memphis, Tennessee for some period of
time, perhaps a year. Annie was in love with a man there. He was a Baptist
preacher named Mr. Sam Park Poag, born in 1880 in Harrison County, Mississippi. He had been
at Salem Baptist in Sumter.
He was already married. According to Elise, he talked Annie into liquidating the
dairy business and farming out the children and going to Memphis, Tennessee
with him. When her money ran out, which was quick, he dropped her and she came
back to Sumter. See Elise Tucker, "Interview" (manuscript, March 29,
1979), in possession of Toby Terrar. Another version, told by Hazel Hogan
Terrar, was that Mrs. Bessie J. Poag was a friend of Annie and that Annie did
not run off with Mr. Poag. Mr. Poag had moved to Memphis and Annie moved there
to start a business. In 1930 Rev. Poag was the pastor of Merton Road Baptist Church
in Memphis. See Hazel Hogan Terrar, "Interview" (manuscript, December
31, 1991), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[133]Annie Jones Hogan,
"Miscellaneous Letters" (manuscript, summer 1924), in possession of
Toby Terrar.
[134]Edmunds Hogan,
"Miscellaneous Letters" (manuscript, Summer 1931), in possession of
Toby Terrar.
[135]Hazel Terrar, "Interview"
(manuscript, March 30, 1993), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[136]The farm which the Jones
worked was owned by Mr. Barnett. He also owned Barnett's General Merchandise Store in
Sumter and went around in a chauffeur-driven black Cadillac. Mr. Barnett was
Jewish and the Jones
children were taught not to be anti-Semitic. Charlie stated, "We eat Jew
bread and that is that. We must show respect. You don't bite the hand that
feeds you." Charlie did not protest reality. But like all farmers, the
labor theory of value was
in his blood. His work and that of the sharecroppers produced the bread that
they and Mr. Barnett ate. But thanks to the "miracle" of the market, they were lucky to keep their families fed.
[137]The Wildcat (Hillcrest High School newspaper, December
1930), vol 2, no. 1.
[138]An African-American federal soldier, who
was part of the raid, camped out on the night of April 15-16, 1865 about 400
yards from the Joneses' farm. He described in his diary the area as "hilly
and rolling country sparsely settled with poor whites." See Luis F. Emilio, Brave Black Regiment: The History of
the 54th Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers Infantry, 1863-1865
(New York: DeCapo [1890] 1995).
[139]Hazel`s grandmother, "Momma
Jones" (Fannie Jones, 1858-1931), who was a child at the
time, told how Yankee cavalry soldiers took a white bonnet cap worn by a baby.
The cap came down over the ears and had ruffles. They paraded around on their
horses with it in the yard with it on their bayonets and passed it one to the
other. Because the baby was crying and became red in the face, a soldier called
the baby an Indian. See Hazel Terrar, "Interview" (manuscript, August
30, 1988), in possession of Toby Terrar. The soldiers were vengeful against
Momma Joneses' family because her father, Charlie Jones, had been involved in the killing of a
Union soldier several days earlier during the initial resistance to the
Northern forces. Stories of Northern misdeeds against the population tended to
grow with time. For example, the story of the baby's cap being passed from
bayonet to bayonet became the baby itself. But no source from the actual war
period has any of the Joneses' children being murdered.
[140]The commemoration was
reported in The Wildcat (February
1931), vol 2, no. 3, p. 4:
Birthdays of Franklin,
Lee,
and Jackson Celebrated
------
Interesting Programs Put
On
By Grammar Grades
The birthday of Franklin was celebrated on
Friday, January 16, during chapel period by the fifth,
sixth, and seventh grades. The program was as follows:
Biography of Franklin - Dick
Scarborough.
Wise
Sayings of Franklin - Boys and girls of the fifth grade.
Dialogue - John Marion Shirer and E. C. Weatherly.
Letter by Mr. Webb to Franklin - Mary
Lenoir.
These grades also gave a joint celebration of
Lee's and Jackson's birthdays in the auditorium on January 20. The program
follows:
Biography of Jackson - Amelia Hildebrand.
Biography of Lee - John Alston.
Song - "Under the Trees" -
Seventh grade.
Stories
of Lee and Jackson - Boys and girls of the fifth grade.
Song,
"Dixie" - Entire School.
[141]The Joneses always had a vegetable garden, plus chickens, cows and pigs. The
children had chores like collecting the eggs, working in the garden, helping to
can the vegetables and feeding the dogs and cats. Winter was hog-killing time.
They would make sausage. The meat would be shared with the neighbors. The
Joneses made their own mattresses from cotton grown on the farm. Each week the
mattresses would be aired in the sunshine. They made their pillows from chicken
feathers.
[142]Clyde played the organ by
ear, as she did not read music. Lena Jones Hill, one of Clyde's daughters wrote
in "Letter" (January 15, 1992), in possession of Toby Terrar, about
hearing a recording of "The Golden Bells":
I had some moments of real homesickness. In my
"mind's eye" I could see mama very plainly, singing, doing household
chores. I feel sure those
old hymns Mama sang so lustily got her thru many
difficult times. Several of the hymns are hymns we sang at Providence church, with Mama being the "lead"
singer.
[143]Not every one went to
both churches, but some did. Charlie did not go every Sunday because he wanted
to rest. Several of Charlie's daughters (Lena and Allene) regularly played the organ at the Baptist church for the
congregation, but on the Sundays when the Baptists had a communion service,
non-Baptists could not attend. On the fifth Sunday they would go to the
Presbyterian church. At "lay-by time" in the summer, there would be a revival at
Providence. The church grounds and cemetery would be cleaned and there would be
a big table full of food brought by each family.
[144]Hazel Terrar, "Interview"
(manuscript, October 10, 1990), in possession of Toby Terrar. Hazel's tattered
4 in. by 6 in. Holy Bible (New York:
American Bible Society, 1920), was by her bed 80 years later. A hundred or more
favorite passages were marked in pencil or ink or with the page folded over. Proverbs and the New
Testament received the most attention, including:
He
that despiseth his neighbor sinneth: but he that hath mercy on the poor, happy
is he (Proverbs 14:21).
He
that is slow to wrath is of great understanding: but he that is hasty of spirit
exalteth folly (Proverbs 14:29).
He
that oppresseth the poor reproacheth his
Maker; but he that honoureth him hath mercy on the poor (Proverbs 14:31).
Be
not desirous of his dainties: for they are deceitful meat (Proverbs 23:3).
Be
not thou envious against evil men, neither desire to be with them (Proverbs 24:1).
Wherefore
I perceive that there is nothing better, than that a man should rejoice in his
own works (Ecclesiastes 5:12).
The
sleep of a labouring man is sweet,
whether he eat little or much: but the abundance of the rich will not suffer
him to sleep (Ecclesiastes 3:22).
Behold,
every one that useth proverbs shall use this proverb against thee, saying. As
is the mother, so is her daughter (Ezekiel
16:44).
It
is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into
the kingdom of God (Mark 10:25).
But
when thou makest a feast, call the poor, the maimed, the lame, the blind (Luke 14:13).
And
he laid his hand on her: and immediately she was made straight, and glorified
God.
And
the ruler of the synagogue answered with indignation, because that Jesus had
healed on the sabbath day (Luke
13:13-14).
But
I said, Not so, Lord: for nothing common or unclean hath at any time entered
into my mouth.
But
the voice answered me again from heaven. What God hath cleansed, that call not
thou common (Acts 11:8-9).
And
they that use the world, as not abusing it: for the fashion of this world
passeth away (1 Corinthians 7:31).
For
our sakes, no doubt, this is written: that he that plougheth should plough in
hope; and that he that thresheth in hope should be partaker of his hope (1 Corinthians 9:10).
For
this ye know, that no whoremonger, nor unclean person, nor covetous man, who is
an idolater, hath any inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God
(Ephesians 5:5).
For
it is a shame even to speak of those things which are done of them in secret
(Ephesians 5:12).
On
the inside cover of her Bible, Hazel wrote the names of Sunday school teachers
Benj. Cutino and Mrs. Hatto, the names of her foster parents, and messages such as
"Milk, 1 qt., 1 pt.," and quoted Proverb
22, "A good name is rather to be chosen than great riches." Inside
the Bible were also clippings from the newspaper, such as a poem, Love is Strong by
Richard Burton:
A viewless thing is the wind,
But
its strength is mightier far
Than a phalanxed host in battle line,
Than
the limbs of a Samson are.
And a viewless thing is Love,
And
a name that vanisheth;
But her strength is the wind's wild strength
above,
For
she conquers shame and Death.
[145]During the week of June
6-13, 1930, 16-year old Hazel went to the South Carolina Home Demonstration
short course for girls at Winthrop College. There they
had a vesper service at which a prayer by Thomas à Kempis was recited. In
addition several hymns, including "Now the Day is Over" and "Break
Thou the Bread of Life" were sung. See Hazel Hogan (ed.), "My School
Memories" Scrapbook,
(manuscript) in possession of Hazel (Hogan) Terrar.
[146]Annie Jones Hogan,
"Miscellaneous Letters" (manuscript, 1929?), in possession of Toby
Terrar.
[147]Edmunds re-enlisted in 1932,
1933 and again on September 15, 1939. He was later stationed in Rhode Island
and then Massachusetts. See Anonymous, "Official Statement of Military
Service of Robert E. Hogan" (manuscript, Department of the Army, Office of
the Adjutant General, May 13, 1970), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[148]The Wildcat (February 1931), vol. 2, no 3. The school ran
from the first grade to high school and had 271 students in all. There was a 24
to 1 student-teacher ratio. The teachers at Hillcrest made $100 per month and
the six school bus drivers made $20 per month. The PTA funded milk at recess
for students who were undernourished and provided
clothing and books to needy children. See "Where the Money Goes," in ibid.
[149]According to Hazel Hogan
(ed.), "My School Memories" Scrapbook,
on January 15, 1931, she scored 11 points against Lykesland and on Jan. 21,
1931, she made 16 points against Pinewood. The Wildcats lost only one game in
Hazel's junior year (1929-1930), which was a tournament game.
[150]In the 10th grade
(1929-1930) Hazel received an "A" in the 2nd and 3rd quarter for
History III and finished with a "B" yearly average. She earned a
"B" for three quarters in English III, but finished with a
"C" yearly average. She earned a "D" for several quarters
in French I but finished with a "C" yearly average. In economics her
yearly average was likewise "C." In deportment, she always received
an "A." The report was signed each quarter by Mrs. C L Jones under
the "parent or guardian" section.
[151]"September" by Helen Hunt
Jackson, as recited by Hazel Terrar:
The goldenrod is yellow,
The corn is turning
brown,
The trees in apple orchards
With fruit are bending
down.
The gentian's bluest fringes
Are curling in the
sun;
In dusty pods the milkweed
Its hidden silk has
spun;
The sedges flaunt their harvest
In every meadow nook,
And asters by the brookside
Make asters in the
brook;
From dewy lanes at morning
The grapes' sweet
odors rise;
At noon the roads all flutter
With yellow
butterflies--
By all these lovely tokens
September days are
here,
With summer's best of weather
And
autumn's best of cheer.
[152]"Carry Me Back to Old Virginny"
was the Virginia state poem between 1940 and 1997. Its first stanza is:
Carry me back to old Virginny,
There's where the cotton and the
corn and tatoes grow,
There's where the birds warble
sweet in the springtime,
There's where the old darke'ys
heart am long'd to go,
There's where I labored so hard
for old massa,
Day after day in the field of
yellow corn,
No place on earth do I love more
sincerely
Than old Virginny, the state
where I was born.
[153]The following is part of "Where Go
the Boats?:
Dark brown is the river.
Golden is the
sand.
It flows along for ever,
With trees on
either hand. . .
Away down the river,
A hundred miles
or more,
Other little children
Shall bring my
boats ashore.
[154]"What is So Rare as a Day in
June" begins:
And what is so rare as a day in
June?
Then, if ever,
come perfect days;
Then Heaven tries earth if it be
in tune,
And over it
softly her warm ear lays;
Whether we look, or whether we
listen,
We hear life murmur, or see it
glisten;
Every clod feels a stir of
might,
An instinct
within it that reaches and towers,
And, groping blindly above it
for light,
Climbs to a soul
in grass and flowers;
The flush of life may well be
seen
Thrilling back
over hills and valleys; . . .
[155]Leon Howard, Victorian
Knight-Errant: A Study of the Early Literary Career of James Russell Lowell
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1952).
[156]For this purpose the school distributed
printed "English Parallel Report" forms with the title
"Hillcrest High School English Department" at the top.
[157]Hazel Hogan (Terrar), "English
Parallel Report" (manuscript, October [1930?]), in possession of Hazel
Terrar.
[158]Alice Duer Miller and
Robert Milton's The Charm School: A
Comedy in Three Acts (New York: S. French, 1922), was staged at Hillcrest on May 27, 1931.
Hazel played Elise
Benedotti, the president of the senior class at the charm school. The play had
been performed at the New Bijou Theater in New York City in 1920. See The Wildcat (May 1931), vol. 2, no. 5.
[159]The school newspaper, The Wildcat (May 1931), vol. 2, no. 2,
gave the following account of the minstrel, which was staged on Friday April
17, 1931:
Girls' Minstrel Proves
A Great Success
-------
Two Acts Entertain
Large Audience
On
Friday night, April 17th, the Hillcrest Wild Kittens proved to a large
gathering of Hillcrest supporters and visitors from other communities just what
they could do. This was their second time to appear in a performance of this
kind and they are so entertaining that the public looks forward each year to
this particular program.
The
Kittens numbered about fifty. The white ones were dressed in white with black
jackets. This uniformity of dress, with Mrs. Dinkins, interlocutix, in the center, dressed like Martha
Washington, presented a very pleasing appearance. The end women, Peggy
Livingston, Evelina Hildebrand, Lily Moore, Marguerite White, Winifred Northcutt, and Hazel Hogan, kept the audience laughing with witty
jokes on the teachers, preachers, doctors, merchants, etc.
The
program consisted of two acts, the first one included the school song, choruses
and jokes; and the second act presented the "Sympathy" Orchestra,
which rendered several numbers, among which was a special number by one of the
black Kittens. Her voice became very unruly and shrieky in the name of a violin
solo. These musical selections were very much enjoyed.
The
Athletic Association received $74.80 which it badly needed. We wish to thank
everyone for his loyal support to Hillcrest.
[160]Others in the Zader-Gump Wedding Nupituals dressed as
Mutt and Jeff, Orphan Annie and similar characters. See Hazel Hogan (ed.),
"My School Memories" Scrapbook.
[161]The Wildcat (January 1931), vol. 2, no. 2.
[162]The dress was made from
taffeta and was orchid (lavender) in color. Taffeta is a fine, smooth, glossy
silk fabric or any similar silk or linen material.
[163]See
"Invitation" (May 8, 1931), in the possession of Hazel Terrar. The
invitation, which was in fancy handwriting, was addressed, "President of
Senior Class." It read:
The Junior Class
invites the Senior Class
to be present at the
Junior-Senior reception to be held at
Hillcrest High School
Friday evening, May
eighth,
at half past eight
o'clock.
[164]The printed schedule of
activities stated:
Commencement Program
of
Hillcrest High School
1931
Sunday, May 24
4:00 P.M. - Sermon to
the Graduating Class.
Wednesday, May 27
8:15 P.M. - Senior Play
- "The Charm School."
Thursday, May 28
8:15 P.M. - Recital by
Music Department.
Friday, May 29
8:15 P.M. - Graduating
Exercises.
All exercises will be
conducted in the auditorium of the school.
[165]"Pupils and Faculty
Bid Farewell to the Seniors," The
Wildcat (May 1931), vol. 2, no. 5, p. 3. The "Senior Biography"
for "Strawberry," as she was called because of her red hair, stated:
Hazel Hogan
"Good Natured, optimistic, kind
and sweet-
Hazel as a Senior is hard to
beat."
"Strawberry" is an all-round attractive, good sport who is dearly
loved by both young and old.
In
basketball circles Hazel's name ranks among the best. She can, at anytime, show
four letters which represent her career as a Hillcrest forward.
With
her classmates she is a favorite. As President of her class in her junior and
senior years she was unsurpassed.
"Strawberry"
we predict for you a great success, and if you attack the problems of life with
the same "Wildcat" spirit that you have displayed at Hillcrest your
success is assured.
As
graduation presents, her mother gave her a bracelet and pearls. Mr. Emil Emrich
(Keith) Veith (1892-1975), who her mother had married, gave her a dress, hose
and step-ins. Her brother gave her candy. Her paternal grandmother (Elizabeth
Jane Brown Hogan, 1865-1934), known as Mammy Mills, gave her a pair of
shorts and brassiere. See Hazel Hogan (ed.), "My School Memories" Scrapbook.
[166]Hazel Terrar, "Interview"
(manuscript, September 10, 1985), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[167]Hazel Hogan (ed.),
"My School Memories" Scrapbook.
[168]Edmunds Hogan,
"Miscellaneous Letters" (manuscript, August 10, 1931), in possession
of Toby Terrar.
[169]Ms. Goodnow was serious about
nursing education and wrote, as friend Estelle Hunt pointed out, a
number of texts, including First Year
Nursing (Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders, 1921), The Technic of Nurshing (Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders, 1930) and Nursing History in Brief (Philadelphia:
W.B. Saunders, 1938).
[170]Gould's Pocket Pronouncing Medical Dictionary: 40,000
Medical Words Pronounced and Defined (9th ed., York, Pennsylvania: Maple Press,
1928), Diana C. Kimber and Carolyn Gray's Textbook
of Anatomy and Physiology (8th ed., New York: Macmillan, 1932); Arthur
Eisenberg and Mabel Huntly's Principles
of Bacteriology in Fifteen Lessons (5th ed., St. Louis: C.V. Mosby, 1930);
and Florence Anna Ambler's A Textbook of
Medical Diseases for Nurses Including Nursing Care (Philadelphia: W. B.
Sanders Co., 1933).
[171]On one page of Gray's Textbook of Anatomy, Hazel listed her
schedule: 10:30 anatomy, 11:30 wards, 1:00 - 2:00 bacteriology, 2:00 - 4:00
off. There were notes next to material that she wanted to ask Ms. Lacy about.
She also made notes in Eisenberg and Huntly's Principles of Bacteriology, as for example, on the inside cover,
"immunity is the resistance to disease due to the presence of
antibodies." Another note reminded her, "Thursday count colonies [of
bacteria?]. How many can be in a cc of milk. . . Tuberculosis . . . sources of
contamination, 1. dairy, 2. milk, 3. cow." At the beginning of various
chapters is the word "begin," as in Chapter IV, "Methods of
Studying Bacteria," Chapter VI "Distribution, Transmission and
Destruction of Bacteria," Chapter VIII, "Immunity and Immune
Substances," and Chapter IX, "Bacteriology of Water and Milk."
On some pages the text is underlined with an occasional "omit" or a "skip."
Illustrative of the underlined text is a paragraph in ibid, p. 178, that dealt with exotoxins and endotoxins:
We now know that there are two chief kinds of
bacterial poisons - the exotoxins and the endotoxins, the former being the
separable poisons, secreted by bacteria in the blood throughout the entire
body, while the bacteria themselves do not enter the blood circulation and
usually remain where they have become lodged; the latter are inseparable
poisons and only are liberated from the bacterial body after the bacteria have
died, the bacteria themselves having circulated in the blood (the third kind of
bacterial poisons, namely, the bacterial proteins are unimportant since they
are not specific). It is evident that since the poisons liberated by the
bacteria are different, the anti-bodies must be different, and such is the
fact.
[172]Howard Browne, The Newport Hospital: A History, 1873-1973
(Newport, Rhode Island: Mowbray, 1976), p. 93.
[173]Ibid., p. 95.
[174]Of course, Hazel was not
one for doing much philosophizing on such things, one way or the other. Ed Jr.
believed that the graduates of such schools were
strong in pharmacology, anatomy and patient-care in a hospital setting. Starting
in September 1931 the school required that new students have a high school
diploma before entering. An education wing with lecture rooms, an auditorium
and sleeping rooms for night nurses was added in 1934 to the Friendship Street
end of the nurses residence. See ibid.,
pp. 92, 94.
[175]Other classmates were Helen Kelly (Dwyer), whose picture Hazel always kept, and Mary Sweeney. In the 1970s Hazel and Ed had lunch
with Mary in Newport, where she was still living.
[176]Estelle Hunt,
"Interview" (manuscript, May 2, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[177]Terrar, "Gergen
Family Interviews: 1969-1979" (January 13, 1970).
[178]Browne, The Newport Hospital, p. 93.
[179]Estelle Hunt,
"Interview, July 29, 2000," in Edward Terrar, Jr. et al,
"Miscellaneous Interviews: 1997-2000" (manuscript), in possession of
Toby Terrar. One patient, named Ward Hicks, gave her a set of Spalding “Robert L. Jones” golf clubs
which she held on to for many years. Mr. Hicks and his wife later moved to
Albuquerque. Hazel and her family, on a trip from Kansas to California, visited
them in 1947.
[180]Dr. Alexander had
graduated from the University of Pennsylvania in 1916. During
World War I he served with the U.S. Army Medical Corps. In France he learned
the technique of paravertebral thoracoplasty or lung surgery as a treatment for
tuberculosis. Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview" in ibid. noted that Hazel had him get a chest x-ray while he was still
in the Navy, which she read. Those who did the x-ray in San Diego knew of Dr.
Alexander. Among Alexander's works was a 700-page book on chest surgery, The Collapse of Pulmonary Tuberculosis
(Springfield, Ill.: C.C. Thomas, 1937); see Horace Davenport, Fifty Years of Medicine at the University of
Michigan (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan School of Medicine, 1987), p.
325.
[181]Dr. Alexander's main
technique was to collapse and shut down the movement of the diseased lung,
which allowed it to rest. In doing his lung operation, he removed the first rib
and part of its cartilage, because an adequate collapse was not obtained if the
first rib was allowed to hold up the chest wall. Other ribs were also removed,
depending on where the disease was located. If the disease was in the lower
lung, all but the twelfth rib was removed. When he operated on the left side,
he would cut out ribs right up to the border of the heart. The operation was
termed "radical." It was safer and easier on the patient when done in
stages. Sometimes he did four or more operations on a patient. A single stage
required less than half an hour from incision to closure. He invented a knife
for stripping the ribs as a preliminary to collapsing the lungs. In one
two-year period in the early 1930s, he operated on 119 patients, eleven percent
of whom died. The others with their closed lung had persistent negative sputum,
which was good. He was also a master of a wide range of other surgical
procedures dealing with the lungs, such as the inducement of paralysis in
various parts of the chest by crushing nerves in the neck. He experimented with
the complete removal of diseased lungs, but there was a high incidence of
death. He himself in the early 1930s contracted tuberculosis. While in a body
cast, he wrote The Surgery of Pulmonary
Tuberculosis. After his recovery, he took prolonged winter vacations in
Arizona, during which an assistant took over.
[182]As tuberculosis was
conquered by antibiotics in the 1950s, the thoracic surgeons trained by the
Michigan team helped develop the radical heart and aorta surgery of the 1950s
and 1960s. Many years later Ed Jr. said that Hazel
was Alexander's main or scrub nurse. But both Hazel and Estelle Hunt said she
was a ward nurse, not a surgical nurse. Sometimes people's memories gild the
lily. It was accomplishment enough to nurse those who underwent Alexander's
scalpel.
[183]Even currently, according to the World
Health Organization, there were 88 million tuberculosis cases and 30 million
deaths worldwide between 1990 and 1999.
[184]Transcript, University
of Michigan, School of Education, 1937-1938. Hazel's transcript mentioned her
mother's name as "Mrs. E. E. Veith living at 302 Oakland Ave., Sumter,
S.C."
[185]Harriet was from Iowa and had graduated
from a 3-year program like Hazel's. She was at Michigan from 1935 to 1954 and
married a marine biologist in 1944 who did military service in the Pacific
during World War II. One of Hazel's friends, Rose J. Volk, who had graduated from the University
of Michigan Nursing School in 1934, died on July 18, 1938 at Rochester,
Michigan.
[186]Estelle Hunt, "Interview"
(manuscript, January 25, 1973), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[187]Ibid.
[188]Lizzie Troublefield's father, Bob Jones, objected when Max and Lizzie married in
1921 at the Presbyterian parsonage in Atlanta, Georgia. Max was twelve years
older than 34-year-old Lizzie. He was divorced, with two children, Hazel and
Lottie (1911-1967). Lottie had downs syndrome and lived with her uncle, William
Troublefield. Lizzie never had children. Max, Lizzie and Annie Hogan were all living at 302 West Oakland in Sumter in 1930. Their rent was $7.50 per month. See Elizabeth "Lizzie"
Troublefield, "Interview with Toby Terrar" (manuscript, 1970), in
possession of Toby Terrar.
[189]Harry Jones lived across the field from Poppa's place in Dalzell and worked as
a prison guard. Living with him were his two half-sisters, Ms. Dianna and Maria
Spann. Harry's girlfriend was Virginia Louise
Weatherby, a "colored woman." He had no
children and tried to leave his place to her when he died in 1949. But the
court ruled that he only had a life estate in it, so that it stayed in the
Jones family.
[190]Estelle Hunt,
"Interview" (manuscript, August 5, 2000), in possession of Toby
Terrar. The next vacation for Estelle and Hazel after their southern trip was
to the home of Estelle's mother at Woonsocket, Rhode Island. Estelle's family, like other working class
familes, took vacations in the summer on Providence Island in
Narragansett Bay and Block Island in the Atlantic at the east entrance to Long
Island. Hazel went along on one of these vacations. One of Estelle's brothers
was named John. Years later Hazel was still exchanging Christmas cards with him
at Woonsocket. The year following their visit to Rhode Island, Estelle and
Hazel made another trip to Sumter. On the way back to Michigan on one of their
trips, they stopped at Niagara Falls. After they had the car for two years they
sold it for $200.
[191]By 1940 Hazel's brother, Edmunds, was a staff sergeant in the Army's First Corps. He worked in a medical
detachment at the station hospital at Fort Banks, Winthrop, Massachusetts. The Surgeon General from 1935 to 1939
was Major General Charles R. Reynolds. One of those under whom Edmunds worked
in the Boston area was Col. James Stevens Simmons (1890-1954). Simmons
specialized in microbiological, clinical and epidemiological research. Simmons
was transferred on February 15, 1940 to Washington, D.C. to develop the wartime
Preventive Medicine Service in the office of the Surgeon General. Simmons
edited Laboratory Methods of the United
States Army (4th ed., 1935). Edmunds' job was to care for the sick and
wounded. He had married Cora Mabel Emery (1919-1946) on June 19, 1939. The ceremony was performed by Rev.
Philip E. Anthes. It was the first marriage for both. On
March 14, 1940 at age 29, Edmunds committed suicide with cyanide and was buried at Camp Devens in
Ayer, Massachusetts. If anyone knew why he killed himself, they did not
publicize it. Hazel did not dwell on it.
[192]Barbara Adelman, quoted in Tom Brokaw
(ed.), An Album of Memories: Personal
Histories from the Greatest Generation (New York: Random House,
2001), p. 269.
[193]Tsuruko Matsuda, "Nursing, Fleeing,
Hiding," Women Against War: Compiled by Women's
Division of Soka Gakkai (Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1986),
pp. 66-72.
[194]Carl Jr. was a year behind Ed in school.
He went to Coffeyville Junior College and then the University of Iowa, where he majored in English. Carl's
great grandmother had a good bit of money, which derived from oil that was on her
land. Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview" (manuscript, March 2002), in
possession of Toby Terrar.
[195]Frederick Mears, Carrier Combat (Garden City, NY:
Doubleday, Doran & Co., 1944), pp. 5-6.
[196]"Order for Edward
Terrar, Jr., United States Pacific Fleet, Fleet Air Alameda, California"
(February 17, 1943), in Edward Terrar, Jr., "Miscellaneous Orders for
Edward Terrar, Jr.," (manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of Edward
Terrar, Jr.
[197]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Gergen Family Interviews: 1969-1979" (manuscript, December 23,
1969), p. 18, in possession of Toby Terrar.
[198]"Helpful
Information to Reporting Officers," in Terrar, "Miscellaneous
Orders."
[199]Creepy Flint's father, Leon Nelson Flint (1875-1955), authored several books, including The Conscience of the Newspaper: A
Casebook in the Principles and Problems of Journalism (New York:
D. Appleton & Co., 1925). In it the “capitalist” media is criticized for
betraying the public welfare. See ibid.,
p. 136.
[200]Ed Simpson quoted in Ray Chandler,
"The Quiet Veteran: Profile of a World War II Vet," Daily Messenger (Clemson, South
Carolina), November 9, 2002. After the war Sonny ran a landscape-contracting
business in South Carolina and served in the South Carolina legislature from
1974 to 1990.
[201]Steve Mandarich and his wife, Ruby
obtained a divorced and he had some trouble with his son. Steve remarried and
on retirement he ended up at Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario. See Anonymous,
"Obituary of Steven Mandarich," Washington
Post (December 28, 2001).
[202]When Ed married later in 1943, Thornburg
volunteered to measure the new wife for a diaphragm. Ed responded that he was a
Catholic and did not want
one. Later, when the new wife became pregnant, Thornburg told Ed he should have
had a diaphragm. But Ed and his wife wanted a child. See
Edward
Terrar, Jr., "Interview" (manuscript, August 8, 2002), in possession
of Toby Terrar.
[203]George Bush was also a TBFer. He took a joy-riding fellow
Yalie, Lt. (j.g.) W.G. (Ted) White on a combat mission. White had
not been instructed on exiting the plane in an
emergency or parachuting. The plane was hit, Bush bailed out but White and a
crewmember were killed. See Joe Hyams, Flight
of the Avenger: George Bush at War (San Diego: Harcourt, Brace Jovanovich,
1991), p. 106.
[204]Bernard Peterson in Briny to the Blue: Memoirs of World
War II (Scottsdale, Arizona: Chuckwalla Pub., 1992), p. 117,
discussed the strict rules in flight school. One could be terminated if caught flying outside
the prescribed 10 mile radius training area or under 500 feet in altitude. But
Ed, no longer being in school, was not bound by such rules.
[205]Harrill himself received criticism for his own activities. For example,
Admiral Joseph James "Jocko" Clark, in Carrier
Admiral (New York: D. McKay Co., 1967), pp. 159, 163, rebuked him
for his leadership during the Marianas campaign. Harrill restricted the air support provided by Task Force 58.4, which he commanded.
[206]Norman Berg, My
Carrier War: The Life and Times of a Naval Aviator in World War II
(Central Point, Oregon: Hellsgate Publishers, 2001), p. 54.
[207]Steve Ewing and John B. Lundstrom, Fateful Rendezvous: The Life of Butch
O'Hare (Annapolis, Maryland: U.S. Naval Institute Press, 1997);
Alvin Kernan, Crossing the Line: A Bluejacket's
World War II Odyssey (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press,
1994).
[208]Edward Terrar, Jr. "Interview,"
(May 1, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[209]Edward Terrar, Jr., Aviator's Flight Log Book (manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of
Edward Terrar, Jr.
[210]Ibid., p. 3.
[211]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, April 27,
1944), no. 89; (manuscript, May 11, 1944), no. 2-2, in possession of Hazel
Terrar.
[212]Howard Tuttle's fourth great grandfather,
Henry B. Tuttle, was a partner in Hewitt & Tuttle, a wholesale commission
and produce company with headquarters on the Cuyahoga River. Henry’s trade in
iron ore led him to become a pioneer in America's iron industry. In the 1850s
he gave young John D. Rockefeller his first job. In later years, the Tuttle and Rockefellers
attended Euclid Baptist Church in Cleveland. Howard's third great grandfather,
Frederick Leonard Tuttle, married Julia D. Sturtevant in 1867. Frederick died young in 1886 of tuberculosis. Among his widow's accomplishments was
the purchase of 640 acres in Florida. In the 1890s with the help of Henry
Flagler's railroad, she developed this parcel
into the city of Miami. See David Chandler, Henry
Flagler: The Astonishing Life and Times of the Visionary Robber Barron Who
Founded Florida (New York: Macmillan Publishing, 1986), pp.
28-29, 161-167.
[213]Kansans living in California had an
organization with Dr. George Huber as its president. They met for a picnic the
first Sunday in May at Baldwin Park and the last Sunday in August at one of the
coast cities. The Coffeyville Journal
(September 19, 1940) reported that 200 Coffeyville exiles attended a picnic held at Long Beach on Sunday September
15, 1940.
[214]Alvin Kernan in Crossing
the Line: A Bluejacket's World War II Odyssey (Annapolis,
Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1994), p. 120, overly generalized:
"Between officers and enlisted men an impermeable filter blocked all
transmission of emotion."
[215]William G. Gentry,
"Interview with Toby Terrar," (manuscript, April 12, 2001), in
possession of Toby Terrar.
[216]Earlier in 1943 the Altamaha had been
operating in the South Pacific. She returned to San Diego on April 1 and
commenced three and one-half months of light operations off the California
coast alternated with upkeep in San Diego. It was at this time that Ed's
squadron did their landings aboard her. Afterwards, on July 13, she went to
Alameda to take on planes, which she delivered to Brisbane, Australia on August 3. Following a ten-day visit to Fremantle, she got
underway on the 16th for India and arrived at Karachi on August 28 and
delivered 29 Army Air Force airplanes. On September 2, she reversed her course
and steamed back to Australia. She reached Melbourne on the 18 and, at the end
of three days there in a leave and upkeep status, she set off for the west
coast of the United States. She did a lot of traveling in a short period.
[217]Ernie Pyle, "It's a Strain to Watch
Planes Land on Carrier" Kansas City
Star (April, 1945). Pyle also commented about the carrier landings:
When
all the planes were back, I walked over to Comdr. Al Gurney, the air officer,
and said, "If I'm going to watch this for the whole trip, you'll have to
provide me with some heart-failure medicine."
And
he replied, "Well, think of me. I've had to watch 2,000 of them. It'll
drive you nuts."
The
previous skipper of the ship finally got so he refused to watch when the planes
were coming in. He just stood on the bridge and kept looking forward.
And
a friend of mine in the crew is almost as bad. He is Chief Bosun's Mate George
Rowe, from Fort Worth, Tex. His nickname is "Catfish."
"I
was on this ship for a year before I ever saw an entire flight land," he
said. "I just couldn't bear to look at them."
But
as the trip wore on the boys improved and my own nerves hardened, and between
us we managed to get all our planes down for the rest of the trip without a
single casualty either to them or to me.
[218]Charles Dickey,
"Log of Squadron VC-35," (unpublished, typed manuscript in possession
of Toby Terrar), p. 1. Dickey's account covers the period July 15, 1943 to October 12,
1943, while the squadron was in southern California. It was written at some
later time based on a log or diary that he kept. Dickey did not stay with the
squadron after the end of 1943. According to Ed the account is reputed to
contain some fiction. It is strong on the leisure-time (liberty) activities of
some of the squadron members: bars, alcohol (scotch, bourbon,
whiskey), drinking until you vomited or passed out, aspirin for hangovers, crap
and poker games, especially on pay-day, bar-room fights, juke
boxes, women and body lice.
[219]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Interview," (December 28, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar. In
Karl von Clausewitz's On War,
ed. Michael Howard (Princeton: Princeton University Press, [1832] 1976), Book
5, Chapter 2, and Book 6, Chapter 26, is a discussion of Napoleon's defeat by the Russians in 1812. There
was a balance between the area to be held and the size of the invading forces.
The French could not be defeated in a single large battle, but they were
vulnerable when subjected to guerilla warfare, an armed people and diffusion of
hostilities with attacks on their lines of supply and communication. The Germans in World War II faced similar difficulties.
[220]John Wukovits, Devotion
to Duty: A Biography of Admiral Clifton A. Sprague (Annapolis,
Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1995), p. 120. Halsey had first won home front
acclaim in April 1942 when, on board the carrier Enterprise as commander of Task Force 16, he transported Army Lt. Col. James
H. "Jimmy" Doolittle and sixteen B-25 bombers within six hundred miles of Japan for
Doolittle's daring raid on Tokyo. Though causing little substantive damage to
Japan, the raid lifted the morale of those who
had been shattered by Pearl Harbor and transformed Halsey into a media hero.
[221]The Solomon campaign lasted from February
21 to November 2, 1943, as United States forces advanced up the Solomon chain
in a series of amphibious operations toward the Japanese base at Rabaul.
[222]Dickey, "Log of
Squadron VC-35," p. 2.
[223]Terrar, Jr.,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944" (July 18, 1944), no.
2-55.
[224]Dickey, "Log of
Squadron VC-35," p. 4.
[225]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
Mildred Terrar Throckmorton, Jim Foster, "Miscellaneous Gergen-Terrar
Interviews, 1988-1993," (June 8, 1993), p. 17, in possession of Toby
Terrar.
[226]Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944" (manuscript, August 22,
1943), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[227]Bruce Weart stayed in the Navy for twenty
years and then lived in the Washington, D.C. area where he worked for an
aeronautics company. Upon retirement he and his wife moved to Colorado. See
Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview" (manuscript, August 9, 2002), in
possession of Toby Terrar.
[228]In the year prior to August 1943, the Copahee and its crew of
890 people, including LeRoy Schlaegel, future leader of its veterans
association, had taken Marine fighter planes, stores and personnel from Alameda
to Noumea, Guadalcanal and to forward bases in the New Hebrides, Figis and New
Caledonia Islands. Within a week after Ed's squadron made practice landings on
her, she set out to deliver aircraft to Townsville and Brisbane, Australia.
Between September 2, 1943 and January 19, 1944, she made two voyages to these
destinations and one to Pearl Harbor. In all she steamed 273,000 nautical miles
between 1943 and 1945. See James L. Mooney (ed.), Dictionary
of American Naval Fighting Ships (Washington, D.C.: Navy
Department, Office of the Chief of Naval Operations, 1991), vol. 3, pp.
183-184.
[229]Terrar, Jr.,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, August 25,
1943).
[230]Dickey, "Log of
Squadron VC-35," p. 18.
[231]Edward Terrar, Jr. "Letters to Hazel
Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, August 29, 1943), in possession
of Hazel Terrar.
[232]According to one of Ed's letters, this case
was finally heard when he was out at sea. The sailor lost. See Terrar, "Letters to Hazel
Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (December 1943), nos. 35 and 40. The case will
be discussed further in a following chapter.
[233]Terrar, "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944" (August 29, 1943).
[234]Edward Terrar, Jr.
“Interview with Toby Terrar,” (manuscript, August 1, 2002), in possession of
Toby Terrar.
[235]Judy Litoff, We're in this War, Too: World War II Letters from American Woman in
Uniform (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 12. In 1943 the NNC,
along with the Dental Corps, Medical Corps, Hospital Corps and WAVEs were part
of the Navy's Bureau of Medicine and Surgery, which was headed by the Surgeon
General of the Navy, who served under the Secretary of the Navy.
[236]See Doris Sterner, In
and Out of Harm's Way: A History of the Navy Nurse Corps
(Seattle: Peanut Butter Press, 1997), pp. 145-146. Typically, in 1943 the U.S.S. Solace traveled
37,000 miles. On Thanksgiving Day she put into a port of the Gilberts not far
from where Ed was then stationed. She took aboard 238 Tarawa casualties. On
December 17, Admiral Nimitz came aboard and presented 289 Purple Hearts to the
wounded veterans. He also gave citations to thirteen Navy nurses for
outstanding performance of duty under fire during the attack on Pearl Harbor.
During the first twenty months of the war, 7,500 casualties were taken aboard
the Solace. Only sixteen were
lost.
[237]Page Cooper, Navy
Nurse (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1946), p. 38.
[238]The requirements for entering the Corps,
as listed in ibid., p. 158, were:
1.
Minimum preliminary education: High-school graduate.
2.
Registered nurse; graduate from a school of nursing approved by the
Surgeon
General.
3.
Age 22 to 28.
4.
Citizen of the United States or naturalization of ten years.
5.
Single, widowed, or legally separated.
6.
Physically qualified.
7.
Satisfactory credentials from training schools and other sources.
[239]Hazel Hogan (Terrar), "Miscellaneous
Letters: 1942-1948" (manuscript), in possession of Hazel Terrar.
[240]Sterner, In
and Out of Harm's Way, p. 151.
[241]Cooper, Navy
Nurse, p. 136.
[242]Sterner, In
and Out of Harm's Way, p. 158, quoting from a pamphlet published
in 1943 by the Navy's Bureau of Medicine and Surgery, stated "Every Navy
nurse and naval Reserve nurse serves a six-month probationary period for
observation of her adaptability, endurance and professional qualifications for
the Navy service. At the end of six months she is recommended for acceptance or
rejection by the commanding officer of the station to which she is
assigned."
[243]Jeanne Grushinski, quoted in ibid., p. 149.
[244]Hogan (Terrar), "Miscellaneous
Letters: 1942-1948" (manuscript), in the possession of Hazel Terrar.
[245]According to a twenty-two page pamphlet
published in 1943 by the Navy's Bureau of Medicine and Surgery, as quoted in
Sterner, In and Out of Harm's Way,
p. 158, the entering Navy nurse's salary and uniform allowance was $150 per month with full maintenance for
the first three years. In addition there was a five percent increase every
three years and a money allowance for complete initial outfits of the
regulation ward and street uniforms.
[246]Sarah O'Toole, quoted in Sterner, In and Out of Harm's Way,
pp. 148-149.
[247]John Donlon was from Chicago and had
graduated from Loyola University medical school in 1939. His father, Stephen E. Donlon was also a
doctor. Stephen had married late in life and had 10 children. Two of the boys
became doctors and one, Vincent, a Jesuit priest. One of his sisters, Mary, was married to a naval officer, Tim
Collins. John's father was so busy with his practice that he would forget the
names of his own children. John married toward the end of the war to Katherine
"Kay" Doleisi.
[248]After the war, Dan Miller went to school
at Mellon, then worked for a savings and loan. He died at age 55. Dottie died
even younger at age 40.
[249]In a letter to Hazel, written on May 9,
1944, Ed stated they met the day the squadron went to Holtville for night flying, which was July 18. In later years Ed
said the date was the first Sunday after the 4th of July. But still later he
retracted this. See Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar):
1943-1944" (manuscript, May 9, 1944), no. 100, in possession of Edward
Terrar, Jr. See also, ibid.
(May 27, 1944), no. 2-17.
[250]Ibid. (July 18, 1944), no. 2-55; see also ibid. (July 9, 1944), no. 2-50.
[251]In a letter on August 29, 1943, Ed
mentioned a phone conversation they had had the night before, "Honey, it
was wonderful talking to you last night as it always is. I don't understand why
you had to wait so long because I was here all evening. Anyway I'm glad you
finally got ahold of me." See Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan Terrar"
(manuscript, August 29, 1943).
[252]Six pre-marriage letters made it into the
scrapbook. They are only dated with the day of the week (Sunday, Monday), but
it is possible to date them from internal references. They were all written in
late August 1943.
[253]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (August 22, 1943). As pointed out by editor Betty Clark, Ed was
borrowing from Walter Benton's This is My Beloved
(New York: A. A. Knopf, 1943).
[254]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (November 25, 1943), no. 31.
[255]Ibid. (August 22, 1943). Ed went on to
comment about John Donlon, who had introduced him to Hazel, and
who stayed in the picture until Ed and Hazel were married, "I've tried to
figure out Donlon's part in this show but haven't as yet. I'm sure it's
something deeper than what I think - perhaps you know the answer - I'm sure I
don't." Ed sometimes had a way of ignoring the obvious. He had stolen
John’s girlfriend.
[256]Ibid. (August 25, 1943).
[257]Ibid.
[258]Ibid. (January 29, 1944), no. 16.
[259]Ibid. (August 28, 1943). Charlie Eckhardt and
Eloise (Artis) Eckhardt (1919-2001) were from Coffeyville. Eloise was a year
ahead of Ed in school and had lived up the block from him. She graduated from
Coffeyville Junior College and in 1941 from Kansas State. Charlie and Eloise married in the fall
of 1942. Charlie was a Naval officer. They went to dinner in the North Park area of San Diego in Ed's green Rolls Royce. After dinner the car had trouble starting and Ed rolled it down a hill to make
it start. After the war Charlie and Eloise obtained a divorce. Charlie landed
an auto dealership in Oklahoma City. Eloise obtained a job at Coffeyville
Junior College in 1946. She taught English, French, calculus and was the
librarian. In the mid-1950s she transferred to Coffeyville High School, where
she taught geometry, algebra and trigonometry. After obtaining her master's
degree from Pittsburg State University in 1964, she headed the math department.
See anonymous, "Obituary of Eloise Eckhardt," Coffeyville
Journal (September 10, 2001), p. 2A.
[260]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (August 29, 1943). The CASU was where one could have their plane
serviced when the crew that was regularly assigned to it was not available.
[261]"Certificate of Baptism"
(August 31, 1943), in possession of Ed Terrar.
[262]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (October 31, 1943), no. 12.
[263]Ibid. (November 4, 1943), no. 18.
[264]Ibid. (May 20, 1944), no. 2-10.
[265]Ibid. (December 8?, 1943), no. 40.
[266]Hogan (Terrar), "Miscellaneous
Letters: 1942-1948."
[267]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Chronological
Biography" (manuscript, electronically filed as "EFTbiog,"
January 20, 1996), p. 3. Ed's recollection differed from the wedding
announcement, "Terrar-Hogan Marriage Ceremony at Coronado, Calif."
that was published in the Coffeyville
Journal (manuscript clipping), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.). It
stated:
Mrs. Edward F. Terrar and Miss Mildred Terrar were members of the groom's family
attending the wedding of Ensign Hazel Hogan, daughter of Mrs. Ann Hogan of
Sumter, S.C. and Ensign Edward F. Terrar, Jr., son of Mr. and Mrs. Edward F.
Terrar, 312 West Fourth, which took place at 5:30 o'clock on the afternoon of
Saturday, Sept. 4 [sic.], the ceremony being performed by the Rev. Fr.
J.J. Purcell in the Nativity [sic.]
church at Coronado, Calif.
Miss Mildred Terrar, the groom's sister, and Ensign
Howard Tuttle served as attendants.
Lighted cathedral tapers and masses of flowers in
pastel shades of pink and blue made a background for the impressive service,
organ music including the traditional marches and "Ave Maria" (Schubert) being played by the church organist.
The bride wore her navy blue uniform and carried a
white prayer book.
Miss Terrar was attired in a gold dress with matching
hat and brown accessories.
The groom's mother was gowned in sky blue with navy
accessories.
Following the ceremony, a reception was held for the
couple at the Coronado hotel, a three tier wedding cake and arrangements of
pink blossoms decorating the table.
Both
the bride and groom are stationed at San Diego, Calif., where she is a member
of the Navy Nurses Corps. Ensign Edward Terrar graduated from Field Kindley
memorial high school and Coffeyville Junior college and was employed at O.C.S.
before his enlistment in the navy.
[268]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Gergen Family
Interviews, 1969-1979" (manuscript, September 3, 1973), p. 32, in
possession of Toby Terrar.
[269]Charles Dickey, "Log of Squadron
VC-35" (unpublished, typed manuscript in possession of Toby Terrar), p.
19.
[270]Hogan (Terrar), "Miscellaneous
Letters: 1942-1948." After losing 80% of its resignations because of
marriage, the Navy in 1944 changed the Naval Nurse Corps regulations to allow
marriage. See Doris Weatherford, American
Women and World War II (New York: Facts on File, 1990), p. 21.
[271]Hogan (Terrar), "Miscellaneous
Letters: 1942-1948."
[272]Terrar, "Chronological
Biography," p. 3. The Kellogs had two Doxen or Dachshund (wiener) dogs
named Junior and Franzel. When the war came along, Dr. Kellogg rented out his
guesthouse to service people for about $20 per month. There was a shortage of
housing, because of the influx of military to the area.
[273]Dr. Kellogg, who had been born about
1890, was a son of the man who started the Kellogg Cereal Co. He had gone to the University of Michigan Medical School and paid his way by selling the paintings that he
did. He sold them to bars and restaurants in Detroit. He painted in the
Japanese style, emphasizing flowers. During World War I he had worked as an
Army doctor and contracted tuberculosis. He came to Chula Vista in the 1920s for
a cure. He and his wife continued to live there for the rest of their lives.
His father had much wealth by the 1920s and gave Carl enough so that he did not
have to work.
[274]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (October 30, 1943), no. 10 (11?).
[275]Ibid.
[276]Ibid.
[277]Ibid. (June 13, 1944), no. 44.
[278]Ibid. (August 23, 1944), no. 2-85.
[279]Ibid. (May 7, 1944), no. 98.
[280]Ibid. (December 4, 1943), no. 37.
[281]Captain George van Deurs replaced Ketcham in August 1944.
[282]As a Navy ship the oil carried by the Chenango continued to be
sold to the government by the oil industry, which boomed. Central Pacific
operations alone consumed six million barrels of fuel oil each month and
employed forty fleet tankers and an even larger number of commercial tankers.
Oil speculators like Clinton Murchison, H.L. Hunt, Sid Richardson and Hugh Roy Cullen made fortunes overnight off the war. Some Standard Oil stockholders like thirty-two year-old Nelson Rockefeller were draft age, but rode out the war as civilians. Rocky spent the
period at his estate in Washington D.C. He headed the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, which he created. Through this office
he was able, at the expense of his European competitors, who were distracted by
the war, to confiscate "enemy" oil and other properties in Latin
America. See Joseph Persico, The Imperial
Rockefeller: A Biography of Nelson A. Rockefeller (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 1982), pp. 30, 33; Cary Reich, The
Life of Nelson Rockefeller, Worlds to Conquer: 1908-1958 (New York: Doubleday,
1996), pp. 237-238; Ernestine Van Buren, Clint:
Clinton Williams Murchison, A Biography (Austin, Texas: Eakin
Press, 1986), pp. 191-192; Russell Spurr, A
Glorious Way to Die: The Kamikaze Mission of the Battleship Yamato, April 1945
(New York: Newmarket Press, 1981), p. 57.
[283]United States air power in the West Pacific in January and February 1942 was slim. It consisted of only two CVs (big carriers), the Saratoga and Enterprise. The conversion of the Chenango was a rush job
but most of the workers did not complain because, as Brooke Hindle in Lucky Lady and the Navy Mystique: The Chenango in World War II (New
York: Vantage Press, 1991), pp. 10, 40, 58 commented, they understood that they
were contributing to the progress of the war. The designation CVE 28 was given
to the Chenango on July 15,
1943.
[284]See Robert Germinsky, "The Role of
the Jeep Carrier in World War II" (manuscript, 2001), in possession of
Toby Terrar, p. 1.
[285]In the Atlantic, escort carriers
originally stayed close to the convoys they were protecting. Over time, tactics
evolved that enabled the jeep carriers and their destroyer escorts to become
independent "hunter-killer" groups. They could attack concentrations
of U-boats at will and were no longer required to provide constant umbrella
coverage for a convoy. This tactic was further refined by having the escort
carrier groups concentrate their efforts in areas where U-boats met their
supply submarines ("milch cows"). This operational phase was so
successful that three jeeps (the Core, Card and Bogue) and their
escorting destroyers sank a total of 16 U-boats and 8 milch cows in a period of
98 days. During this time, U-boats sank only one merchantman and shot down only
three planes from the escort carriers. This loss of submarines, particularly
the milch cows, was a severe blow to the German Navy. With diminished
capability for refueling U-boats at sea, and with no friendly bases in the
area, Admiral Karl Doenitz, commander of the German U-boat fleet,
was forced to withdraw his remaining supply submarines and cancel all U-boat
operations in the central Atlantic. See Germinsky, "The Role of the Jeep
Carrier."
[286]Quoted in John Wukovits, Devotion to Duty: A Biography of
Admiral Clifton A. Sprague (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute
Press, 1995), p. 124.
[287]Fay Hodge, "World War II
Recalled," Harrison [Arkansas] Daily Times
(November 9, 2001).
[288]Edward Ries, "Memoirs"
(manuscript, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar, p. 26.
[289]According to Frank Jenkins in
"Fighter Pilot: North Africa and Italy" (manuscript, 2002), in
possession of Toby Terrar, by the third day out of harbor the convoy stretched
as far as the eye could see. Jenkins was one of the Army pilots being
transported on the Chenango.
[290]Edward Ries, "Flattop Days"
(manuscript, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[291]Ibid., p. 3.
[292]Ibid., p. 5.
[293]Ibid.
[294]Ries, "Memoirs," p. 29.
[295]Ted MuCutcheon was from Boise, Idaho and
graduated from Bosie Junior College. In September 1941 he enlisted, attended
the Navy's flight school at Jacksonville, Florida, and earned his wings in
April 1942. He made a career of the Navy, rising to the rank of commander. See
Anonymous, "Obituary" (manuscript, April 2002), in possession of Toby
Terrar.
[296]Ries, "Flattop Days" p. 7.
[297]Ibid.
[298]Ibid., pp. 5-6.
[299]Ibid., p. 5.
[300]Those who worked around the planes wore different colored outfits,
depending on their jobs. Plane handlers had blue shirts and helmets; fire fighters with portable
extinguishers wore red; the plane director wore yellow; the hooker wore green;
and those that maintained the chocks wore purple.
[301]Arthur Michielssen, "Interview"
(manuscript, March 26, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar. Art ended up in
Watsonville, California. On June 19, 1944, Art helped with the 5,000th landing
aboard the Chenango. The event was
celebrated with a party. See Bruce Weart, "Diary" (manuscript,
1943-1945), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[302]Later Frank made commander and as a
senior citizen, lived in Moraga, California.
[303]Charles Dickey, "Log of Squadron
VC-35" (unpublished, typed manuscript), p. 21, in possession of Toby
Terrar.
[304]Ibid., p. 23.
[305]Edward Terrar, Jr., Aviator's Flight Log Book (manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of
Edward Terrar, Jr.
[306]Ed, Jr. followed the example of his
parents who wrote each other daily during World War I. Like the World War
II letters, the earlier ones were filled with details about the day's
activities, with complaints and praise about food, with discussions of wages and expenses and with speculation about the future. See Edward
Terrar, Sr. and Margaret Maye (Gergen) Terrar, "Letters" (manuscript,
1918-1919), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[307]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944" (manuscript, May 23, 1944), no. 2-13, in
possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[308]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 237.
[309]Robert L. Exum, "Ghost of
Yesteryear" (manuscript, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[310]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
(Terrar)," (October 19, 1943), no. 1.
[311]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944" (November 2, 1943), no. 14.
[312]Chenango veteran Ed Ries in his
"Memoirs," p. 32, described some home brew:
At one smoker we bosn's mates (Anchor Clankers)
shared some nips of "raisin jack" concocted by the gunner's mates
(Cannon Cockers). When replenishing stores, cases of canned goods often burst
open when dropped. With a little surreptitious food-nudging gallon cans of
fruit and other goodies rolled into out-of-the-way corners to be retrieved
later and hidden. A bit of yeast and some sugar and raisins cumshawed from the
bakers were added to syrup from canned cherries. The mixture was jugged and put
to ferment in a 40 mm ammunition magazine. A fruity alcoholic beverage was the
result.
[313]Howard Sauer in The
Last Big-Gun Naval Battle: The Battle of Surigao Strait: An Eyewitness Account
(Palo Alto: Glencannan Press, 1999), p. 136, described the loud speaker transmissions aboard his battleship under battle conditions:
The
bugle calls were our warnings: "Air Defense" was the first to sound
when a new raid approached. Coming at high volumes from every speaker
throughout the ship, it snapped everyone to the alert. The first two lines are
the Army's "Fix Bayonets." Here's the [musical] score...
"General Quarters" followed immediately: [gives the musical score]...
Next,
the boatswain's mate of the watch sent his voice through the system: "NOW,
ALL HANDS MAN YOUR BATTLE STATIONS; SET MATERIAL CONDITION ZED! NOW, ALL HANDS
MAN YOUR BATTLE STATIONS; SET MATERIAL CONDITION ZED!"
Then
the general alarm: "Squawk, squawk, squawk, squawk,..." This last
went on and on and on and on and on and on, and on! By then everyone was
running at full speed. There were traffic rules to avoid utter chaos with 2,200
officers and men moving in all directions.
[314]Terrar, Jr., "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (November 2, 1943), no. 14; and (December 7, 1943), no. 39 (43?).
[315]Ibid. (November 3, 1943), no. 15.
[316]Ibid. (November 29, 1943), no. 32.
[317]Ibid. (November 3, 1943), no. 15.
[318]Reading and self-education was the way
many sailors made use of their free time. Admiral Spruance, even during times of combat, found time
to read. Japanese sailors, likewise, were readers, with Leo Tolstoy’s War
and Peace among their favorites. See Spurr, A Glorious Way to Die,
pp. 61, 122; Theodore Mason, Rendezvous with
Destiny: A Sailor's War (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute
Press, 1997), p. 241.
[319]Terrar, Jr., "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (November 30, 1943), no. 33; see also, (November 7, 1943), no. 19.
According to John Harper, Paddles! The Foibles
and Finesse of One World War Two Landing Signal Officer (Atglen,
Pennsylvania: Schiffler Publishers, 1996), p. 212, acey-deucy was played with
dice on an acey-deucy board.
[320]Terrar, Jr., "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (December 9, 1943), no. 41.
[321]Ibid. (October 22, 1943), no. 29 (?).
[322]Ibid. (November 1, 1943), no. 13.
[323]Edward Terrar, Jr. "Interview"
(August 16, 2000), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[324]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan Terrar" (December 10, 1943), no. 42.
[325]Ibid. (November 11, 1943), no. 23. Paul
Fussell in Wartime: Understanding and Behavior in
the Second World War (New York: Oxford university Press, 1989), pp.
150-155, remarked that the motion picture industry was nothing more than the government's public relations arm. It
hyped the war and profited from the business it did with the government.
[326]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan Terrar" (November 2, 1943), no. 43 (?).
[327]Paul Bonnette, Letters
to Dotty B: World War II in the South Pacific (ed. Frederick W.
Lankard, Manhattan, Kansas: Sunflower University Press, 1998), p. 112. The
sunsets were beautiful but quick, as Army WAC Seline Weise comments in The Good Soldier: The Story of a
Southwest Pacific Signal Corps WAC (Shippenburg, Pennsylvania:
Burd Street Press, 1998), p. 40:
In the tropics, you don't have dawn and you
don't have dusk. The sun comes up and the sun goes down. When the sun goes
down, it looks exactly like somebody dropped it over the side. Long, beautiful
summer twilights are phenomena peculiar to the extremities of the earth. You
don't have them around the equators.
[328]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan Terrar" (November 2, 1943), no. 43 [?].
[329]Ibid. (October 25, 1943), no. 6.
[330]Ibid. (October 28, 1943), no. 9.
[331]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 67.
[332]Edward Terrar, Jr. "Interview"
(October 3, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[333]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 99.
[334]Edward Terrar, "Letters to Hazel
Hogan Terrar" (October 25, 1943), no. 6.
[335]William Gentry, "Interview with Toby
Terrar" (April 12, 2001).
[336]Chenango historian Hindle in Lucky Lady, pp.
98-99, discussed Ed's part in shutting down the launch operation:
The
other two crashes that took place just before reaching Espiritu Santo are examples
of the complexity of launching planes. The air officer, Comdr. James E. Elliott, attributed the first one to an engine failure and the
second to the pilot spinning up and down and then pulling back too violently on
the stick. The pilots, on the other hand, thought the cause was the air speed
that was only three knots, rather than the announced thirteen, while Chenango was steaming at eighteen
knots. The pilots were convinced that
Ens. Joseph P. Sims's TBF, with his gunner and radioman, crashed into the sea
simply because it did not have enough speed. When the ship then veered off a
bit to avoid Sims, the wind was reduced still further, but Ens. Robert A.
"Andy" Divine barely touched the
water with his TBF tail and succeeded in getting his plane into the air. The
very next plane, Ens. Charles E. Carpenter's TBF crashed into the sea.
Following
that, Ed Terrar was in line to take off, but he turned his engine off and
refused to move! Commander Elliott ordered him to take off or be subject to
court-martial but he still
refused, being convinced that the wind was too low to give the plane enough
lift. He was not charged with failing to comply with his order and was
therefore not court-martialed. In less than ten minutes, an SBD was catapulted
off and an F6F succeeded on its own run.
[337]Ries, "Memoirs" (manuscript,
2002), p. 29.
[338]Brooke Hindle in Lucky Lady, pp. 97-98, mentioned the incident but with some
differences in recollection:
En route, one strange set of bogeys arouse - not
observed on radar or by ship viewers but on a TBF piloted by Ens. Edward
Terrar. He saw twelve four-engine planes and assumed they must be Japanese. He
flew up but could not get well above them because the TBF could not take more
than thirteen thousand feet. He called in his situation by radio to Chenango and waited a bit before firing
at them, being surprised that they were not shooting at him. Suddenly he saw a
star symbol with a long bar on one of the planes that turned out to be B-24s.
He reported this to the ship and returned without further ado.
[339]In the 1990s Ed checked the Chenango's logs at the
Navy Yard in Washington, D.C. They recorded when the ship was turned into to
the wind to launch but no record was kept of who was piloting the planes.
[340]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (December 1943), nos. 35 and 40.
[341]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (December 6, 1943), no. 38.
[342]Ibid. (November 13, 1943), no. 25.
[343]Ibid. (October 22, 1943), no. 4.
[344]During World War I Ed’s father said the
rosary nightly to go to sleep. Ed. Sr. had switched from his Welsh Baptist
upbringing to Catholicism upon his marriage. Part of the instruction for
converts was the rosary. See Edward L. Terrar, Sr., “Letters to Margaret Maye
(Gergen) Terrar” (Camp Funston, Kansas: May 1, 1918), p. 22, in possession of
Toby Terrar.
[345]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (November 25, 1943), no. 31.
[346]Ibid. (November 6, 1943), no. 18.
[347]Ibid.
[348]Ibid. (November 1, 1943), no. 13.
[349]Ibid. (October 20, 1943), no. 2. During World
War I Ed Terrar, Sr. had employed his wife to write in his behalf to his family
in Wales. See Edward L. Terrar, Sr., “Letters to Margaret Maye (Gergen) Terrar”
(Camp Funston, Kansas: May 1, 1918), p. 20, in possession of Toby Terrar.
[350]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (November 6, 1943), no. 18.
[351]Ibid. (October 25, 1943), no. 6.
[352]Ibid. (November 7, 1943), no. 19.
[353]Ibid. (November 30, 1943), no. 33.
[354]Ibid. (December 5, 1943), no. 38.
[355]Ibid.
[356]Ibid. (November 9, 1943), no. 21.
[357]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (December 5, 1943), no. 38.
[358]Ibid. (November 9, 1943), no. 21.
[359]Ibid. (December 4, 1943), no. 37.
[360]Ibid.
[361]Russell F. Weigley in The American Way of War: A History of
United States Military Strategy and Policy (New York: Macmillan,
1973), p. 270, studied the division over the strategy among American policy
makers. The anglophiles and U.S. Army in his analysis
feared Germany and wanted to concentrate on a European war. They did not want to provoke
Japan or be forced into a war on two fronts. American interests in China and the U.S. Navy on the other hand,
wanted a war against Japan to prevent it from competing with U.S. commerce. FDR, who was close to both sides, tried to
sit on the fence. But in cutting off Japan's oil supply in July 1941, he tilted toward the Asian interests, which
resulted in a two-front war and a tardy invasion of Europe. A down side of this
was that a disproportionate part of the European battle and spoils went to the
Soviets.
[362]John Wukovits, Devotion
to Duty: A Biography of Admiral Clifton A. Sprague (Annapolis,
Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1995), p. 13.
[363]Russell Spurr, A
Glorious Way to Die: The Kamikaze Mission of the Battleship Yamato, April 1945
(New York: Newmarket Press, 1981), pp. 35, 70.
[364]During the 1920s and 1930s Japanese sugar workers and capital poured into the Philippines. The growing Japanese colony was
welcomed by the indigenous people but put fear into MacArthur and the other resident American authorities. As part of the
American war plan, MacArthur supported creating an army of 400,000 Philippine
soldiers, but neither the United States nor the indigenous ruling class would pay the $25 million yearly budget needed
for it. Much of the military budget went into the pockets of MacArthur and his
staff, which had a
double-dipping arrangement. They were paid by both the American
government and the Philippine government. In 1945 MacArthur made $500,000 under
this arrangement. See Geoffrey Perrett, Old
Soldiers Never Die: The Life of Douglas MacArthur (New York:
Random House, 1997), p. 271; William Manchester, American
Caesar: Douglas MacArthur, 1880-1964 (Boston: Little Brown &
Co., 1978), pp. 142-143, 168.
[365]Douglas MacArthur, quoted in Marius B. Jansen, The Making of Modern Japan (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 2000), p. 686. Even more than the Americans, the
Dutch and English empires were at risk
from Japan. Asia's oil, rubber, coal, non-ferrous metal (tin, gold),
and agricultural products (rice, sugar), in MacArthur's terms, had been monopolized by this
small group of British and Dutch foreigners using military force. Native
working people in the British colonies of India, Burma, New Guinea and Malaysia and in what is now
Indonesia, but was then the Dutch East Indian colonies of Borneo, Timor, Sumatra and Java, viewed and used the Japanese as
liberators. Between December 1941 and May 1942, with the help of the native
population in the area, the Japanese established a 2,000 mile defensive
perimeter around its home islands by defeating the United States, British
and Dutch in numerous battles. The British and Dutch forces, composed largely
of native mercenaries, deserted en masse
or went over to the Japanese side. Typically, in early 1941 Aung San from Burma and other revolutionaries had gone to Japan to train
for the overthrow of the British, who had ruled in Burma since 1886. The
Japanese home islands, for military purposes, became as much beyond the reach
of its enemies, as was American's home territory to its enemies. See John
Keegan, The Second World War (New
York: Viking, 1989), p. 263.
[366]Edward S. Miller, War
Plan Orange: The U.S. Strategy to Defeat Japan, 1897-1945
(Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1991), pp. 4, 368.
[367]They were the largest oilers ever built for the
U.S. Navy and were unique in many ways. For one, unlike most tankers they had
the advantage of being powered by two shafts rather than one which gave them
decided maneuverability. Driven by 13,000 horsepower geared steam turbines, the
ESSO (Standard Oil) tankers were also designed with fleet
oiler use in mind. As a class the tankers, which were called the Cimarron class, could make better than 18 knots, maneuver quickly for all
of their ponderous 553-foot length, and were stoutly built to provide long and
reliable service during rigorous use. If they had any naval shortcoming it was
confined to the fact that both the engines were located aft in a single
engineroom, thus being prone to losing all propulsion in the event of a torpedo
strike aft. Countering this drawback was the extreme multi-compartmentalization
of their tanks common to all tanker/oilers which made them a most difficult
vessel to sink if not filled to capacity. Though the four fast oilers would
later bear escort carrier designations they were in reality modifications of
the highest priority owing to their larger size and greater maneuverability
than the single-shaft Bogue-class CVEs. See Owen Gault, "Sisters Four: The Sangamon-Class
Carriers," Sea Classics (November
1999), vol. 32, pp. 13-18.
[368]Spurr, A
Glorious Way to Die, p. 58.
[369]Also in the Navy's favor was that FDR had been the secretary of the Navy and that the Navy was better at
public relations in obtaining headlines. At the Anglo-American Washington
Conference in May 1943, Roosevelt obtained an agreement that as long as the
forthcoming invasion of Europe was the first charge on the output of war
material, the Central offensive should be the focus. See Keegan, The Second World War, p. 301;
[370]The ships under Spruance's command in
November 1943 were designated the Fifth Fleet. The troops under his command, Army,
Navy, and Marine Corps, were designated the Central Pacific Force. In 1944 the
latter title was dropped, and his command was called simply "Fifth
Fleet." See Thomas Buell, The Quiet Warrior: A
Biography of Admiral Raymond A. Spruance (Boston: Little, Brown,
1974), p. 170.
[371]Buell, The
Quiet Warrior, pp. 184, 217. If the Japanese fleet appeared to do
battle, while amphibious operations were being conducted, the air admirals
feared they would have to fight the classic fleet engagement that was taught in
Naval War College doctrine: a line of battleships flanked by cruisers and destroyers with carriers behind the
battleline to provide air support. The war admirals did not want to fight at a
time and place chosen by the enemy.
[372]Ibid., p. 217.
[373]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, June 16, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[374]Ibid.
[375]Jack Towers was a Naval aviation
pioneer. He won his wings in 1911 to become Naval aviator number three at age
twenty-six. He was the senior Naval aviator in the Pacific during World War II.
According to Thomas Buell, The Quiet Warrior,
p. 184, if not Ed, he was the "spiritual and administrative leader of the
Pacific Fleet aviators." Air Admiral Charles A. "Baldy" Pownall commanded Spruance's
fast carriers in the Gilberts and was one of the few air admirals who agreed
with Spruance's conservative carrier use. After the Gilbert invasion and behind Spruance's
back, Admiral Tower had Nimitz replace Pownall with Marc Mitscher. Spruance did not think much of
Mitscher, whose performance at the Battle of Midway was "uneven."
Mitscher, as air carrier commander, had fumbled at the height of the battle.
See Buell, The Quiet Warrior, p.
216.
[376]The Coral Sea separates Australia from the Solomon Islands. The Japanese wanted to cut U.S. support to Australia. The
battle was the first naval engagement in history in which surface ships did not
exchange a shot. The carrier forces were evenly matched, but the American
fliers forced the Japanese to beat a retreat. More than 25 Japanese ships were
sunk or disabled.
[377]The Americans at Midway had a diminutive carrier task force. Their victory owed much to
both luck and persistence. One hundred Japanese bombers took off from their
carriers and headed for Midway. Having broken the Japanese communication code and eliminated the surprise element,
a force of American torpedo planes and fighters from the decks of the carriers Hornet, Yorktown and Enterprise lay in wait. The carrier Yorktown, a destroyer and 147 American aircraft
were lost, but so to were four Japanese carriers. Appalled by his loss, Admiral
Yamamoto Isoroku turned back his armada. Midway remained in American hands.
[378]Buell, The
Quiet Warrior, p. 184.
[379]The Fifth Fleet operation order, which Admiral Spruance and his staff
oversaw, was three-hundred pages long and weighed three pounds. See ibid., p. 186.
[380]Brooke Hindle, Lucky Lady and the Navy Mystique: The Chenango in World War II (New
York: Vantage Press, 1991), p. 99.
[381]Buell, The Quiet Warrior, pp. 170, 185, 188. The other task groups were
the Northern Attack Force, TF 52, commanded by Admiral Kelly Turner using units from the 27th Infantry Division under Major General Carl Ralph C. Smith, which attached Makin. A third group,
Task Force 57, was commanded by Rear Admiral Johnny
Hoover. It consisted of the land-based air
forces and used Seabees and garrison troops, which built and developed the
bases and airfields in Betio, Tarawa and Makin. A fourth group, TF 50, consisted of the carriers under Admiral Charles Pownall. The Chenango was
not part of the carrier task force. The invasion fleet included 200 ships, 35,000
troops, 117,000 tons of cargo, and 6,000 vehicles. There were six attack
carriers; five light carriers; seven escort carriers including the Chenango; 12 battleships; 15 cruisers;
six destroyers; 33 large amphibious transports; 29 tank landing ships (LST);
six miscellaneous ships; 90 Army bombers; 66 Navy land-based bombers and
scouts; and almost 200 Marine aircraft. Another 22 ships such as oilers, tugs
and tenders provided logistical support. Ten submarines participated, primarily
as scouts. Spruance, although a naval officer, also commanded all the ground
forces: the Second Marine Division and the 27th Infantry Division. His
subordinate commanders included sixteen rear admirals, three Marine generals,
and two Army generals.
[382]Hindle, Lucky Lady p. 100.
[383]Robert Exum, "Ghost of
Yesteryear" (manuscript, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[384]Buell, The
Quiet Warrior, p. 218.
[385]During the night before the attack,
Admiral Harry Hill's force began their deployment to
surround the unsuspecting Tarawa Atoll. Toward midnight a Japanese searchlight
pierced the darkness, flashed intermittently for a half hour, then flicked off.
The ships were in position. The defenders were asleep. Red flares
rose over the atoll just before sunrise - the Japanese finally had discovered
the invasion force. In the last moment of silence, 4,500 Japanese defenders
rushed to their guns and their bunkers and looked at the transports disgorging
the vanguard of 18,600 Marines into landing craft. Battleships, cruisers, and
destroyers trained their turrets and mounts toward Betio, which in response
sprouted gun and cannon muzzles from its sand and coral. Then the guns began to
fire. See Buell, The Quiet Warrior, p.
197.
[386]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 101.
[387]Edward Terrar, Jr., Aviator's Flight Log Book (manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of
Edward Terrar, Jr.
[388]Robert Sherrod, Tarawa, The Story of a Battle (Duell, Sloan & Pearce, 1944), p.
62.
[389]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 101.
[390]Sherrod, Tarawa, The Story of a Battle, pp. 101-102; see also, Dick Hannah, Tarawa, The Toughest Battle in Marine Corps
History (New York: United States Camera Pub. Co., 1944).
[391]See Buell, The
Quiet Warrior, pp. 198-199.
[392]Buell, The
Quiet Warrior, p. 101.
[393]Holland "Howlin' Mad" Smith, a Marine general who commanded the
combined Army and Marine Amphibious forces, had earlier in the century promoted
his career with assaults against the Philippines, Haiti, Dominican Republic and Panama.
He went ashore during the first night of the Makin invasion and his own troops
tried to shoot him. Later he voiced his disgust with the Army:
One of the worst nights I ever spent in the
Pacific was at the Command Post ashore on Makin, when I slept ashore under a
mosquito net, on a cot set outside the tent. This was the first time the 165th
Regiment had been in action and I hoped the presence of Ralph Smith, their Commanding
General, and myself would be a good influence on the sentries posted around
camp. I was mistaken. Shots whizzed over my head from a 25-yard range, drilled
holes in the command post tent and clipped coconuts off the trees. I crawled
out from under my net and implored the sentries to stop shooting at shadows.
There wasn't a Japanese within a mile of the Command Post.
[394]Buell, The
Quiet Warrior, p. 201.
[395]Fellow aviator John Boeman, Morotai: A Memoir of War
(Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1981), p. 194, reached the same conclusion:
bombing was of little value.
[396]Buell, The
Quiet Warrior, pp. 215-216.
[397]Spurr, A
Glorious Way to Die, p. 312.
[398]Terrar, Aviator's Flight Log Book. While on a combat air patrol (CAP), Lt. Herbert
E. Magnusson of AG 35 shot down a Betty, which was a two-engine Japanese plane.
Some of the CAPs were supplied by planes transported by the CVEs Nassau and Barnes for the purpose of landing at Betio. This freed CarDiv 22 to use
more of their planes for attacks.
[399]Brooke Hindle in Lucky Lady, pp. 102-103, points out that the combat attacks were
made by TBFs, fighters and SBDs, but they were backed up by those who helped launch and recover the planes, supplied and made available ammunition,
gas, maps, food, clean clothing and repaired the planes, engines, and radios.
[400]John Dower, War Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War (New York:
Pantheon, 1986), p. 68; Gerald Linderman, The
World Within War: America's Experience in World War II (New York: Free
Press, 1997), p. 334.
[401]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, October 3, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[402]Bruce Weart, "Diary"
(manuscript, 1943-1945), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[403]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 104.
[404]Ibid.
[405]Ibid.
[406]The Chenango's
on-board newspaper, the Chenanigan
(manuscript, November 25, 1943), in possession of Toby Terrar, reported the
sinking. The point of the article was not to inform about the sinking, as
everyone knew about it, but to warn the crew not to mention it back home. The
authorities had doubts about America's commitment to the war:
BULLETIN: TRAGEDY OF A
CVE
The U.S.S. Liscombe [sic] Bay was torpedoed
during an air attack yesterday morning, then blown up and sank. She was the
Kaiser-built carrier which was tied up at the next dock when we were at the
Destroyer Base in San Diego. Naturally the full casualty list has not been
received but it included . . . 468 men. The flame of the explosion was seen by
a number of people on the CHENANGO at a distance of over 100 miles. This
information is not to be divulged under any condition upon our return to port.
[407]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 104. In Admiral Spruance's view, the reason the Liscome Bay went down
was because, as noted, the 27th Division of the Army, a National Guard Unit, which was
assigned to take Makin, took three days to do the job instead of one. Thomas
Buell, The Quiet Warrior, p.
199, summarized:
The
slow progress on Tarawa was understandable, but Spruance was exasperated with
the Army on Makin Atoll. The 27th Division had landed 6500 assault troops on
Butaritari Island, which was defended by about 800 lightly armed Japanese
troops and laborers. Spruance expected the Army to seize Butaritari in a day so
that he could withdraw his fleet in order to avoid possible enemy
counterattacks from the nearby Marshalls.
An
island under assault was like a magnet. Ships in support nearby were effectively immobilized until
the island was secured, tempting targets for Japanese ships, aircraft, and
submarines. During the unnecessarily prolonged three-day Makin assault, the
carrier Liscome Bay had been
supporting the Army. A Japanese submarine had sunk her with great loss of life.
Spruance was convinced that if the Army had won swiftly, Liscome Bay could have been withdrawn earlier and would not have
been lost.
[408]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar)," (manuscript, November 20, 1943), no. 29, in
possession of Hazel Terrar.
[409]Ibid. (November 25[?], 1943), no. 31.
[410]Ibid. (November 20, 1943), no. 29. At the
same time Ed was writing Hazel, Admiral Chester Nimitz was writing his wife. He had flown from Hawaii to Betio just as
the battle was ending on November 23, 1943. The dead had not been buried, the
smell was not pleasant. He talked of needing the "lord's help." Ed
did not talk about "the lord." Carl Moore, a ranking officer, was, as Thomas Buell
in The Quiet Warrior, p.
202, put it, "Deeply troubled by the carnage that pervaded the
island."
See E.B.
Potter, Nimitz (Annapolis: Naval
Institute Press, 1976), p. 320.
[411]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (November 24, 1943), no. 30.
[412]Ed's way of judging wind speed was by looking at the white caps. If they fell a full wavelength
back, the wind speed was 12 to 14 knots. Where there were gusts of 30 knots,
the white caps would fall back further. Such weather was good to land into. See
Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview" (manuscript, June 6, 2002), in
possession of Toby Terrar.
[413]Ibid. Steve Ewing in Fateful
Rendezvous: The Life of Butch O'Hare (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval
Institute Press, 1997), p. 248, maintains that O'Hare may have been hit by
enemy fire. In Ed's view, there was no doubt it was friendly fire.
[414]Corwin Morgan, "Letter" (March
1, 1944), in Edward Terrar's "Navy File," in possession of Edward
Terrar.
[415]John L. Sullivan, "Letter"
(November 10, 1947) in Edward Terrar's "Navy File," in possession of
Edward Terrar.
[416]Ibid.
[417]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Gergen Family
Interviews: 1969-1979" (manuscript, December 23, 1969), p. 18. The Chenango was supposed to go to San
Francisco, but the facilities there were full. So they went to the destroyer
repair facility in National City, which was just south of San Diego and just
north of Chula Vista. Brooke Hindle makes no mention of a Chenango mechanical problem and the entire CarDiv 22 came back. Perhaps it was not a boiler problem that brought them
back.
[418]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 106.
[419]Ibid., p. 107.
[420]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (September. 6, 1944), no. 2-99.
[421]Ibid. (June 20, 1944), no. 2-36.
[422]Ibid. (November 2, 1944).
[423]Ibid. (June 20, 1944), no. 2-36.
[424]Ibid. (September 9, 1944), no. 3-2.
[425]Henry Hall's mother had been an admirer
of Shakespeare and Henry's middle name, Bethune, was from As You Like It. He had gone to Yale and was the secretary of the
Brown Shoe Company prior to the war. Brown's mascot was Buster Brown. Squadron-mate
Smiley Morgan, who had lived in the St. Louis area, kept up with him after the
war. But Hall died young.
[426]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, August 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[427]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (April 26, 1944), no. 88.
[428]For young women the war offered an
opportunity for better jobs and income. Being a
worker, however, Hazel had her own ideas about improvements. Hazel's
stepmother, Clyde Jones was a
"housewife," which involved considerable farm responsibilities.
Hazel's mother Annie Hogan likewise had been a housewife on a dairy farm. It was only with widowhood that she obtained employment
outside the home. In terms of being able to earn enough to keep her family
together, Annie was not successful. Ed's mother and
both his grandmothers were also housewives, although his mother went to a
business college, where she learned to take shorthand and
type, and then worked as a secretary before she married. His paternal
grandmother was a midwife while at the same time being a housewife. At least
prior to marriage, his paternal grandmother had worked in processing coal dug at one of the mines in
Tylerstown, Wales. See Susan Hartman, The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in
the 1940s (Boston: Twayne Pub., 1982), pp. 19, 21, 66, 89.
[429]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, October 30, 1943), no. 10, in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
Josephine was married to a medical doctor, Capt. Lal Duncan Threlkeld. He had been at Michigan and in 1944 was stationed in France. Josephine later had a daughter named Margaret Ann. After
the war the Threlkelds lived in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. Ed was in Oklahoma
City working on one of the Republican presidential campaigns in the late 1950s. He met Duncan. One of
the things they discussed was Dr. Russell de Alvarez, who had been at the University of Michigan
and delivered Hazel's first baby. De Alvarez by then was a prominent
obstetrician. Duncan was not impressed, "They have been having babies
since Adam and Eve. It is not a big deal."
[430]Ibid. (May. 15-16, 1944), no. 2-6 and 2-7.
[431]Ibid. (May 22, 1944), no. 2-12. Ed cautioned
Hazel, often with no success, about spending money too freely. When she was
thinking of buying a fur coat and a sports coat that fall, he advised her to
buy only the sports coat, "they don't cost so much." He
also suggested that her friend, Estelle Hunt, who was in France with the Army Nurse
Corps, could pick up for her "a lot of crap and corruption in the way of
perfume." See ibid. (September
30, 1944), no. 3-19; (November 2, 1944). On June 18, 1944 Hazel purchased a set
of brightly-colored yellow and brown dining pottery. The pattern was called
"Organdie" and was produced at the Vernon Kilns. Some or all of the
dishes may have come from her nursing friend from Michigan, Mrs. Carol Dick, who was still in Ann Arbor. Hazel sent
her a check for $12.84 for "pottery." The dishes were enjoyed by the
Terrars and were lugged around the country for many years. See ibid. (June 30, 1944), no. 2-44.
[432]Ibid. (April 29, 1944), no. 91.
[433]Ibid. (February 5, 1944), no. 20.
[434]Ibid. (March 31, 1944), no. 66; (February 5,
1944), no. 71. Mrs. Tommie Kellogg, her former landlady, also helped Hazel make ready for the
baby. Ed wrote on Sunday, March 5, 1944 that he had been into town (Waikiki,
Hawaii) and bought gifts for Hazel and some vases for Mrs. Kellogg. A month
later he wrote that he had been into town again and bought Hazel some slacks and other
things. See ibid. (March 1, 1944),
no. 42; (March 5, 1944), no. 46; and (April 10, 1944), no. 75.
[435]During World War I Ed Jr.'s mother had received $15 per month directly from the government and Ed Sr. also sent her $15 from his own wages. The senior Terrars felt
this was quite adequate. See Edward Terrar, Sr., "Letters to Margaret Maye
(Gergen) Terrar: 1918-1919," (manuscript, April 1918), pp. 13, 20, in
possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[436]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (April 24, 1944), no. 86.
[437]Ibid. (September 8, 1944), no. 3-1.
[438]Ibid.
[439]Ibid. (March 4?, 1944), no. 45. In September,
1944 when Ed was finishing up his year of sea duty, he advised Hazel not to
renew his subscriptions, because they did not know where their next station
would be. See ibid. (September 30,
1944), no. 3-19.
[440]Ibid. (September 30, 1944), no. 3-19.
[441]Ibid. (March 1, 1944), no. 42; (January 1944),
no. 13.
[442]Ibid. (June 30, 1944), no. 2-44.
[443]Ibid. (May 11, 1944), no. 2-2. Mildred went to college at
St. Mary's and Ed helped pay her first year's expenses. On May 11, 1944 Ed's
mother wrote saying she did not expect him to send Mildred money for summer
school. On May 13, Ed received another letter from his mother acknowledging
Hazel's most recent check for Mildred's education. Maye said that Ed need send no more checks. Ed was not sure if Maye
meant no more was needed to be sent for that school year or permanently. But he
thought it might be permanently. A few days later Ed wrote his mother to clarify that the money he sent Mildred was not
a loan; he did not expect repayment. At the same time he said that if other
means were available for Mildred to go to school, he would like to invest the money. About their economic situation, Ed had told Hazel in ibid. (April 3, 1944), no. 69:
We need to begin thinking of ourselves and our own. . . Mildred I feel quite sure isn't going to finish college. She'll probably get married to some joker and I can't see cutting ourselves short. Don't say anything about this to the folks. I'll take care of it. What is your opinion regarding this?
A
month later Ed received a letter from Mildred in which she listed her grades as
3 "Cs", 2 "Bs" and an "A." Contrary to Ed's
expectation, his youngest sister graduated from Kansas State University. When she
married, it was to a military aviator, not unlike Ed, and whose company Ed
always enjoyed. When she died, she and Ray Throckmorton had been married 52
years. They razed three children and she was a veteran school teacher. See ibid. (May 13, 1944), no. 2-4; (May 17,
1944), no. 2-8; and (May 18, 1944), no. 2-9.
[444]Ibid. (April 3, 1944), no. 69.
[445]Ibid. (May 10, 1944), no. 2-1.
[446]Ibid. (March 4, 1944), no. 45.
[447]Ibid. (May 4, 1944), no. 96. One thing they
did save on was their income tax. In April 1944 they filed separate
returns and ended up having no taxes. See ibid.
(April 1944), no. 45.
[448]Ibid. (May 11, 1944), no. 2-2. Stuart
Brandes, Warhogs: A History of War
Profits in America (Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky, 1997),
p. 244. Not only Ed but the whole country resisted war bonds. They never sold well. See Gerald Linderman, The World Within War: America's Combat
Experience in World War II (New York: Free Press, 1997), p. 333.
[449]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (April 29, 1944), no. 91. This letter
originally consisted of two paragraphs. For ease of reading, the long first
paragraph was divided into smaller paragraphs.
[450]Ibid. For ease of reading, the letter was
divided into smaller paragraphs.
[451]Ibid. (September 29, 1944), no. 3-18.
[452]Ibid. (September 10, 1944), no. 3-3.
[453]Ibid. (September 4, 1944), no. 2-97. Ed Sr.
during World War I made similar remarks to his wife about never becoming tired of reading her letters. See Edward Terrar, Sr.,
"Letters to Margaret Maye (Gergen) Terrar: 1918-1919," (manuscript,
May 8, 1918), p. 36.5, in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[454]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (October 4, 1944), no. 3-22.
[455]Ibid. (September 2, 1944), no. 2-95.
[456]Ibid. (March 21-23, 1944), nos. 58-60.
[457]Ibid. (March 20, 1944), no. 60.
[458]Ibid. (April 29, 1944), no. 91; (September
24, 1944), no. 3-13.
[459]Ibid. (May 9, 1944), no. 100.
[460]Ibid. (May 2, 1944), no. 94.
[461]Ibid. (April 21 and 30, 1944), nos. 83 and
92.
[462]Ibid. (May 2, 1944), no. 94.
[463]Ibid. (May 9, 1944), no. 100.
[464]Ibid. (May 14, 1944), no. 2-5.
[465]Ibid. (January 17, 1943), no. 5.
[466]Hazel pasted the instructions on physical
exercises in her scrapbook. See Hazel Terrar, Scrapbook (manuscript, 1944-1946), in possession of Hazel Terrar.
[467]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
(Terrar): 1943-1944," (March 10?, 1944), no. 50.
[468]Ibid. (March 13, 1944), no. 53.
[469]Ibid. (April 11, 1944), no. 76.
[470]Ibid. (May 13, 1944), no. 2-4.
[471]Ibid. (April 30, 1944), no. 92.
[472]Ibid. (April 26, 1944), no. 88.
[473]Ibid. (May 10, 1944), no. 2-1.
[474]Ibid. (May 9, 1944), no. 100.
[475]Ibid. (March 4?, 1944), no. 44; April 26,
1944, no. 88.
[476]Ibid. (March 30?, 1944), no. 65.
[477]Ibid. (January 19, 1944), no. 7.
[478]Ibid. (November 13, 1943), no. 25.
[479]Ibid. (April 11, 1944), no. 76.
[480]Ibid. (June 10, 1944), no. 2-28.
[481]Ibid. (May 9, 1944), no. 100.
[482]Ibid. (April 29, 1944), no. 91.
[483]Ibid. (April 24, 1944), no. 86.
[484]Ibid. (April 12, 1944), no. 77.
[485]Ibid. (April 14, 1944), no. 79. After the war
Ed was running a filling station in Coffeyville in 1946. Someone came into the station with a
flight jacket that had the name of de Alverez's carrier on it. Ed asked if he
knew the doctor and he did. Ed only met the doctor once.
[486]See Russell de Alvarez (ed.), Textbook of Gynecology (Philadelphia:
Lea & Febiger, 1977).
[487]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (January 17, 1944), no. 5; see also,
(January 19, 1944), no. 7.
[488]Ibid. (April 16, 1944), no. 80.
[489]Ibid. (April 8, 1944), no. 73.
[490]Ibid. (April 9, 1944), no. 74.
[491]Ibid. (April 6, 1944), no. 72.
[492]Ibid. (May 18, 1944), no. 2-9. In encouraging
Hazel in her religion, Ed's letters were similar to those of his parents during World War I. Ed Sr. had grown up a Baptist, but became a Catholic upon marriage.
When Ed Sr. reported going to communion, Maye told him she was happy. See
Margaret Maye (Gergen) Terrar, "Letters to Edward Terrar, Sr.: 1918-1919," (manuscript,
August 20, 1918), p. 44.
[493]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (May 18, 1944), no. 2-9.
[494]Ibid. (June 4, 1944), no. 2-23.
[495]Ibid. (June 10, 1944), no. 2-28.
[496]Ibid. (April 24, 1944), no. 86.
[497]Ibid. (April 29, 1944), no. 91.
[498]Ibid. (May 4 and 12, 1944), no. 96 and 2-3.
[499]Ibid. (May 8, 1944), no. 99.
[500]Ibid. (May 9, 1944), no. 100.
[501]Ibid. (April 28, 1944), no. 90.
[502]Ibid. (May 22, 1944), no. 2-12.
[503]Ibid. (May 26-27, 1944), nos. 2-15, 2-16,
2-17.
[504]Ibid. (May 26, 1944), no. 2-15.
[505]Ibid. (June 2, 1944), no. 2-21. Earlier Hazel
had put money down on rent for another place. Ed asked her on June 2, if she
had that money refunded.
[506]Ibid. (June 1, 1944), no. 2-20.
[507]Ibid. (June 27, 1944), no. 2-42.
[508]Hazel Terrar in Tony Sarg, Baby's Book: Important Events in the Life of
Edward Francis Terrar III When He was Very Young (New York: Greenberg,
1943).
[509]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan Terrar" (July 1, 1944), no. 2-45.
[510]The birth certificate stated that an
episiotomy was also performed. An episiotomy is a surgical enlargement of the
vulval orifice (low forceps) for obstetrical purposes. Hazel was in the
hospital for five hours prior to delivery.
[511]Ibid. (July 7 & 22, 1944), nos. 2-49
& 2-58.
[512]Ibid. (July 10, 1944), no. 2-51.
[513]Ibid. (July 1, 1944), no. 2-45. The
government prevented the Terrars from being together at their child's birth.
But this was a minor difficulty compared to that experienced by parents in Asia
and Europe. A Japanese nurse, Tsuruko Matsuda in "Nursing,
Fleeing, Hiding," Women Against War:
Women's Division of Soka Gakkai (New York: Kodansha International,
1986), pp. 69-70, described her experiences in Manchuria, which shifted between Japanese, Soviet, Chinese
nationalist and Chinese communist control. She was Hazel's age:
Many
of us found ourselves indebted to a group[ of people to whom we never thought
we would owe anything. The large number of Japanese geisha and other women of
the demimonde identified themselves and their professions and, by selling
themselves, protected the rest of us. It was due to their efforts that ordinary
women felt safe enough to
go into town to sell dumplings or rice or to do whatever they could to eke out
a living. We were eternally grateful to those women.
Under
these miserable circumstances, pregnancies occurred in large numbers. I often
accompanied the head nurse, who was a midwife, on her missions at any time of
day or night. No matter what the hour or the danger, when a woman was about to
give birth, we hurried to her side. At night, street guards shot anyone who
didn't know the password, which we never knew. It is still a miracle to me that
we escaped being shot.
The
new mothers and the midwives were both risking their lives. In spite of such
horrible conditions and the fact we couldn't use hot water, all the babies were
healthy. This work impressed me tremendously with the force of life. It was
only after public order had been
reestablished somewhat that strict protection was extended to anyone wearing a
Red Cross patch.
[514]Hazel stayed in the hospital until July
9, or for more that a week after the birth. See Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Letters to Hazel Hogan Terrar" (July 29, 1944), no. 2-63. The cost
of her 10-day stay at $1.75 per day came to $17.50. She put the bill in her scrapbook. In her hospital room
she had flowers. Ed sent money to Mrs. Kellogg to have them delivered. After
the birth Hazel at first was only getting up for a few minutes at a time. But
she resumed her daily correspondence with Ed on June 30, the day after the
birth. See Hazel Terrar, Scrapbook
(manuscript, 1944-1946), in possession of Hazel Terrar; Edward Terrar, Jr.
"Letters to Hazel Hogan Terrar" (July 10, 1944), no. 2-51.
[515]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan Terrar" (June 4, 1944), no. 2-23.
[516]Ibid. (July 10, 1944), no. 2-51.
[517]Ibid. (September 6, 1944), no. 2-99.
[518]Ibid. (August 7, 1944), no. 2-72.
[519]Ibid. (August 16, 1944), no. 2-78. Ed's
parents put off having children until after World War I, but Ed Sr. expressed the same hopes in his letters from Germany as Ed Jr. from the Pacific. The senior Terrars looked forward to having
"Ned Jr." and "spoiling him." They would "never be
separated from each other again." As Ed Sr. put it, "There will not
be any mob around all the time, just May, Ned and Jr. Them are going to be some
happy days for us dear." See Edward Terrar, Sr., "Letters to Margaret
Maye (Gergen) Terrar: 1918-1919," (manuscript, May 28, 1919), p. 49.
[520]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan Terrar" (July 10, 1944), no. 2-51.
[521]Ibid. (July 29, 1944), no. 2-63. Other
visitors to the mother and baby were Peggy Dalzell, Mary Fletcher, Mary Rogers, Mary Matula, who was a nursing friend, and Jane Sanders.
See Hazel Terrar, Our Baby
(Illustrated by Doris Henderson, C.R. Gibson & Co.) (manuscript,
1944-1946), in possession of Hazel Terrar.
[522]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (July 22, 1944), no. 2-58.
[523]Ibid. (July 5, 1944), no. 2-49.
[524]Godfather John Donlon gave the baby a pair of wings in imitation of his dad's. John's
sister, Mary, who was married to Tim Collins, sent a card. Tim was in the Navy. Mary
was living in San Diego and Hazel had made her acquaintance. Tim was a plumber
and in 1954 the Terrars visited them in Massachusetts on a vacation to Canada.
See ibid. (September 29, 1944), no.
3-18. Godmother and Army nurse, Mary Estelle Hunt, wrote from Europe a letter that Hazel
preserved in her Scrapbook
(manuscript, 1944-1946):
Dear Hazel
I sure wish I could see you and your dear little baby. Will write you real soon. Loads of happiness to you both.
Mary
E.
A
number of Hazel's nursing friends from Michigan sent cards, including Jolia and her husband Carol Lynne Dick; Mrs. Lal Duncan (Josephine) Threlkeld, Vicki Kolenic, Mrs. Mary Lee and Walter Klonke. Michigan friend Bonnie
Bignatti send a card from
Rapid City, South Dakota on July 20. She had married Burt Webb, an Air corps
pilot and had a baby named Susan L. A card likewise came from Hazel's former
patient, Ward (and Rosemand) Hicks.
[525]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (July 5, 1944), no. 2-49. Those on Ed's side of the family who
sent greetings included his mother, his sisters, Rosemary and Mildred, his Aunt Lena (b. 1881) and Uncle Ed Breese from Cherryvale, Kansas, and his neighbors in Coffeyville, Mr. and
Mrs. Frank Tong. Frank worked in the oil fields as an oil driller. There was also
something from "Aunt" Elizabeth (Lizzie) Cook, who was a long-time family friend, not
a blood relative, and her sister Anna Cloud.
[526]Hazel Terrar, Scrapbook (manuscript, 1944-1946), in possession of Hazel Terrar.
[527]Terrar, Scrapbook (manuscript, 1944-1946). George and Mary Cillessen lived
at 303 W 3rd. in Coffeyville. Mary Cillessen and Maye Terrar were friends and Mary's son, Henry in September 1941 had married
Margaret Mary O'Meare, who was Maye's cousin. Margaret Mary's
grandmother, Margaret Gergen (Miller) (1858-1936), was the sister of Maye's father, Peter Gergen (1849-1920). Another Coffeyville friend also sent a gift, Mrs.
Carl Ziegler. Carl Ziegler, Sr. was in the American
Legion with Ed Terrar, Sr. and Carl Jr. was Ed Jr.'s friend. Ed's former
workmate at Oil County Specialties (OCS) in Coffeyville, Robert O.
"Bob" Moore and his wife sent a card, as did Dorothy and Justin Hannen. Justin was the lawyer whom Ed had met
at the Fairfax "E" Base.
[528]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (August 21, 1944), no. 2-83.
[529]Ibid. (October 1, 1944), no. 3-20; Sarg, Baby's Book. Fifteen years later, after
her husband died, Tommie Kellogg gave the Terrars another gift, a ten volume set of Children's
books, Journeys Through Bookland: A New and
Original Plan for Reading, Applied to the World's Best Literature for Children
(ed. Charles Sylvester, Chicago: Thomas Publishing Company, 1909). Although
several volumes were missing, it had a diversity of materials from ancient to
medieval and modern times and from all over the world. There was a poem about
"Stonewall" Jackson, the autobiography of Davy Crockett, Julia Ward Howe's
Battle Hymn of the Republic and Benjamin Franklin's "Braddock's
Defeat" and a selection from Thomas a Kempis' The
Imitation of Christ. It sat on the Terrar's bookshelf for 50
years without being read, just as it had at the Kelloggs. They had no children.
[530]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (October 1, 1944), no. 3-20. Writing thank-you notes took up a
good bit of Hazel's time in July and August. See ibid. (September 2, 1944), no. 2-95.
[531]Ibid. (November 2, 1944). Ed was pleased that
Hazel had not taken the dog, "I'm glad John didn't leave the cocker
spaniel. I want Tersh to have a dog eventually but with us moving around the country
we'll have our hands full with a baby. I have an idea he'll keep us plenty busy
- so a dog would be just too much."
[532]Ibid. (September 2, 1944), no. 2-95. In April
1944 Kay and Dan Miller had had a boy.
[533]Ibid. (August 4, 1944), no. 2-69.
[534]Ibid. (September 2, 1944), no. 2-95. Ed was
also thinking of Estelle, as he wrote in ibid. (October 4, 1944), no. 3-22, "I am looking forward to
meeting the godmother of our son with pleasure!"
[535]Terrar, Scrapbook (manuscript, 1944-1946). Hazel pasted the formula instruction in her
scrapbook:
Formula
1. Water
(boiled 10 minutes) 8 oz.
2. Let
water cool.
3. Add 1
level tablespoon of Dexti-maltose # 1 (carbohydrate)
4. Add 4
oz. evaporated milk
Pour
2 oz. of the formula into each of 6 bottles. Cork each with sterile rubber cap
or sterile cotton and keep in a cool place until needed.
Feed at 6, 10 AM, 2, 6, 10 PM
Special
instructions for complemental feeding: Offer baby 2 oz. after each nursing. At
2 AM give bottle as desired. At 8 AM and 4 PM give 1 to 2 oz. of sterile water.
[536]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (August 22, 1944), no. 2-84; see also, ibid. (September 8, 1944), no. 3-1.
[537]Ibid. (July 13, 22 and August 4, 1944), nos.
2-54, 2-58 & 2-69.
[538]Ibid. (July 29, 1944), no. 2-63.
[539]Ibid. (August 27, 1944), no. 2-89.
[540]Ibid.
[541]Ibid. (October 1, 1944), no. 3-20.
[542]Ibid. (September 6, 1944), no. 2-99.
[543]Ibid. (August 27, 1944), no. 2-89.
[544]Sarg, Baby's
Book.
[545]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (October 10, 1944), no. 3-25.
[546]Ibid. (October 10, 1944), no. 3-25.
[547]Terrar, Scrapbook (manuscript, 1944-1946).
[548]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (November 2, 1944). In a fill-in-the-blanks book called, called Our Baby (Illustrated by Doris
Henderson, C.R. Gibson & Co.) (manuscript, 1944-1946). Hazel kept track of
the baby's weight:
|
at birth 8
lb., 7 oz. |
2
months 13 lb, 13 oz. |
|
|
1 week 8
lb, 2 oz. |
3
months 14 lb, 15 oz. |
|
|
2 weeks 8
lb, 1 oz. |
5
months 15 lb. |
|
|
3 weeks 8
lb, 6 oz. |
6
months 15 lb, 10 oz. |
|
|
1 month 9
lb, 10 oz. |
|
|
His length was:
|
1 month 22
1/2 in. |
3
months 26 1/2 in. |
|
2 months 23
1/3 in. |
9
months 27 in. |
The baby's
"firsts," as recorded in the same book were:
|
first notice sound 3 weeks |
first
sits without support 5 months |
|
first notice sound 3 weeks |
first
creeps 7
months |
|
first laughs aloud 6 weeks |
first
stands 8
months |
|
first turns over 4 months |
first
walks 11
months |
|
first raises head 6 week |
first
feeds self 15
months |
|
first picks up object 3 months |
|
[549]See Lawrence Kruchman, Postpartum Mood and Anxiety Disorders:
A Research Guide and International Bibliography (New York:
Garland Publishers, 1986).
[550]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan Terrar" (August 19, 1944), no. 2-81.
[551]Ibid.
[552]Ibid. (August 1, 1944), no. 2-66.
[553]Ibid. (August 10, 1944), no. 2-73.
[554]Ibid. (August 27, 1944), no. 2-89.
[555]Ibid. (September 4, 1944), no. 2-97.
[556]Ibid. (October 4, 1944), no. 3-22.
[557]Ibid. (September 2, 1944), no. 2-95.
[558]Ibid. (September 29, 1944) no. 3-18; see
also, (August 14, 1944), no. 2-76.
[559]Ibid. (September 17, 1944), no. 3-8.
[560]Ibid. (November 2, 1944).
[561]Ibid. (August 14, 1944), no. 2-76.
[562]Ibid. (October 10, 1944), no. 3-25.
[563]Ibid. (August 7, 1944), no. 2-70. An expense
Hazel did not have to worry about was sister-in-law Mildred's college tuition in
the fall of 1944. Ed advised Hazel in ibid.
(August 27, 1944), no. 2-89, to offer no money, as he had "squared that
with mother several months ago."
[564]Ibid. (September 30, 1944), no. 3-19.
[565]Ibid. (September 29, 1944), no. 3-18.
[566]Ibid.
[567]Ibid. (October 9, 1944), no. 3-27.
[568]Brooke Hindle, Lucky Lady and the Navy Mystique: The Chenango in World War II (New
York: Vantage Press, 1991), p. 107. TF-53 at Tarawa was called the Southern Attack Force.
[569]Ibid.
[570]During the Tarawa invasion, the task
group had been designated the Central Pacific Force. See Thomas Buell, The Quiet Warrior: A Biography of
Admiral Raymond A. Spruance (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), p.
170.
[571]Admiral Harry Hill, who had commanded
TF-53 at Tarawa, was assigned during the Marshalls invasion to seize lightly
defended Majuro, using an infantry battalion of 1,600 troops. In addition, he
commanded the floating reserve, a regiment each of Marines and infantry,
totaling 9,300 assault troops. See Buell, The
Quiet Warrior, p. 219.
[572]The carrier task force, TF-58, which was TF-50 at Tarawa, was commanded
by Rear Admiral Marc Mitscher. He had replaced Charles Pownall.
Admiral Chester Nimitz, the fleet commander, made the change without Spruance's
knowledge or concurrence. TF-58 had six heavy carriers, six light carriers,
eight fast battleships, six cruisers, 36 destroyers, and 700 carrier aircraft.
The Southern Attack Force, TF-52, was commanded by Admiral Kelly Turner, the same as in the Gilberts invasion.
The fourth task group was the land-based air forces, Seabees and garrison
troops under Rear Admiral Johnny Hoover that were stationed at Tarawa. They had
been designated TF-57 during the Tarawa invasion. See Buell, ibid.
[573]Charley Dickey, "Scratch One
Battleship," Blue Book Magazine
of Adventure for Men by Men (August 1945), vol. 81, no. 4, pp.
26-29. After the war Charley became a professional sports writer. He combined humor,
philosophy and tall tales in his books on trout fishing, dove, deer and quail
hunting, including Charley Dickey's
Deer Hunting (Birmingham, Alabama: Oxmoor House, 1977); Charley Dickey's Dove Hunting
(Birmingham, Alabama: Oxmoor House, 1975); Charley
Dickey's Bobwhite Quail Hunting (Birmingham, Alabama: Oxmoor
House, 1974); and his Opening Shots and
Parting Lines (Piscataway, N.J.: Winchester Press, 1983). He also
wrote short stories, articles and columns for magazines such as Field & Stream and Outdoor Life. For
several years he was the director of the National Shooting Sports Foundation.
[574]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, January 15, 1944), no. 3, in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[575]Ibid. (January 19, 1944), no. 7.
[576]Ibid. (January 18, 1944), no. 6.
[577]Ibid. (January 24, 1944), no. 12.
[578]Ibid. (January 21, 1944), no. 9. In playing
cards for extensive periods, Ed followed his father's example in World War I. Typically, on August
31, 1918, Ed Sr. reported having played cards "all day." See Edward
Terrar, Sr., "Letters to Margaret Maye (Gergen) Terrar:1918-1919,"
(manuscript, August 31, 1918), in
possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.; Toby Terrar, Family
History about Edward L. Terrar and Maye Gergen Terrar (Silver
Spring, Maryland: CW Press, 1994), p. 44.
[579]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (January 22, 1944), no. 10; Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 107.
[580]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (January 22, 1944), no. 16; E. B. Potter, Nimitz (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1976), pp.
272-273.
[581]The Chenango
responded that day to the order of ComCarDiv 22, which was headed by Rear Adm.
Van H. Ragsdale, to transfer three of her planes to the Sangamon. The need resulted from a Sangamon barrier crash that had caused a serious fire. An F6F had landed on
deck without its tail hook being caught. It bounced over two barriers and hit
the parked planes, knocking one SBD over the side. The fire was caused by the
spilling of 150 gallons of gasoline that ran ninety feet toward the stern and
off to the starboard side, threatening the bridge. Seven men were killed in the
fire and nine seriously injured. Of the fifteen who jumped overboard to escape,
two were lost but the rest were recovered. Later that afternoon, a TBM crashed
over a barrier and hit some planes once again. Altogether, three SBDs and one
TBM were destroyed and three SBDs damaged. Two planes in the air at the time
landed on the Chenango and one on the
Suwannee, but all were shortly returned to the Sangamon. See Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp. 107-108.
[582]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (January 27, 1944), no. 15.
[583]When Spruance wanted to leave to attend a
dinner party on Christmas evening, Carl Moore became furious. "I had to
spoil the day somewhat by bawling Raymond out," Moore wrote his wife.
"I hope it hurt him as much as it did me. I worked until five and probably
would have kept on if I hadn't gotten mad at the boss." Quoted in Buell, The Quiet Warrior, p.
213.
[584]Thomas Buell, ibid.,
p. 212, observed that King was a student of the Civil War, and he was aware
that Lincoln's generals lost many opportunities to
shorten the war by failing to maintain pressure and offensive momentum against
the Confederate armies.
[585]As at Tarawa, the dispute about tactics
between the Navy and Army continued in the Marshalls. The Air Force bombers and fighters were under Rear Admiral Johnny Hoover's command. He urged them to fly lower
for improved accuracy. The Air Force wanted to bomb in level flight from high altitudes. Hoover found
their accuracy, compared to Navy dive-bombers, consistently poor. The Air Force
pilots were too skittish about anti-aircraft fire and wanted to fly above the
range of enemy guns. They also wanted their aircraft in massed formations,
which Hoover felt yielded mediocre results.
Another
dispute involved the Army's
desire to advance slowly and methodically after intensive artillery
preparation, all the while protecting the flanks and keeping intact the line of
advance. The Marines advocated swarming ahead, over-running the enemy positions
and later mopping up isolated pockets of resistance. Spruance favored the Marine Corps doctrine, which reduced the time needed
to keep his ships on station to support the forces ashore.
A final
difference, as at Tarawa, was over the doctrine of fast carrier employment. Air Admiral John H. "Jack"
Towers wanted to range over
the ocean destroying Japanese ships and bases. Spruance felt Japanese airpower
was too strong and would inflict unacceptable losses. Specifically, Spruance feared the Japanese airpower operating
from the Marshalls. He demanded the carriers suppress that threat before the
amphibious forces arrived and as long thereafter as necessary. Spruance also
feared that the Pacific fleet could not logistically support a large carrier task force operating for extended periods
at great distances from Pearl Harbor. Finally, the Japanese would not fight a
decisive battle unless they could win. Spruance, not Towers, prevailed. See
Buell, ibid., pp. 215-217.
[586]Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp. 109-110.
[587]Ibid., p. 110.
[588]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (February 4, 1944), no. 20. In broad figures, Spruance commanded
375 ships, almost 85,000 troops, and over a thousand aircraft. See Buell, The Quiet Warrior, p.
219.
[589]Buell, The
Quiet Warrior, pp. 218-219.
[590]Another nickname was the "Mitscher
Shampoo," named after Rear Adm. Marc A. Mitscher, who was commander of the Fast Carrier
Forces. See Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp.
110-111.
[591]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview with
Toby Terrar" (March 2001).
[592]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 111. The Chenango
lost two planes on D-day; one was an F6F that broke its tail hook while landing
and fell into the sea; its pilot was rescued. The other was more serious. The
VC-35 SBDs had been ordered to proceed with the VC-60 SBDs from the Suwannee to attack Enumennett Island south of Namur.
On their approach, the flight leader ordered the planes to change formation and
in the process, two of the VC-60 SBDs collided. As a result, one of them hit a
VC-35 SBD piloted by Lieutenant (jg) Holloway. His plane lost its left wing and hit
the water after a violent spin - the pilot but not the gunner-photographer,
parachuted to safety. See ibid., pp.
111-112.
[593]John L. Sullivan, "Letter" (November. 10, 1947) in Edward Terrar's
"Navy File," in possession of Edward Terrar. Smiley Morgan, who by then was the skipper for the
torpedo bombers, requested the gold star award from the Board of Awards for Ed's "15th flight in a
combat area where enemy aircraft fire was expected to be effective or where
enemy aircraft patrols usually occurred."
[594]Buell, The
Quiet Warrior, p. 223.
[595]The only major damage to the fleet was a
serious collision at night between the battleships Washington and Indiana. The Roi-Namur assault attracted
visitors, including James V. Forrestal, the Under Secretary of the Navy.
Spruance called on Forrestal and then went ashore. See Buell, The Quiet Warrior, p. 224.
[596]William Marshall, "Diary"
(manuscript, 1943-1945), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[597]Anonymous, The
Chenanigan (February 3, 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar,
stated:
CTF-53 has sent the
following message to TF-53:
A
very successful and well executed landing has been made on beaches that had
formerly been considered well defended. The landing was made with exceptionally
light losses due to the close coordination of air and gunfire support and the
landing waves. Well done on your excellent team work, your fighting spirit and
your magnificent performance.
UNDATED PACIFIC WAR: Marine assault troops have captured Roi Island in the Kwajalein Atoll of the Marshall Islands and it's island airfield against little enemy resistance. Admiral Chester W. Nimitz also announced in a communique Wednesday that landings have been made on Kwajalein and Namur Islets in the same atoll and action is progressing favorable. Roi Islet is the first territory the United States has captured which the Japs held before the war. Marine and Army troops landed on the 3 principal objectives only one day after some 30,000 troops swarmed shoreward on nearby islets under the guns of the largest naval striking force ever assembled. Land based artillery has been set up on these points and U.S. warships and planes continued to bombard and bomb Kwajalein and Namur. On Namur, an islet adjoining Roi where planes were dispersed and barracks located, the Japanese have been pushed back into the extreme northern portion of the island and are apparently putting up a last desperate stand against an overwhelming force of the Fourth Marines. At Kwajalein Island the 7th Army division troops are firmly established and are pushing the enemy back, the communique said. Admiral Nimitz announced that the United States has suffered no Naval losses and that casualties are modest. "It is now apparent," the Admiral said, "that the attack took the enemy completely by surprise." The Roi airfield considered the best in the Marshalls is expected to go back into operation as soon as United States forces can repair the damage their precision bombing inflicted.
[598]The item about the Stock Exchange read,
"NEW YORK: Showing the first profit since 1936, the Stock Exchange in it's
annual statement Wednesday reported 1943 net earnings of $576,309 compared with
a net loss in 1942 of $815,972."
[599]Edward Terrar, Jr., Aviator's Flight Log Book (manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of
Edward Terrar, Jr. Throughout the period, the fighters flew combat air patrols
(CAPs) and the torpedo bombers flew anti-submarine patrols (ASPs), but they
also attacked the islands.
[600]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (February 6?, 1944), no. 21.
[601]Early on February 1, a message was
received that Ennugarret Island, which had been captured on D-day, was being
counter-attacked from Namur. In response, six VC-35 TBFs from the Chenango that were still
out on ASPs were sent along with Suwannee planes to attack southern Namur. They dropped 325-pound depth
bombs on the southern edge of Namur, clearing away underbrush and trees. It
turned out that the report had been incorrect. No counter-attack had been made.
See Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp. 111-112.
[602]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (February 1, 1944), no. 18.
[603]The Coca Cola Corporation did well aboard
the Chenango.
[604]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (February 4, 1944), no. 20.
[605]Ibid. (February 7, 1944), no. 22.
[606]Ibid. (February 6?, 1944), no. 21.
[607]William Marshall, "Diary"
(manuscript, 1943-1945), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[608]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (February 10, 1944), no. 24.
[609]Bill Marshall in his "Diary" (manuscript, 1943-1945), in possession of
Toby Terrar, described the raid:
Feb. 12, 1944 0215 - Those dam yellow B____ paid us
a visit. Eighteen bombers came over the island and bombed it like the devil.
Before we could get our fighters in the air they were gone. Glad we were out of
the lagoon. They got within 2 miles of us but did not bomb us. We do not know
the extent of the damage as yet to the island. The [___?_____] were
almost ready to take squadron ashore. In fact B-[?] were landing there
yesterday. We expect the Japs back tomorrow morning or tonight. But we will get
them this time I'll bet you. Nothing going on today. Entered lagoon at
Kwajalein Island today to take on stores.
[610]Buell, The Quiet Warrior, p. 225.
[611]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 113. Bill Marshall's "Diary" (manuscript,
1943-1945), described his mass arrangements and other activities:
Feb.
13, 1944: Just resting in lagoon today. Had Protestant Service today for Lt. (jg) Adams.
Photographer killed at Roi Island in one of our planes.
I
made arrangements for Priest to come aboard tomorrow and have confession and
mass for us.
Feb.
14, 1944: Had Confession and Mass today. Over a hundred turned out and went
to Communion. Chaplin was very pleased. Said he was on the wrong ship. We have
more Catholics than he does. He intends to come aboard every time we are in
port. Now that the ice is broken. Still in Lagoon.
[612]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (February 18, 1944), no. 32.
[613]Ibid. (February 14, 1944), no. 28.
[614]In the week prior to D-day, planes from
the fast carriers made preliminary attacks on Eniwetok and surrounding islands.
These raids were reported in The Chenanigan (February 15, 1944):
UNDATED PACIFIC WAR: ... Carrier-based planes
made 6 attacks in 3 days on Eniwetok as United States warplanes hit possible
staging bases for further Jap attacks on Kwajalein. Eniwetok, 355 nautical
miles west of Kwajalein and midway between Wake and Truk has a good airfield
once used by the Japs in ferrying planes into the Marshalls from the Caroline
Islands. It was attacked in considerable force last Thursday, Friday and
Saturday. Saturday 6 other atolls were raided by Army, Navy and carrier planes.
Ujelang was hit as also were Ujae lying between Ujeland and Kwajalein. 3
unidentified Marshall Atolls were shelled by Billy Mitchells firing 75
millimeter cannons and were bombed and straffed.
[615]Squadron-mate, Bill Marshall, flew a
similar TBF mission that day. He described it in "Diary" (manuscript, February 17, 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar:
February
17, 1944: Well we started our attack on Eniwetok Atoll today. I flew four
hours and dropped four bombs on Eniwetok Island of the atoll. We seem to be
making out OK so far. Sure hope things continue as good. Received word that the
Entrepid took a
torpedo at Truk Island but is proceeding under her own power towards home.
[616]Anonymous, The Chenanigan (February 19, 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar.
As mentioned in The Chenanigan, the
attack on Truk was carried on simultaneously with the Eniwetok campaign. The
purpose was to neutralize Japanese airpower. Truk was a forward anchorage of
the Japanese Combined Fleet, with room to accommodate up to 400 aircraft. TF-58 was assigned the job and completed it on February 17-18. Task
Force-58 was really four separate task forces, each with three carriers which
between them embarked 650 aircraft. In the high-speed assault Vice-Admiral Marc
Mitscher mounted thirty raids, each more powerful than either of the
Japanese strikes on Pearl Harbor, destroyed 275 aircraft and left 39 merchant
ships and warships sinking. The raid established Mitscher's reputation as the
master of fast carrier operations. See John Keegan, The
Second World War (New York: Penguin Books, 1990), p. 306.
[617]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (February 18, 1944), no. 32.
[618]Ibid. (February 21, 1944), no. 35.
[619]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 113.
[620]Edward Terrar's "Navy File," in
possession of Edward Terrar.
[621]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, July 15, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[622]Marshall, "Diary" (manuscript,
February 19, 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[623]Ibid. (February 21, 1944).
[624]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (February 24, 1944), no. 34. Ed wrote:
I do wish this damnable war would end so we could resume our normal
lives and get a bit of enjoyment out of life. Sometimes it seems as though I
can recall nothing but depression and war times. I'd like to take out about
five years and just spend it with you. Then I'd be ready for the terrific
battle for existence.
[625]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Margaret Maye (Gergen) Terrar" (manuscript, July 16, 1918), p. 42;
(November 13, 1918), p. 59; (May 1, 1919), no. 98, p. 138.
[626]Paul Fussell in Wartime: Understanding and Behavior in the Second World War (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 282, summed up the problem, "In
the Second World War the American military learned something very
'modern'--because dramatically 'psychological,' utilitarian, unchivalric and
un-heroic: it learned that men will inevitably go mad in battle and that no appeal
to patriotism, manliness, or loyalty to the group will ultimately matter. Thus in later wars things
were arranged differently."
[627]The small percent of troops that carried
the war to the enemy was outlined by Paul Fussell in ibid.,
p. 283:
All who wore uniforms are called veterans, but more than 90 percent of them are as uninformed about the killing zones as those on the home front. In 1943 the Army of the United States grew by two million men, but only about 365,000 of those went to combat units, and an even smaller number ended in the rifle companies. The bizarre size and weight of the administrative tail dragged across Europe by the American forces is implied by statistics: between 1941 and 1945, the number of troops whose job was fighting increased by only 100,000. If by the end there were 11 million men in the American army, only 2 million were in the 90 combat divisions, and of those, fewer than 700,000 were in the infantry.
[628]During the war, some 52 submarines or twenty-two percent of the submarine force lost their lives.
This was the highest casualty percentage of any U.S. service. See Russell
Spurr, A Glorious Way to Die: The Kamikaze
Mission of Battleship Yamato, April 1945 (New York: Newmarket
Press, 1981), p. 180.
[629]Joe Foss (ed.) in Top
Guns: America's Fighter Aces Tell Their Stories (New York: Pocket
Books, Inc., 1991), p. 292, described aviator fatigue:
It seemed that every time we attacked a target,
somebody would get shot down. The stress was real and hard to deal with for
some of our pilots. Some of the guys let the fear of dying really get to them;
and it eventually shattered their nerves. The navy finally altered its policy
and consented to allowing pilots to be grounded from "combat
fatigue." Manliness had nothing to do with it. The stress was real, although
it wasn't a problem for me. My squadron was eventually withdrawn from the
combat zone with one third of its pilots lost, another third grounded, and the
last third still flying.
[630]Norman Berg in My
Carrier War: The Life and Times of a Naval Aviator in World War II
(Central Point, Oregon: Hellgate Press, 2001), p. 145, gives an account of
combat fatigue during the summer of 1943 in Torpedo Squadron-28. This was the group, which preceded Ed's
squadron on the Chenango.
[631]Combat fatigue was present among the
Americans, Germans and Japanese. In the First Marine division at Guadalcanal in 1942, forty percent of the casualties were psychiatric. In
extreme cases the anxiety associated with combat caused soldiers to engage in
suicidal behavior, such as needlessly exposing themselves to enemy fire. Dieing
became a way to escape the anxiety. In Germany the failure of soldiers to do their duty
because of battle fatigue was considered treasonous and the penalty could be
death. The problem among Japanese soldiers was studied by Hiroko Kanazawa in
"One After Another They Died," Women
Against War, ed. Woman's Division of Soka Gakkai (New York:
Harper and Row, 1986), pp. 75-76. She was a nurse who worked in front-line
hospitals. Half those she assisted had fatigue-related illnesses. She wrote:
People tend to think that hospitals near the
front lines deal only with the seriously wounded requiring surgery, but
actually such patients comprised only half of our cases. We handled all kinds
of other sicknesses the men were susceptible to because of fatigue after heavy
fighting and continued advances carrying heavy backpacks. We did our best for
these men, but frequently injections did them no good. They had no appetite and
were so completely dispirited that they died.
[632]Military psychiatrists found that, given the strength of the "survival
instinct," when soldiers knew what symptoms led to a diagnosis of combat
fatigue, these symptoms were produced from subconscious or unconscious
motivation and there were epidemics of battle fatigue. See S. Rado,
"Pathodynamics and Treatment of Traumatic War Neurosis," Psychosomatic Medicine
(1942), vol. 42, pp. 363-368.
[633]Ed was aware that tobacco was no good and
normally he limited his consumption. Paul Fussell in Wartime,
pp. 144-145, studied the manufacturers and government in pushing cigarettes as
a cheap drug for keeping combatants at their job:
On the Allied home front manufacturers of
frivolous commodities like beer, chewing gum and tobacco moved their products by
arguing their indispensability to high morale. Tobacco especially. Anyone
in the services who did not smoke cigarettes was looked on as a freak, and it
was axiomatic that smoking, if a silly and costly and dirty pastime, was venial
rather than fatal. A term like addiction
was not heard, and one called a cigarette a coffin-nail
with the deep-down knowledge that it was probably not all that harmful.
Cigarettes were held to be absolutely indispensable to high moral and thus were issued freely, enclosed in field rations,
passed out by visitors to the troops, awarded as prizes in sharpshooting
matches. Part of the unique atmosphere of the war is provided by the constant
scent of cigarette smoke, the automatic, ubiquitous actions of deep inhaling,
borrowing and offering smokes, "field-stripping" cigarettes to
dispose of the butts outdoors, and the cry, "Smoke if you've got
'em!" General Eisenhower, popular with the troops because in so many ways the
typical Second World War American serviceman and thus sympathetic with their
needs, smoked at least two packs of cigarettes daily, and when especially
nervous, he went up to three or even four.
[634]William Marshall, "Diary"
(manuscript, March 15, 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[635]Bill Marshall in ibid.,
wrote, "While in Pearl we lost all of our SBDS and pilots. They were
replaced by fighters. We now have 30 F6F pilots and 22 F6Fs. We also got 3 new
TBF pilots, one replacing Ed Terrar."
[636]The SBDs did not have the speed of the
TBMs or carry the same weight in bombs. Nor did they have radar or a radio
operator. However, they had been effective at the beginning of the war in
bombing enemy shipping. They dived right down on the enemy ship. This was more
accurate than torpedoes, which were launched at a distance. The SBD did not carry torpedoes.
[637]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, March 3, 1944), no. 44, in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[638]Ibid. (March 4, 1944), no. 45.
[639]Ibid. (March 5, 1944), no. 46.
[640]Ibid. (March 7, 1944), no. 47.
[641]Ibid.
[642]Ibid. (March 11, 1944), no. 51.
[643]Ibid. (March 12, 1944), no. 52.
[644]Ibid. (March 13, 1944), no. 53.
[645]Ibid. (August 27, 1944), no. 2-89.
[646]Ibid. (March 16, 1944), no. 55.
[647]Smiley Morgan, the torpedo-bomber
squadron skipper, signed the order that detached him to Aihia Heights Hospital.
See "Order" (March 15, 1944), in Edward Terrar's "Navy
File," in possession of Edward Terrar.
[648]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (March 31, 1944), no. 66.
[649]Ibid. (March 16, 1944), no. 55; Edward
Terrar, Jr., "Chronological Biography" (manuscript, electronically
filed as "EFTbiog," January 20, 1996), p. 4; Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Gergen Family Interviews: 1969-1979" (manuscript, December 23,
1969), p. 18, in possession of Toby Terrar.
[650]"Officer's Qualification
Questionnaire" (March 1945), in Edward Terrar's "Navy File," in
possession of Edward Terrar.
[651]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (March 16, 17, 21, 1944), nos. 55, 56, & 58.
[652]Ibid. (March 16, 1944), no. 55.
[653]Ibid. (March 20, 1944), no. 57.
[654]Ibid. (April 14, 25, 1944), nos. 79 and 80.
[655]Ibid. (April 1, 1944), no. 67. The flight
surgeon was giving him combined vitamins three times per day at 9:00,
13:00 (1:00 p.m.) and 1800 (6:00 p.m.). Two weeks after going into the
hospital, he slept in a draft and caught a cold. He spent the whole day sacked
out in bed, took APC tablets and the cold quickly cleared up. See ibid. (March 21, March 28, March 30,
April 22, 1944), nos. 58, 63, 65 and 84.
[656]Ibid. (April 12, 1944), no. 77.
[657]Ibid. (April 30, 1944), no. 92.
[658]Ibid. (April 10, 1944), no. 75.
[659]Ibid. (March 21, 22, 1944), nos. 58, 59.
[660]Ibid. (April 24, 1944), no. 86.
[661]Ibid. (March 21 & April 7, 1944), nos. 58
& 72.
[662]Ibid. (March 30, 1944), no. 65.
[663]Ibid. (April 5, 1944), no. 71.
[664]Ibid.
[665]Ibid. (April 16, 1944), no. 80.
[666]Ibid. (March 16, 18, 21, 28, April 16, 1944),
nos. 15, 56-58, 63, 80.
[667]Ibid. (March 28, 1944), no. 63.
[668]Ibid. (March 20, 1944), no. 57.
[669]Ibid. (March 17, 18, 20, 28, April 16, 1944),
nos. 56, 60, 63, 80.
[670]Ibid. (March 17, April 12, 1944), nos. 56,
77.
[671]Ibid. (April 16, 1944), no. 80.
[672]Ibid. (April 14, 1944), no. 79.
[673]Ibid. (April 1, 1944), no. 67.
[674]Ed also wrote John Donlon and Peggy Dalzell on March 29, Smiley Morgan, his squadron mate on April 22, Mrs. Kellogg on April 26, and Don Mitchell on May 9. Mitchell was his Coffeyville pal who did
not drink alcohol and who was in Van Nays, California. See ibid. (March 4, 11, 29, April 22, 26, May 9, 1944), nos. 45, 51,
64, 84, 88, 100.
[675]Ibid. (April 7, 1944), no. 72.
[676]That is, Martin faked not being able to pass
the final skills check several times. He had told Ed of his intentions soon
after meeting him when they started flight school together. Ed was impressed.
[677]Ibid. (April 8, 1944), no. 73.
[678]Ibid. (April 20, 1944), no. 82. Because
Dickey had missed the boat when it sailed in January 1944, he had been kicked
out of the squadron.
[679]Ibid. (April 10, 1944), no. 75.
[680]Ibid. (April 25, 1944), no. 86.
[681]Ibid. (March 22, 1944), no. 59.
[682]Ibid. (March 21, 1944), no. 58.
[683]Ibid. (April 5, 6, 14, 1944), no. 70, 72, 79.
On Tuesday, March 28, Ed bowled a couple of lines, scoring 153 and 161 points. The
following week he scored a bit lower, with 128 and 136 points. See ibid. (March 28, April 5, 1944), nos.
63, 70.
[684]Ibid. (April 1, 1944), no. 67.
[685]Ibid. (March 18, 1944), no. 57.
[686]Ibid. (March 20, 1944), no. 60.
[687]Ibid. (April 2, 1944), no. 68.
[688]Ibid. (April 8, 1944), no. 73.
[689]See Tom Blackburn, The Jolly Rogers:
The Story of Tom Blackburn and Navy Fighting Squadron VF-17 (New York:
Orion Books, 1989); John F. Smith, Hellcats over the Philippine Deep
(Manhattan, Kansas: Sunflower Press, 1995); Paul Gillcrist, Feet Wet:
Reflections of a Carrier Pilot (Presidio Press:Novato, California, 1994).
[690]Saito Mutsuo in Teisa Morris-Suzuki, Showa:
An Inside History of Hirohito’s Japan (New York: Shocken Books, 1984), p.
121.
[691]Edward Terrar, Jr. "Letters to Hazel
Hogan Terrar" (April 5, 1944), no. 70. In an earlier letter (March 27,
1944, no. 63), Ed called Dr. Flushing a
quack. It is not clear if this is the doctor who claimed Ed had a fear of small
carriers.
[692]Ibid. (April 22, 1944), no. 84.
[693]Ibid. (April 21, 1944), no. 83.
[694]Ibid. (May 9, 1944), no. 100.
[695]Ibid. (May 22, 1944), no. 2-12.
[696]Ibid. (April 27, 1944), no. 89.
[697]Ibid. (May 19, 20, 1944), no. 2-9, 2-10.
[698]Ed was able to fly a number of short
missions on April 27, 30, and May 2, 6, 9, 10.
[699]Henry G. Hart in his early years had
worked in Utica, New York at a family business, the Hart & Crouse Foundry
Company, which made boilers. Later he worked for Braislin, Porter and Wheelock,
Inc., a real estate company. See Anonymous, "Henry G. Hart:
Obituary," New York Times (November
18, 1958), p. 37.
[700]After the war Ed applied to the business
school. They responded that he would be accepted, but he needed to have a
college degree. With a wife, child and another on the way, he had to work and could not pursue a college degree. See Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Interview" (manuscript, August 1, 2002), in possession of Toby
Terrar.
[701]Ed was then living in Washington, D.C.
and working for the Nixon-Lodge presidential campaign. Steve brought his sister,
Eleanor L. Hart, along for dinner. She was working
for the Central Intelligence Agency and had a problem with alcohol.
[702]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan Terrar" (April 21, 1944), no. 83.
[703]Ibid. (April 23, 1944), no. 85.
[704]Ibid. (April 23, 1944), no. 84.
[705]Ibid. (April 22, 1944), no. 84.
[706]Ibid. (April 23, 1944), no. 85.
[707]Ibid. (May 21, 1944), no. 2-11.
[708]Ibid. (May 8, 1944), no. 99.
[709]Ibid. (May 14, 1944), no. 2-5.
[710]On Wednesday May 24, Ed could not play
because it rained. He wrote that Hawaii would have been "a beautiful place
to do duty," if Hazel had been there. One Sunday he went to mass at 10:15
and then to the beach where the squadron was having a picnic. He swam a while and then had a
sandwich and Coke. See ibid.
(May 7, May 24, 1944), nos. 98, 2-14.
[711]Ibid. (May 1, 1944), no. 93. The lectures
were given by a former federal judge from San Diego. At the end of the series
on May 16, Ed was given a letter for his personnel file from John W. Smith. It
testified to his completion of 10 hours of lectures in courts and boards given
by Lt. Commander A. L. Mundo, U.S.N. Ret. See ibid. (April 15, 1944), no. 95; John W. Smith, "Letter"
(May 16, 1944), in Edward Terrar's "Navy File," in possession of
Edward Terrar.
[712]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (May 8, 11, 1944), nos. 99, 2.2.
[713]Guy Robbins, The Aircraft Carrier
Story: 1908-1945 (London: Cassell & Co., 2001), p. 177.
[714]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (May 4, 1944), no. 96.
[715]Ibid. (May 26, 1944), no. 2-16.
[716]Bill Marshall recorded in his
"Diary" (manuscript), how he learned of their mission. On March 15,
he wrote, "Well, I flew today, had a 4 1/2 hour ASP. Sure felt good to get
back to work. We still don't know where we are going. But we will know real
soon." The next day, March 16, he commented, "Did not fly today.
Found out where we are going and what we expect to do. It is such a secret I am
even scared to write it in my book until later. Only the pilots know where we are going. They
won't even tell the ship's officers."
[717]At the Anglo-American Quebec conference in August 1943 it had been agreed that the projected pace of
progress towards the Philippines was too slow, that Rabaul was not to be captured but to be neutralized by air attack, and that
MacArthur should advance along the northern coast of New Guinea by a series of amphibious hooks. See John Keegan, The Second World War (New York: Viking
Penguin, 1989), p. 306.
[718]In his "Diary" Bruce Weart reported on both Ed's departure and Newman's death:
March 15: Left Pearl Harbor. Sent SBDs back to
the states. Have 12 new fighters, 3 TBFs. Four carrier divisions. Terrar off.
March 20: Fighter pilot Edgar Newman lost.
Crossed equator and 180th meridian at
0100, 3-21-44. Initiation!!
March 27: Memorial funeral service for Newman and Bundy.
[719]Bruce Weart, "Diary" (manuscript,
1943-1945), in possession of Toby Terrar. Land-based B-17 Bombers and planes from the fast CVs did the actual bombing. Almon B. Ives
and Ben A. Meginniss (eds) in The
Chenangian (CVE-28): Victory Edition, 1942-1945 (Los Angeles: Kater
Engraving Co., 1945), p. 25, summarized the attack on Palau:
During the strike at Palau, the Chenango with her division spent a
monotonous two weeks flying combat air patrols and anti-submarine
patrols to protect the fleet oilers and ammunition ships assembled to replenish
the big carriers. She even reverted to her old function as an oiler when she
refueled the carriers Langley and Princeton.
[720]Foss, Top
Guns, p. 278.
[721]The reason for going to Espiritu Santo
was to exchange their F6F fighters for General
Motors FM-2s. The FM-2 could take off in a
shorter distance than the F6F. When there was not enough wind, the F6Fs but not
the FM-2s had to be catapulted off the comparatively short decks of the CVEs.
However, the pilots opposed the exchange, because the FM-2 was slower
in fighting Japanese Zekes. Zekes were hardly ever seen by the CVEs, but the pilots
won out. No exchange was made. At Espiritu Santo the pilots were free to visit the "O" club. While flying in the area, some thought they saw
headhunters and cannibals. The bugs, mosquitoes and less pleasant food made
staying aboard ship attractive to many. See Hindle, Lucky
Lady, p. 123.
[722]On the moonlit night of April 15, the Chenango lay dead in the water all-alone off the coast of New Guinea. Water
in the fuel had doused the fires under her boilers. She was a sitting duck!
While her engineers worked feverishly to get steam up again the rest of the
crew scrambled topside and gazed, fascinated at the moonpath, waiting for a
periscope to break the surface, expecting to sight a torpedo wake. The
engineers won the race against cooling boilers and got her going again.
[723]Bruce Weart, "Diary"
(manuscript, 1943-1945).
[724]Hindle, Lucky
Lady, p. 125. That same date squadron-mate Dan Miller received a telegram
about the birth of Dan Miller, Jr. See Bruce Weart, "Diary"
(manuscript, April 27, 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[725]Bruce Weart's "Diary" recorded the squadron's activities after its return to
Espiritu Santo:
May 16, 1944: Flew Espirito to Henderson
Field, Guadalcanal. 4 hrs. - 600 miles.
May 17: Living in Hotel DeGink!
May 18: Met Butch Galloway. Attack on Beack!
P.D. Thompson shot put. . . slingshot.
May 23: Flew Guadalcanal to Chenango. Clean clothes, Sick.
May 25: "D" day. Practice attack.
May 26: Anchored Tulagi, 0800.
According to David Richardson, "Letter to Donald
Kennedy" (manuscript, January 12, 2000), in possession of Toby Terrar, the
Chenango practiced
landing operations at Guadalcanal on May 24.
[726]Terrar, Jr., "Chronological
Biography" p. 4, stated that Ed rejoined VT-35 on May 30 at Espiritu
Santo. His Aviator's Flight Log Book
(manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr., stated he flew a
familiarization and practice mission at Espiritu Santo on May 31, 1944 and that
he ferried a TBM to the Chenango on June 2. In Hawaii he had flown on May 2, 6, 9-10, with
VT-100 and did not officially fly again until May 31, 1944 when he was at
Espiritu Santo.
[727]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (May 30, 1944), no. 2-18.
[728]Ibid.
[729]Bruce Weart commented on the period in
his "Diary":
May 27, 1944:
Sailed for Espirito.
May 29: Flew ashore to Pallakula Field. Bomber
I to Bomber III Luganville. Mail!! Mother 2, Teeky 4, Dick 1.
May 31: Squadron party. Came back aboard sick.
Mail everyday here.
[730]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (May 30?, 1944), no. 2-18.
[731]Ibid. (June 1, 1944), no. 2-20. Squadron-mate
Bruce Weart, who attended the party, mentioned in
his "Diary" that he returned from it "sick."
[732]Ibid. (June 3?, 1944), no. 2-23.
[733]Ibid. (June 4, 1944), no. 2-23.
[734]Ibid. (July 4, 1944), no. 2-50.
[735]Ibid. (June 10, 1944), no. 2-28.
[736]William Gentry, "Interview"
(manuscript, April 12, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar. Bruce Weart, who
compressed events, wrote in his "Diary":
June 2, 1944: Sailed from Espirito
June 7: crossed Equator. Terrar crashed.
Received word of European invasion.
[737]O.R. Lodge, The Recapture of Guam (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1954), p. 4. Under
U.S. rule Guam was run as a military dictatorship with a Navy captain having all executive, legislative and judicial
power over the 9,000 inhabitants. The island was used as a fueling station for
ships making the Orient run. By the mid-1930s it was also used by the Clippers
in the Pan American Airways fleet that were making the San Francisco-Manila-Hong Kong run. In addition the Trans-Pacific cable and Naval radio station
made Guam a focal point for communication in the Pacific. See ibid.,
p. 7.
[738]Edward Terrar, Jr., Aviator's Flight Log Book (manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of
Edward Terrar, Jr.
[739]Bruce Weart, "Diary"
(manuscript, June 20, 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[740]Edward Terrar, Jr., “Interview”
(manuscript, October 21, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[741]Thomas Buell, The
Quiet Warrior: A Biography of Admiral Raymond A. Spruance
(Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), pp. 286-287. Admiral Spruance, ibid.,
p. 288, wrote his wife about the battle:
Conquering one of these islands is a slow and
costly process. There are believed to have been over 20,000 [actually 32,000]
Japanese troops, practically all of whom have to be killed. Once we get our
beachhead cleared, we have the advantage because we push our troops and guns
and supplies ashore and we have complete control of the air. The Japs get more
and more disorganized, some of their artillery gets knocked out each day, they lose
men and gradually get weaker. Up to the last gasp, however, they fight
tenaciously and fanatically, asking only to die.
[742]Ibid., p. 288.
[743]Marius B. Jansen, The Making of Modern
Japan (London: Harvard University Press, 2000), pp. 639, 650.
[744]John Keegan, The
Second World War (New York: Viking Penguin, 1990), pp. 306-307.
[745]The Japanese First Mobile Fleet, the
carrier element of the Combined Fleet, led the way against TF-58. As the
Japanese approached, the American submarine Flying
Fish, on patrol off the Philippines, saw them
clearing the San Bernardino strait and gave
Mitscher warning.
[746]The Americans lost twenty-nine planes.
American submarines also torpedoed and sank the veteran Shokaku and the new Taiho, Ozawa's flagship and the largest
carrier in the Japanese navy. This was not the end of the affair. Next day Task
Force-58 found the First Mobile Fleet refueling, sank the carrier Hiyo with bombs and damaged two others and two heavy cruisers. See
Keegan, The Second World War,
pp. 306-307.
[747]John Wukovits, Devotion
to Duty: A Biography of Admiral Clifton Sprague (Annapolis: Naval
Institute Press, 1995), p. 108. Clark argued with Admiral William K.
Harrill, who then commanded TF-58.4. This was
the same Admiral Harrill who the year before had put Ed under house arrest at Alameda and
threatened him with court martial. In Clark’s view, Harrill was too
conservative about saving lives. See Joseph J. Clark, Carrier Admiral
(New York: D. McKay & Co., 1967), pp. 163, 159.
[748]Ibid., p. 101.
[749]Ibid.
[750]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, June 5-7, 1944), no. 2-24,
in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[751]Ibid. (June 19, 1944), no. 2-35.
[752]Ibid. (June 16, 1944), no. 2-33.
[753]Ibid. (June 18, 1944), no. 2-34. In ibid. (June 19, 1944), no. 2-35, Ed
summarized his views on child rearing:
Last evening I didn't finish writing about
Durant & his child - so I'll do that now - he & his wife try to raise
their child by never saying "don't" to it - in other words they never
say "don't do such & such" rather they try to use its sense of
pride as a disciplinary means i.e. telling how it embarrasses them or it by
doing certain things. They also use the example means to teach her - by keeping their
own rooms neat and orderly they get her to keep her's that way - and it seems
to me that its not a bad way to teach a child - although I'm sure a certain
amount of paddle is needed by every child. I know you don't agree with that
darling. Another thing they use is that she gets a certain amount of outdoor
exercise every day by going out and playing with her. She goes to bed at 2015
[8:15 p.m.] every night which is a good idea - no doubt a good way to instill a
desire in the child is by example. Of course it'll be a few years before our
child gets to that stage but it certainly wouldn't be long before it begins to
learn & we have to teach it so I think its well to think of these things
& determine an orderly fashion to raise it & not let it grow
haphazardly.
[754]Brooke Hindle, Lucky Lady and the Navy Mystique: The Chenango in World War II (New
York: Vantage Press, 1991), p. 133.
[755]This was probably in late February 1944.
[756]Edward Terrar, "Interview"
(April 2, 2001).
[757]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 129.
[758]Anonymous, “Aircraft Action Report:
AG-35” (manuscript, June 21, 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[759]Ibid.
[760]The report stated:
COMMENTS
1. The shipping attacked
appeared to be loaded with supplies which possibly were intended for support of
enemy forces on SAIPAN, so the damage inflicted may have contributed materially
toward the prosecution of the SAIPAN operation.
2. This strike was a
welcome change of duty for this CVE Air Group and greatly boosted morale. It is recommended that whenever the situation permits CVE
Air Groups be permitted to take part in similar operations.
3. Two pictures attached
were taken by F6F-3's using GSAP Gun Cameras. The two pictures are two
different views of shipping in KANAKA Bay.
No. I taken at 2030 GCT, altitude about 3000' at
30 degree angle.
No. II
taken at 2055 GCT, altitude about 1000' at 15 degree angle.
[761]J. Glenn Gray, who was a trooper in Europe, speculated
in his philosophical biography, The Warriors: Reflections on Men in Battles
(New York: Harcourt Brace, 1959), pp. 29-56, about three other reasons combat
raised morale. First, the life of a soldier was
monotonous and boring. Battle was relatively exotic and strange. It offered
the opportunity of gaping at other lands and people. The spectacle afforded by
combat planes was hard to exaggerate. Second, combat and danger created
comradeship and community. Horace, the ancient Roman, maintained it was noble to die for one’s country. After fatigue and horror had cleared from one’s
mind such patriotism or the desire to “do God’s will”
or the other reasons for war, the desire not to let down one’s comrades
remained. Third, combat released a
“mad excitement of destroying” that made soldiers more conscious of themselves.
In the “atmosphere of violence” that was part of war, this somehow improved
morale. Gray, ibid., p. 232,
explained:
The ancient Greek philosopher Heracleitus once wrote that “men are estranged from what is most familiar and
they must seek out what is in itself evident.” The sentence illuminates, as few
others have done, much of my own war experience. The atmosphere of violence draws a veil over our eyes,
preventing us from seeing the plainest facts of our daily existence. To an
awakened conscience, everything about human actions become then strange and
nearly inexplicable. Why men fight without anger and kill without compunction is understandable at
all only to a certain point. A slight alteration in consciousness
would be sufficient to put their deeds in a true light and turn them forever
from destruction. It would require only a coming to themselves to transform
killers into friends.
[762]Bruce Weart in his "Diary" commented:
June 21, 1944: Mangussen shot down a Betty 15 miles from ship. Shot down
over 500 Japs in their air attack. Our loss only a few! (26).
June 22: Attacked Pagan at
dawn. Took off 0550, struck 0630. Found 9 ships. Good hits, 2 sunk. Intense AA.
Shot down another Betty - Cyrus, Morris. Made contact with Jap Fleet. Sunk one
Hayatak carrier, Zuikaku got 3-1000# hits, 1 burning, 1 BB hit, 1 CL hit, 3 DD
hit, 1 DD sunk, 3 tugs sunk, 2 tankers burning, 365-367 planes shot down. We
lost 19. Were commended by Admiral Stump of 53.1 and Ad. Connly of 53.1
[763]Before leaving for the Marshall Islands
on June 24, 1944 the Chenango
set "a new record for herself" by fueling eleven destroyers. The next
day, she sent three F6Fs to the Sangamon and Suwanne at Saipan. See Hindle, Lucky
Lady, p. 129.
[764]Buell, The
Quiet Warrior, p. 289.
[765]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (June 28, 1944), no. 2-43.
[766]Ibid. (June 30, 1944), no. 2-44.
[767]Ibid. (July 1, 1944), no. 2-45.
[768]Ibid. (June 28, 1944), no. 2-43.
[769]Ibid. (July 1, 1944), no. 2-45.
[770]Ed commented about the coming birth in ibid. (June 25, 1944), no. 2-40:
Letter 2-40
Sunday June 25, 1944
My dearest -
I've
been thinking of you all day darling - wondering - just wondering about many
things - whether the baby has arrived - how you got along with the delivery if
it did come - whether it's a boy or a girl & if it is a girl - what is its name - how
you're feeling. I'll be so relieved when I do find out that it has arrived
safely. I'm sure that it has but still I'd like to know for sure. I'd of course
like to know how you're getting along & feeling. I'll be very happy when we
head for home & I can get things squared away & take care of
some of the things for you, as ignorant as I am of babies & their ways. I'm
sure I could be of some help.
It is certainly a
beautiful thought to think of you as a mother dear - it was so wonderful before
we were married thinking of you as my wife & much more wonderful having you
for a wife & now I can't help thinking what a wonderful mother you'll be - it must certainly be a most pleasant
& satisfying sensation to hold the baby in your arms & realize that
you've given life to another - probably only as a mother does a woman attain
the fullest virtues & then only is she completely feminine &
darling you're the sweetest mother a child could have. It would be so nice to
just be with you - you must be more beautiful now than you've ever been before
- I can think of nothing more beautiful than a pretty girl and her first child
& feel I'm missing so much by not being there. I love you very much
dear. Ed
[771]Ibid. (July 7, 1944), no. 2-49. Several days
later the baby, who was much given to eating and sleeping, was still the main
topic of discussion for Ed in ibid.
(July 9, 1944), no. 2-50:
"Hello
Darling - How is my very wonderful wife and handsome son today? Fine I hope! I
imagine that you're now home from the hospital. How does it feel like there?
Darling does he cry very much? Is he still eating like a little pig or has his
appetite eased off some? I hope you both are getting a lot of rest and sleep. I
imagine the baby spends the biggest part of his time sleeping - if he inherit
any of my characteristics. I'm sure that he gets lots of sack time. Who does he
look like - or can you tell yet? I certainly hope he has reddish hair and lots of it. I'd like for it to be just
about the color of yours. I'll be glad when you get more strength and can write
and tell me all about him - but don't do it until you feel stronger darling. I
want you to get your strength back & get to feeling normal again before you
exert yourself. Then when I get home we can do lots of things & go someplace occasionally - when you feel like it. . ."
[772]Two days later Sprague was flown off on a TBM and landed on the Sangamon where he was to relieve Rear Admiral Ragsdale as commander of CarDiv-22. The Chenango
then left the Kaisers and rejoined her two sisters in Task Group-53.7, all of them now supporting the action
against Guam.
[773]They dropped 74 tons of bombs, destroying
many gun emplacements, troop concentrations, bridges, truck convoys and at
least one desperately-needed enemy ammunition dump which exploded with
spectacular violence.
[774]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (July 11, 1944), no. 2-52.
[775]This part of the code was based on how he
addressed the envelopes. If he wrote "Mrs. E. F. Terrar, Jr" it meant
one thing; if he wrote "Mrs. Ed F. Terrar, Jr." it meant something
else. There were other variations. See Edward Terrar, Jr. "Code Sheet" (manuscript, 1943),
in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[776]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (July 12, 1944), no. 2-53. One of the sailors in a ship off Guam
commented in his diary, "You never get tired of watching our planes
strafying and bombing." See James Fahey, Pacific War Diary, 1942-1945 (Throndike, Maine: Throndike Press,
1993), p. 195.
[777]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (July 12, 1944), no. 2-53.
[778]Ibid. (May 2, 1944), no. 94.
[779]Ibid. (May 1, 1944), no. 93.
"Saving" meant not putting it
in the bank. He offered to put it in a bank where Hazel could have access to it through their joint checking
account, if she needed it.
[780]The squadron intelligence officer, Rex
Hanson, talked with him about going to law
school. Ed said he would go, if he had the money. See Terrar, "Letters to
Hazel Hogan Terrar" (June 4, 1944), no. 2-32. In mid-July Ed also talked
again about the plan that he and Sam Dalzell, his squadron mate, had hatched in the fall
of 1943. They would team up and run a charter service from Los Angeles to the
mountains and lakes to ferry those that wanted to hunt and fish. In connection
with this, they contemplated owning a lodge and perhaps a sporting goods store.
See ibid. (July 14, 1944), no. 2-55.
About the same time he was also thinking of becoming a college professor of
economics. He liked the idea of working nine months and having three months off
plus holidays, but being paid for twelve months. The hours would be easy and there
would be "plenty of time to read and pursue sundry pastimes." They
would never be rich but there would be plenty of time to be together as a family:
"We will have plenty for me to get a masters degree at Harvard or some equally good school and
then get an instructors job while I get a PhD." See ibid.,
(July 15, 1944), no. 2-56.
[781]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (July 14, 1944), no. 2-55.
[782]Ibid.
[783]Ibid. (July 12, 1944), no. 2-53.
[784]Ibid. (July 14, 1944), no. 2-55.
[785]Bruce Weart, "Diary" (manuscript, 1943-1945), in possession of Toby
Terrar. Those on the Chenango who had to keep the planes operating during the campaign worked as
hard or harder than the flight crews. David Richardson in “Personal
Radar Repair Log” (manuscript: 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar, kept a personal radar repair log for
VF-35. It reflected the large quantity of flights that had to be continually serviced. It
mentioned only the fighters
not the torpedo bombers:
July 11: We left
Eniwetok headed for Guam.
July 14. We made our
first strike against Guam with 20 planes.
July 15: We put up 20
planes again.
July 16: We put up 2
flights of 8 and 10 planes.
July 17: We anchored at
Saipan at 6:30 AM to take on bombs and ammunition and left at 3:30 PM.
July 18 and 19: We
struck Guam again with 4 flights of 8 planes each day.
July 20: We flew 3
flights of 8 planes each.
July 21: “W-day” at Guam
– 5 flights of 8 planes each – some pilots flew two sorties in the day.
July 22: - 3 flights of
4 planes each.
July 23: - 1st
flight 6 planes, 2nd flight of 11 planes, 3rd flight of 6
planes, 4th flight of 6 planes, 5th flight of 6 planes, 6th
flight of 6 planes.
July 24: - 6 flights of
6 planes each.
July 25: - 1 flight of 4
lanes – spent day refueling from tanker.
July 26: Anchored at
Saipan 0600. Left Saipan 1730 (5:30 PM).
July 27: Back at Guam –
3 flights of 12 each and one ASP of 3 planes.
July 28: - 6 flights
(assorted) CAP, ASP, Marine support.
July 29: - 4 flights of
11, 8, 8, 8 planes.
July 30: - 1 flight of
6.
July 31: - 3 flights of 6 each.
[786]Throughout the Marianas campaign,
CarDiv-22 was effective, particularly its F6Fs, which were superior to FMs,
which could not carry bombs. Rear Adm. Richard L. Conolly, commander of the Southern Attack Force,
reported that without them the loss would have been enormous. He also praised
CarDiv-22's engineering capability, the large oil and
gasoline carriage, and the refueling of the escort destroyers. See Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 129.
[787]Bruce Weart in his "Diary" (manuscript,
1943-1945), in possession of Toby Terrar, gave highlights of the Guam invasion:
July 26, 1944: Anchored Saipan to
re-arm again. Watching the battle for Tinian. Ashore.
July 27: Arrived back to Guam.
Had a strike in forenoon. Carried Marine artillary spotter in afternoon.
Strafed Japs on Orote, got some. Smiley went down, okay. Shaw shot up AA, also several others.
July 28: Singletary crashed. Strikes
continue against much opposition. Spotted for Marine artillary. Told us last
night we would be in next operation at Palau. Home, when?. . .
July 29: Continued strikes and
close support.
July 30: Had photographic hop, 5 hrs. 15" Airfield ours, also two on
Tinian. Ed Terrar landed on Guam, first American pilot. 51 Marines left ship
for Guam. Atkins, Comstock, McKenna, Daniels. Typhoon in area.
[788]John F. Smith, Hellcats
over the Philippine Deep (Manhattan, Kansas: Sunflower University Press,
1995), p. 81.
[789]Ibid.
[790]Harry Gailey, The War in the Pacific: From Pearl Harbor to Tokyo Bay (Presidio:
Novato Pub., 1995), p. 330.
[791]Charles P. Arnot, "U.S. Takes
Southern Half of Guam," Evening
Bulletin (Philadelphia, August 1, 1944).
[792]Ibid.
[793]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (July 23, 1944), no. 2-59.
[794]Ibid.
[795]Ibid. (July 28, 1944), no. 2-62.
[796]Ibid. (July 30, 1944), no. 2-64.
[797]Ibid. (July 29, 1944), no. 2-63.
[798]William Gentry, "Notes from the Memoirs and Journal of W.E. 'Bill'
Gentry: Life on the Chenango"
(manuscript, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[799]Ibid.
[800]Ibid.
[801]Ibid.
[802]O.R. Lodge, The Recapture of Guam (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1954), p. 97. In the
1950s Ed was on Bob Wilson's congressional staff and a
Marine that had been on Guam was commandant of the Marine Corps. A third person
who was born in 1930 on Guam ended up joining the Marines. This person had
found a barrel of photos. In time he saw a book with Ed's picture concerning
the Guam landing. The Marine realized he had a lot of photos connected with the
landing and sent them back to Ed through the Marine commandant.
[803]Edward Terrar, Jr. in "Letters to
Hazel Hogan Terrar" (manuscript July 30, 1944), no. 2-64, in possession of
Edward Terrar, Jr. commented to Hazel, "Today was quite a day for me -
just how I can't say but probably how it was, you will already know by the time
you receive this letter - you'll probably find out via newspapers etc. If you do see anything clip them and save because
I'd like to see them."
[804]Ed Terrar in ibid. (August 6, 1944), no. 2-71, continued:
These islands (the Marianas) are
not atolls - but of volcanic origin - so they're much larger and prettier than
the atolls. There are some very pretty and clean native villages - most of the
houses sit on polls & are thatched covered. Practically every little village & hamlet has a church of wooden construction
painted white & very attractive. We didn't make any liberties in the
Marianas so I didn't have an opportunity to browse around - for souvenirs.
[805]Almon B. Ives and Ben A. Meginniss (eds),
The Chenangian (CVE-28): Victory Edition,
1942-1945 (Los Angeles: Kater Engraving Co., 1945), p. 25. Brooke Hindle in Lucky Lady, p. 133, gave a different
account in which Ed's plane was supposedly having trouble, "Lt. (jg)
Edward Terrar, having trouble with his plane, was ordered to try to land there.
He flew his TBM in successfully. He and his airmen were the first Americans to
land on Guam since the Japanese had captured it. This brought satisfaction to
the Chenango, but made the marines
unhappy because they had hoped to be the first to land there. Terrar managed to
get the aid he needed and returned to the Chenango
without any damage." Hindle may have confused the Guam landing with the
first landing on Kadena, Okinawa on April 1, 1945. This involved
a Chenango TBM that had
mechanical problems. Its crew consisted of Ensign J. Whitfield Moody, radio operator Jack Evan Thomas and gunner Van C. Hostler. See George Van Deurs, "The First
Plane on Kadena" (manuscript, undated) in possession of Toby Terrar.
[806]Paul Fussell, Wartime:
Understanding and Behavior in the Second World War (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 153, wrote that the journalists were like
flies because there were so many of them:
Swarms of these public relations officers, emanating from ad agencies and
newspaper and public relations firms, attended the troops--in combat, not too
closely--and provided for hometown consumption the necessary heroic-romantic
narrative and imagery. Since the war could only doubtfully be understood as ideological, something else had to serve as a spring of action.
The spring was found in publicity. Compared with all previous wars, the Second
was uniquely the Publicity War.
[807]MacArthur was disgusted with FDR for using the war for his
re-election politics. The Democratic Party's nominating convention was meeting that week and FDR
counted on being in the "War Zone" as a way to obtain a fourth term.
See Elmer B. Potter, Bull Halsey: A
Biography (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1985), p.
274.
[808]The
Evening Bulletin
(Philadelphia: August 1, 1944), courtesy of William Gentry.
[809]William Y'Blood, The
Little Giants (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1987), p. 89, wrote about
Ed and the crew's landing on Guam, "The Orote airfield had only been taken
the day before, and many Japanese troops were still hidden in the undergrowth
west of the field when Lieutenant (jg) Edward T. Terrar from the Chenango showed up on the thirtieth.
Engineering units had hardly started to clear the field, having only arrived
six hours earlier, when Terrar came in, made a touch-and-go landing, then
circled back to make a full-fledged landing. Terrar's arrival disappointed some
Marines, who had been hoping that one of their planes would make the first
landing."
[810]Lodge, The Recapture of Guam, pp. 95-96, summarized the landing on Guam in
the account published by the Marines:
It did not take long for the Marines to get
Orote airfield into operational condition. Only six hours after the first
engineer units moved on to the strip, a Navy TBF was called in for a test run.
With Lieutenant (jg) Edward F. Terrar, Jr. as the pilot, the plane came in,
touched its wheels to check the ground, and took off again to circle the field
for the actual landing. At 1650 [4:50 p.m.] it touched down, and Orote airfield
was ready for use. Soon after, observation planes (OY's) from VMO-1 began
flying missions from this strip.
In a footnote to the above passage, Lodge
mentioned further, "The landing of this plane disappointed several Marine
officers who had laid plans to insure that the first plane to land on Orote
would be flown by a Marine, VMO-1, which was embarked on a CVE, had been
alerted but the Navy plane landed before the VMO-1 pilot arrived over the
field." In addition to the Marines, several of Ed's squadron mates were
also disappointed about not being the first to land. The plane which Ed and the
crew landed on Guam was C-27 (Charlie-27). In Charlie Carpenter's view, this was his
plane. See Bill Gentry, "Interview" (April 12, 2001), in possession
of Toby Terrar.
[811]Edward Terrar, Jr. in “Letter to Joe
Bartlett” (manuscript: November 4, 1977), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.,
stated:
Dear Joe,
Thank you so much for
your generous efforts to afford me recognition this A.M. I’m deeply
appreciative.
Frankly, I had’nt
realized the pique of the Marines at my having landed at Guam ahead of a Marine
– by way of explanation I should explain that I was told by the Air Marshall of
the area that it was an Army Air Corps observation plane from Saipan headed for
Orote. You should know also that Fly One (i.e. the catapult) on the carrier
with the M.C. squadron was a classmate of mine. Lastly, I’ve been under the impression,
these many years, that the gunfire directed at my plane on departure from Orote
was from laggard Nips. I now realize that it must have been errant Marines.
Anyway,
thanks. Simper Fidelis.
Ed Terrar 11-4-77
Joe Bartlett, Room H-220
Capitol
Inside Mail!
[812]Thomas Buell, The
Quiet Warrior: A Biography of Admiral Raymond A. Spruance
(Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), p. 302.
[813]The landing, as reported by the Coffeyville Journal (August 1, 1944), p.
1, in an article titled, "First on Guam: Lt. Edward Terrar, Local Navy
Pilot, Welcomed by Officers in Landing," was described, "Apra Harbor,
Guam, Aug. 1 (AP) - Lt. (jg) Edward F. Terrar, Jr., of Coffeyville, Kans.,
landed the first American plane on Guam after an airfield on this island had
been taken from the Japanese. Six hours after marine engineers began work on
the field Terrar put down his carrier-based torpedo bomber on Orote airport.
Marine Col. Peter P. Shrider headed a small official party welcoming the Kansas
flier."
[814]The Coffeyville
Journal (August 1, 1944), p. 1, in an article titled "Parents Are
Joyful," reported on the reaction of Ed's parents to his landing on Guam,
"Upon notification that their son, Lt. Terrar, was the first to land on
Guam after the island was wrested from the Japs, Mr. and Mrs. E. L. Terrar, 312 West Fourth, today were
joyful and surprised, but they had suspicioned that he was in that part of the
Pacific. Last word from him was two weeks ago. Lt. Terrar volunteered for Navy
flight training in January 1942 and received his Navy wings and commission at
Corpus Christi, Tex. His preliminary flight training was received at Kansas
City, Kan. He also completed high school and junior college here and while
attending the latter took both primary and advanced CPT training."
[815]Hazel Terrar, Scrapbook (manuscript, 1944-1946), in possession of Hazel Terrar.
In addition to the Coffeyville Journal
the landing made the New York Times in an article titled, "Guam Being Made Into U.S. Base"
on August 1, 1944, p. 3. The text of the article stated, "Apra Harbor, Guam, July 31 (AP) -
Conversion of Guam into an advanced United States base already has begun. Hulls
of several sunken enemy ships, one believed to be of 5,000 tons, are being
blasted out of the channel, clearing the way for American transports to reach
unloading areas. Marine engineers under Lieut. Col. C. O. Clark of Boston appeared on the Orote peninsula field at 11 A.M.
yesterday. Six hours later Navy Lieut. (j.g.) Edward F. Terrar, Jr. of
Coffeyville, Kan., set his torpedo bomber down on one hastily-repaired
runway."
[816]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (August 19, 1944), no. 2-81. Ed commented about the letter from
his parents, "I also had a letter from the folks today & gathering
from the letters to you & the one from them - they were quite excited about
my having landed at Guam, of course it really wasn't much of an achievement,
but at least you know where I was. I told the reporters I had a wife & a
son one month old. I am writing this on a pillow in my lap, hope you can read
it."
[817]Franklin D. Roosevelt in
"Telegram," in Edward Terrar's "Navy File," (manuscript,
1942-1945), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr., stated: "The hearts of
every American thrilled with pride when the news of your landing was flashed to
us on the home front. My congratulations. FDR." Chester Nimitz wired Ed, "The fleet is proud of you. Very well done."
Admiral Ragsdale also sent a telegram.
[818]Charles Arnot, "U.S. Takes Southern
Half of Guam," The Evening Bulletin
(Philadelphia: August 1, 1944). The article continued:
There
was little fanfare as this flagship entered Apra Harbor, moving slowly along
the cliff-like northern shores of the Orote Peninsula where less than 24 hours
before organized Japanese resistance had collapsed. Off our starboard bow
loomed the wrecked peninsula town of Sumay, and beyond is the tangled debris of
the old U.S. Marine Barracks where the Stars and Stripes fly once more. Jutting out from the wreckage of
Sumay is a narrow jetty and the blackened remains of the former Pan-American
Airways fuel storage tanks.
Both the Pan-American clipper station and the headquarters of the Commercial
Pacific Cable Co. were victims of pre-invasion bombs and
shells.
Conversion
of Guam into an advanced U.S. base already had begun. Hulls of several sunken
enemy ships, one believed to be of 5,000 tons, are being blasted out of the
channel, clearing the way for American transports to reach unloading areas.
Admiral Conolly said a harbor improvement program would be started immediately.
He added he personally felt that it was deplorable that such improvements had
to be made during the stress of wartime when they might have been completed
during the 40 years this was a strategic port in U.S. hands.
[819]Thomas Buell in The
Quiet Warrior, pp. 300-301, wrote, "The Americans had
discovered a new way to kill Japanese, a firebomb consisting of gasoline and
napalm (a material originally used to waterproof motor vehicles). It
could incinerate people over an area the size of a football field. . . A P-51 Army swooped low over
Tinian, and a gasoline wing tank tumbled from its belly toward the ground. 'The
effect was awe-inspiring,' remembered Admiral Harry Hill. 'A burst of flame rose 100 feet or more
into the air, and then the flame just seemed to flow along the ground.'
Everyone agreed the napalm bomb would be ideal to use against the foxholes and
dugouts located behind the White beaches."
[820]During their visit to Saipan, a large
number of friendly flies arrived. They looked almost like bees but when they
landed on individuals they declined to leave until they were brushed off.
Information was received that they were pollinating the rice field and should
not be killed. Before long so many set down on the flight deck that it became
slippery to walk on. At about 6:30 p.m. the ship upped anchor and steamed out
through the night in order to lose them.
[821]Brooke Hindle, Lucky Lady and the Navy Mystique: The Chenango in World War II (New
York: Vantage Press, 1991), pp. 132-133.
[822]See Edward Terrar, "Navy File," (manuscript,
1942-1945), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr. The citation stated, "For your 20th
flight in a combat area where enemy anti-aircraft fire was expected to be
effective or where enemy aircraft patrols usually occurred."
[823]John Kegan, The Second World War
(New York: Viking Penguin Press, 1990), p. 555, wrote of the strategic Guam's
significance
During 1942 American submarines had sunk 180
Japanese merchant ships, totaling 725,000 tons deadweight, of which 635,000
tons was replaced by new building; the tanker tonnage actually increased. In
1944, however, because the skill of American submarine captains had increased
and they were operating from bases much further forward in New Guinea, the Admiralties and the Marianas, the total of sinkings increased
to 600, or 2.7 million tons, more than had been sunk in the years of 1942 and
1943 combined. By the end of 1944 half of Japan's merchant fleet and two-thirds
of her tankers had been destroyed, the flow of oil from the East Indies had almost stopped,
and the level of imports to the home islands had fallen by 40 percent.
[824]Hazel Terrar, Scrapbook (manuscript, 1944-1946), in possession of Hazel Terrar.
[825]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (July 31, 1944), no. 2-65. As Ed's fatigue and that of his
fellow soldiers increased, the danger of accidents became as much a threat as Japanese firepower. Aviator
John F. Smith of the Suwannee recollected in Hellcats over the
Philippine Deep (Manhattan, Kansas: Sunflower Press, 1995), p.
76:
This was a period of intense flying. During the
latter part of June into the first few days of August, pilots were pushed hard.
For slightly in excess of six weeks we were in the air almost every day with
the exception of a short respite when a quick run back to Eniwetok was made to
replenish supplies, ordnance, and gasoline. This occurred during the shift in
operations from Saipan and Tinian to Guam. An average flight took about four
hours, but flights longer than five hours were not uncommon, nor was a schedule
of two flights in one day. Pilots were less than comfortable strapped into
their parachute and survival gear, all of which had to fit in a metal bucket
seat. It did not take long to find out that the tins of water that were part of
one's survival gear had sharp edges. The heavy flight load was further compounded
by regular standing-alert duty (ready to launch in ten minutes) and by lack of
rest due to night intrusions by Japanese aircraft. The fatigue associated with
this regimen combined with the heavy Japanese firepower on the islands
undoubtedly accounts for the number of the carrier's planes that were damaged
during this operation.
[826]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (August 1, 1944), no. 2-66.
[827]Ibid. (August 5, 1944), no. 2-70.
[828]Ibid. (August 7, 1944), no. 2-70.
[829]Ibid. (August 6, 1944), no. 2-71.
[830]Ibid.
[831]Ibid. (August 21, 1944), no. 2-83.
[832]Ibid. (September 5, 1944), no. 2-98.
[833]Ibid. (September 7, 1944), no. 300. As noted,
thinking about the future often helped take Ed's mind off the unpleasant
present. He considered teaching, opening up a chain of filling stations or
storage garages, or playing the stock market. In ibid.,
(September 16, 1944), no. 3-15, he wrote, "I can't figure out what I should
do or, for that matter, what I want to do. I've thought of practically
everything to do. Even have considered going back to school and getting a PhD
in economics and teaching in college for a few years. That would be a very nice
life - very easy - but not much money in it. That three months vacation per
year appeals to me. If the stock market were relieved of some of its ties by
the Securities Commission - the speculators would be in again. Or on the other
hand I might do best by buying or starting a chain of filling stations or
storage garages. They're a darn good business. But I can't very well figure out
these things way out here."
[834]Ibid. (August 4, 1944), no. 2-69.
[835]Ibid.
[836]Ibid. (August 27, 1944), no. 2-89.
[837]Ibid. (August 5, 1944), no. 2-70.
[838]Ibid. (August 7, 1944), no. 2-72.
[839]Ibid. (August 6, 1944), no. 2-71.
[840]On arriving at Manus, Ed had five letters
waiting for him from Hazel, one from Peggy Dalzell, one from his mother and one from his
dad. Ed noted in ibid. (August 7,
1944), no. 2-70, concerning the letter from his dad, "For some unknown reason my dad is on a writing
spree. I've received a letter from him every time we've had mail since the baby
came. Previously I seldom had mail from him. Guess the arrival of a grandson
has a lot to do with it." Hazel mentioned, as noted in ibid. (August 14, 1944), no. 2-76, that
she had had a letter from Stella Steinberger, Ed's cousin who lived in Independence, Kansas. In it Stella related that Ed's
parents were talking about obtaining a car for Ed and Hazel and driving it out
to the west coast. This would have been a way for them to have a nice trip and
see the baby.
[841]Ibid. (August 14, 1944), no. 2-76.
[842]Ibid. (August 29, 1944), no. 2-91. In ibid. (September 9, 1944), no. 3-2, Ed
wrote, "There is nothing I enjoy more out here than your letters &
pictures of you two. I frequently, almost every day look at the pictures of the
baby & you. . . I love you both."
[843]Ibid. (August 19, 1944), no. 2-81.
[844]Ibid. (September 8, 1944), no. 3-1.
[845]Ibid. (August 13, 1944), no. 2-85.
[846]Ibid. (September 30, 1944), no. 3-19.
[847]Brook Hindle felt that the kind
of work he and the others did on the ship was not the best they could achieve.
Some believed their superiors did not deserve the roles they played, but almost everyone
regarded their war experience as important. Despite the difficulties, the enlisted
people accepted the superiority of the officers, both because they could go to jail or be shot if they did not and
because nearly all of them were younger - often just 18 to 20 - with less
experience and less training. Hindle noted that the bulk of them had not gone
to college as had nearly all the officers.
[848]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (August 7, 1944), no. 2-72.
[849]Ibid. (August 10, 1944), no. 2-73.
[850]Edward Terrar, Jr. “Interview”
(manuscript, May 24, 2003), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[851]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (August 13, 1944), no. 2-75.
[852]Ibid. (August 15, 1944), no. 2-77.
[853]Ed flew on August 24 & 26 and
September 1 & 4.
[854]Ibid. (August 23, 1944), no. 2-85.
[855]Ibid. (August 24, 1944), no. 2-86.
[856]Ibid. (August 25, 1944), no. 2-87.
[857]Ibid. (August 28, 1944), no. 2-90.
[858]Ibid. (August 26, Aug. 27, 1944), nos. 2-88,
2-89. Ed reported attending mass on August 28 and September 3. Masses were said
at 0620, 0900, 1100 and 1600. He also went to mass and communion on September
1, the first Friday of the month. See ibid.
(September 1, 1944), no. 2-94.
[859]Ibid. (September 3, 1944), no. 2-96.
[860]Ibid. (September 6, 1944), no. 2-99.
[861]Ibid. (September 1, 1944), no. 2-94.
[862]Ibid. (September 5, 1944), no. 2-98.
[863]Ibid. (August 23, 1944), no. 2-85. Ed was not
the only one that liked the singing of Deanna Durbin. Her film, "A Hundred Men and a Girl" was popular
with the Japanese sailors. See Russel Spurr, A Glorious Way to Die: The Kamikaze
Mission of the Battleship Yamato, April 1945 (New York: New
Market Press, 1981), p. 21.
[864]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (August 28, September 5, 1944), nos. 2-90, 2-98.
[865]Ibid. (August 22, September 1, September 4,
1944), nos. 2-84, 2-94, 2-97.
[866]Ibid. (September 1, 1944), no. 2-94.
[867]Ibid. (August 29, 1944), no. 2-91.
[868]Ibid. (August 31, 1944), no. 2-93.
[869]Ibid. (September 5, 1944), no. 2-98.
[870]Robert Exum, "Letter" (manuscript,
March 25, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[871]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (August 30, 1944), no. 2-92.
[872]Ed Ries, "Flattop Days:
Memoirs" (manuscript, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[873]Bruce Weart, "Diary"
(manuscript, September 8, 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[874]John Wukovits, Devotion
to Duty: A Biography of Clifton A. Sprague (Annapolis: Naval
Institute Press, 1995), p. 115.
[875]Geoffrey Perret, Old
Soldiers Never Die: The Life of Douglas MacArthur (New York:
Random House, 1996), p. 411.
[876]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (manuscript, September 10, 1944), no.
3-3.
[877]Brooke Hindle, Lucky Lady and the Navy Mystique: The Chenango in World War II (New
York: Vantage Press, 1991), p. 137.
[878]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (September 4, 1944), no. 2-97.
[879]Ibid. (September 9, 1944), no. 3-2 and
(November 2, 1944), un-numbered.
[880]Ibid.
[881]John Mason (ed.), The
Pacific War Remembered: An Oral History Collection (Annapolis:
Naval Institute Press, 1986), p. 274. E.B. Potter in Bull
Halsey: A Biography (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press,
1995), p. 276, remarked that use of the alternative titles of Fifth and Third
Fleet confused the Japanese (and a good many Americans), who supposed that two
Big Blue fleets were ranging the Pacific chewing up the Japanese empire.
[882]Thomas Buell, The
Quiet Warrior: A Biography of Admiral Raymond A. Spruance
(Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), pp. 302-303.
[883]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 138.
[884]At the same time as the Morotai invasion,
the fast carriers were positioned fifty miles to the north, where they attacked
the Celebes Airfields.
[885]On September 18, 1944 the Chenango TBMs bombed Morotai rifle pits
and trenches. No enemy planes were encountered, the only contact with the enemy
was anti-aircraft firing against Air Group-35 over Halmahera. On September 16, a Santee
fighter pilot was shot down but parachuted into the water where he remained under
attack just behind a partly sunk Japanese ship about 75 feet from the shore on
Wasile Bay. Six Chenango (VF-35) F6Fs
protected him from the Japanese who kept shooting from the shore. Sangamon's VF-37 planes replaced
those fighters a little later at Rear Admiral Tommie Sprague's command - so the Chenango
planes would not run out of gas. The first effort to pick up the pilot failed.
A Dumbo (a Catalina rescue plane) could not
enter the area because there was not enough space for it to land. Another plane
and its pilot were lost in the process, but finally a PT boat succeeded in running
in and picking him up. When Chenango
Captain Van Deurs was asked whether all this was really worth doing for a single
man, he said, "It did the pilot morale no end of good." See Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 138.
[886]Edward Terrar, Jr., Aviator's Flight Log Book (manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of
Edward Terrar. Ed flew on September 12, 14, 16, 19, 23, 26 and 27. Two of his
missions were antisubmarine patrols adjacent to Morotai.
[887]Ed still had the maps years later. In light blue,
pink, white and black, they showed mountain heights, towns, harbors and other
landmarks. One was of Morotai and Halmahera. Another was of "Mindanao,
Aug. 1944." The maps folded up small and were waterproof. Ed also carried
another type of map which indicated the prevailing winds for May-September in
the Northwest New Guinea, Palau and Western Caroline Islands area. Marked
"restricted," this map was done in green, purple, white and black by
the NACI Hydrographic Office in Washington, D.C.
[888]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (September 24, 1944), no. 3-13.
[889]Bruce Weart, "Diary"
(manuscript, 1943-1945), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[890]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (September 15, 1944), no. 3-7.
[891]Ibid. (September 18, 1944), no. 3-9.
[892]Ibid.
[893]Ibid. (September 20, 1944), no. 3-10.
[894]Ibid. (September 13, 1944), no. 3-6.
[895]Some of the squadron received the
overseas edition of Time magazine
published at Pearl Harbor, which Ed read. By the time his own edition arrived,
it was out of date.
[896]Ibid. (September 21, 1944), no. 3-11.
[897]Ibid. (September 25, 1944), no. 3-14.
[898]Ibid. (October 3, 1944), no. 3-21.
[899]Shipmate Bill Marshall commented in his "Diary" (manuscript, 1943-1945), p. 17,
in possession of Toby Terrar, "Doc just waited too long before he jumped.
He was trying his best to revive Gladney. The crew would have never known that
anything was wrong if Doc had not told them. They would have crashed with
Gladney and the plane. Doc Thornburg is the hero of the day. God have mercy on his and Gladney's soul. The crew also did a wonderful job
sticking with the plane and reading off the altitude when they knew that their
pilot was dead or unconscious." Bruce Weart's "Diary," in discussing the deaths, mentioned
Gladney's unborn child:
September 21, 1944: Gladney shot down this
afternoon. Both he and "Doc" Thornburg gone. "Glad's" wife
expecting the 25th. Raided Manila. Shot down 107, 96 on ground. Sunk many ships.
September 22: Penetrated all fields
on Luzon.
September 24: Services for Gladney
& Thornburg. We now have 3/4 of Peleliu at Palau (Western Carolines). 7910 dead Japs so far.
900 planes shotdown.
[900]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 139; William Gentry, "Interview"
(manuscript, April 12, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar. George Dobrovolny
was from Cornucopia on Lake Superior. After the war he came down with infantile
paralysis. He overcame it and became a principle in the Davenport, Iowa school system. Shipmate Bill Gentry once visited him while sailing
on Lake Superior.
[901]William Gentry, "Letter"
(manuscript, February 14, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[902]Lieutenant Commander Frederick T. Moore in "Letter to
Mrs. Thornburg" (September 30, 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar,
described Harold Thornburg's death:
Dr.
Thornburg was the observer in a torpedo bomber which took off from our carrier
at 2:30 p.m. on September 21, on a bombing mission against enemy positions on
Halmahera Island. Two surviving members of the crew reported that the plane
completed one bombing run successfully on the second target of the mission, and
at altitude of 5,000 feet, began its second run. Enemy anti-aircraft batteries
were firing at the plane and at that point the crewmen were told by Dr.
Thornburg, over the interphone, that the pilot had been struck by a shell and
was unconscious. Putting aside all thoughts of his personal safety, the doctor
informed the crewmen that he was going to help the pilot, instructing them to
prepare to parachute but not to do so immediately, which was very sound advice
since the plane was still over enemy territory.
The
radioman called out the altimeter readings at intervals down to 2,000 feet, at
which point he and the gunner parachuted from the plane. Before he jumped the
radioman observed the doctor apparently also preparing to jump.
Witnesses
of the mishap, in other torpedo bombers in the flight, observed Dr. Thornburg
leave the plane after the gunner and radioman left it. His parachute, however,
did not have time to open fully before he struck the water, and the witnesses
last saw his body, with the parachute still attached, sink beneath the surface
of the water.
It
is difficult for me to express to you, Mrs. Thornburg, the deep regard and
respect in which Dr. Thornburg was held by all of us in the Air Group. He had
been with this unit since the commissioning, and each pilot, as he reported for
duty, was taken in hand by the doctor and given the benefit of his experience,
both as a flight surgeon and as a naval officer. As our medical officer, he was
constantly on hand to minister, skillfully and dependably, to those who needed
his attentions. His experience as an officer was of the greatest value in the
training of our newer officers. More than that, he was the personal friend of
every officer and enlisted man in the group.
I
hope that it may be of some small comfort to know that the doctor died in the
finest tradition of a United States Naval Flight surgeon--the last act was to
try to help a wounded pilot. Since he had to die, I know he would have wanted
it to be that way--trying to save the life of another. I can assure you that
his death was instantaneous; he suffered no pain.
Please
feel free to write to us for any additional information we may be able to give
to you, and accept our deepest sympathy in your bereavement.
Yours
very truly,
Frederick
T. Moore
Dr.
Thornburg was later awarded posthumously a Silver Star for having helped to
save the lives of the crew members under difficult conditions.
[903]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (September 23, 1944), no. 3-12.
[904]Gentry, "Interview" (April 12,
2001).
[905]Potter, Bull
Halsey, p. 278.
[906]Ibid.
[907]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 145.
[908]John Keegan, The
Second World War (New York: Viking, 1990), p. 554.
[909]Bruce Weart in his
"Diary" related how the Chenango's
crew found out about both their continued presence and the date for their
return home:
October 1, 1944: Captain Moore told us today, he had word we were to be
relieved November! Xmas at home? Night carrier landings tonight!
October 2: Night landings
tonight!!
October 4: Sangamon had 5 crack-ups. Snow, fighter pilot killed.
[910]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (September 25, 1944), no. 3-14.
[911]Terrar, Aviator's Flight Log Book.
[912]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 144.
[913]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (October 3, 1944), no. 3-21.
[914]The United Mine Workers membership, the bulk of whom were the age of Edward Terrar, Sr. and veterans of World War I, likewise
voted against FDR. See Melvyn Dubofsky, John
L. Lewis: A Biography (New York: Quadrangle, 1977), p. 448.
[915]FDR had visited not far from Hazel several months
earlier on July 20. He had had dinner with his son Jimmy, who was in the Navy
in Coronado. See Doris Goodwin, No Ordinary Time:
Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt: The Home Front in World War II
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), p. 529.
[916]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (September 30, 1944), no. 3-19. Dewey believed Roosevelt should
have been impeached. FDR allegedly knew prior to December 7, 1941 about the
Japanese war plans. He had permitted the slaughter because those wanting an American
empire in Asia needed a weak Japan. Despite Ed's vote, FDR won the election on
November 7. In the same letter to Hazel about the election, Ed remarked that he
had heard from former squadron-mate, Charley Dickey. Charley had kept a diary when the squadron was training in
California. He confirmed that July 18, 1943 was the date they had gone to the
desert for night flight training. That was the evening that Ed and Hazel had
met. See John Toland, Infamy: Pearl
Harbor and Its Aftermath (New York: Doubleday & Co., 1982), p. 122.
[917]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (October 3, 1944), no. 3-21.
[918]Henry Link, The Return to Religion (New York: Macmillan, 1937), pp. 33,
129-130, 180.
[919]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (October 8, 1944), no. 3-26.
[920]Ibid. (September 28, October 4, 1944), nos.
3-17, 3-22.
[921]Ibid. (October 5, 1944), no. 3-23.
[922]Bruce Weart, "Diary"
(manuscript, 1943-1945), in possession of Toby Terrar, p. 11.
[923]Brooke Hindle, Lucky Lady and the Navy Mystique: The Chenango in World War II (New
York: Vantage Press, 1991), p. 145.
[924]Ibid.
[925]Ibid., p. 146. Bruce Weart in his
"Diary" (manuscript, 1943-1945), in possession of Toby Terrar, p. 11,
described the trip to Leyte:
October 11, 1944: Mail closed. Letters to
folks, Teek, Dick.
October 12: Left Manus for invasion of Leyte,
Philippines!! Only a matter of time until we shall start home. Ad Sprague said
this was our last operation!!
October 15 [Sunday]: Heavy storm, 2nd day. Chapel.
[926]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944,"(manuscript, October 10, 1944), in
possession of Edward Terrar, Jr., no. 3-28.
[927]Ibid. (October 8, 1944), no. 3-26.
[928]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 146.
[929]John Wukovits, Devotion
to Duty: A Biography of Admiral Clifton A. Sprague (Annapolis,
Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1995), p. 126.
[930]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 147.
[931]Edward Terrar, Jr. “Interview”
(manuscript, June 29, 2003), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[932]Edward Terrar, Jr., Aviator's Flight Log Book (manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of
Edward Terrar, Jr.
[933]An F6F was shot down by anti-aircraft
fire at the Cebu harbor on October 18, but the pilot, Ens. R.E. Clemens, was rescued in a sailboat by friendly Filipinos. He was
ultimately turned over to the APA 44 transport, Freemont, and returned to the Chenango. Minor help was given to a Fanshaw Bay TBF when it ran down on fuel and landed on the Chenango's flight deck, flying back
easily after being refueled. When all the F6F pilots returned, they reported
considerable storm damage on Leyte and Samar. See Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp. 147-148. Bruce Weart in his "Diary" described the storm and the initial air
attacks made by the Chenango:
October 17, 1944: In typhoon. Very heavy seas. Wind
velocity reached 150 knots in storm's center. Everything grounded.
October 18: Storm subsiding.
Struck Leyte, Alicante, Medellin, Rabrica, Carolina, Lahug, Opon. 500's-100's.
Lost 5 TBF's on first hop this morning. Clemens shot down 2 miles north of
Mindanao. Sam shot down a Frances.
Chenango aviator Bill Marshall's
"Diary" (manuscript, 1943-1945), in possession of Toby Terrar, p. 16,
has an account of the same period:
October 14, 1944: We are supposed to be
relieved sometime in November and start home then. I sure hope so. I also hope
God will protect us all
on this next operation and let us all return home safe.
October 17: We were to support landing on small islands in the Philippines today, but due to bad weather we could not fly. But our troops landed any way.
October 18: We struck Leyte Island
today. Where they are to make the main landing. I bombed Tacloban air field.
Sam Forrer shot down a Jap bomber. Ens. Clemens was shot down off Cebu Island
but was picked up by natives. We have received word that he is in safe hands
and will be returned as soon as it is safe to do so.
October 19: I bombed Catman Hill
between Dulag and Tacloban on Leyte Island today. I was flight leader again.
Everything went ok in my flight. Sam Forrer shot down another Jap bomber today.
Ens. Kennedy was shot down and killed. God have mercy on his soul. We had had strike missions all day.
I have the first hop in the morning. Direct support for the landing forces on
Leyte Island. I hope things go ok.
[934]David Richardson, "Log"
(manuscript), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[935]Terrar, Aviator's Flight Log Book.
[936]Kennedy was from Tattnall County, Georgia. He had graduated from
Reidsville High School and Abraham Baldwin Agriculture College before enlisting
in 1942. After the war a bridge over Brazell Creek on U.S. Highway 280 west
outside the city limits of Reidsville, was named in his honor.
[937]Bruce Weart's "Diary" described the Chenango's air
operations and Kennedy's loss, "October 19, 1944: First sunshine.
Continued strikes all day. Kennedy went down in flames. Negros. Sam shot down a Sally. Cebu. Rec'd word
Clemens saved by guerillas!"
[938]Richardson, "Log."
[939]John Keegan, The
Second World War (New York: Viking, 1990), p. 555.
[940]Admiral Thomas Kinkaid, as quoted in John
Mason (ed.), The Pacific War Remembered: An Oral
History Collection (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press,
1986), p. 270, described the unloading of stores, "The first thing was to
unload enough food and ammunition for the first few days, just to make sure
that the troops had what was required. After that, they really started
unloading the cargo ships and everything was piled on the beaches. In fact, it
stayed piled on the beaches for many days. This is one of the most difficult
things to do in an amphibious operation, clear the beaches."
[941]Wukovits, Devotion
to Duty, p. 127.
[942]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 148. Ed recalled that after leaving the Philippines,
MacArthur took over an eight-story building in Brisbane, Australia and
traveled around in a chauffer-driven Cadillac. General William E. Brougher, commander of the 20,000-member 11th
U.S. Army Division on Bataan, which MacArthur had left for safer
ground in 1942, complained of the "endless suffering, cruel hardship,
death and hopeless future. . . A foul trick of deception has been played on a large
group of Americans by a commander-in-chief and small staff who are now eating
steak and eggs in Australia. God Damn them." Quoted in Ronald
Spector, Eagles Against the Sun: The
American War with Japan (New York: Free Press, 1985), p. 119.
[943]In his letter MacArthur told the
Filipinos to join the "Patriots of the Philippines." However, the
"patriots," like MacArthur himself, who had shot American World War I veterans in the streets of
Washington, D.C. in the early 1930s, had their own agenda. The patriots were in
large measure landowners. They needed the protection of the American military against their
own people. During the Japanese occupation, they had collaborated with and
relied on the Japanese army against the resistance movement. See Arthur Dudden,
The American Pacific, p. 184.
[944]Douglas MacArthur, "Letter" in
Edward Terrar, "Navy File," (manuscript, 1944), in possession of
Edward Terrar.
[945]Terrar, Aviator's Flight Log Book.
[946]Bruce Weart in his "Diary" described the events of D-Day
from his perspective, "October 20,
1944: 'A' day. Under Jap air attack. Shot down three planes out of three.
[Ernest W.] Case went down. Landings
made on Leyte. Wildy shot down a Zero. Ship shot one
down about 400 yards off fantail. Bombs missed Santee & Sangamon by 50-60
feet. We had seven casualties." Bill Marshall's "Diary" likewise discussed the events,
"October 20: 1944: "A" Day - I was on a bombing hop on the south
end of Leyte today. Our troops landed with very little opposition. The ships
were attacked by three Jap planes. They dropped bombs on the Santee but missed.
Then came back to strafe the carriers. A Sangamon fighter shot one down. Our
ship shot one down and Wildeson shot the other down. Our Ens. Case was killed
today. He made a forced landing in the water over the target and did not get
out of his plane. That makes three killed. Clemens is still in friendly
hands."
[947]According to Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 149, when the Japanese pilot was brought aboard the Sangamon, he refused to answer any
questions until the ship's dentist began repairing his teeth that
had been damaged during his crash. He then kept asking, "Am I aboard the Chenango?" It turned out upon
further interrogation that he had been ordered to bomb the Chenango, which he thought he was doing. During the evening Tokyo
Rose reported on the radio, "The last of the converted oiler class
of aircraft carriers has been sunk as a result of air attacks by His Imperial
Majesty's Forces."
[948]On the same day, during a Surigao Strait
sweep another Chenango F6F landed in
the water for no known reason and its pilot, Ens. Ernest W. Case, Jr., was
lost. See Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp.
148-149.
[949]Ibid. p. 149.
[950]They were transferred to a
destroyer-minesweeper and then to the Sangamon.
See ibid., pp. 149-150. Bruce Weart
in his "Diary" wrote:
October 21, 1944: Struck Cebu. Carp
[Carpenter] got all shot up. G.Q. all last evening. Homonhon hit. Got
32 planes on Cebu.
October 22: Strikes all day.
Dalzell got a Val. Outten
and Shaw got shot up, and made water landings. Both picked up. . .
Bill Marshall's "Diary," gave more
detail:
October 21, 1944: I flew an ASP hop
today. The Santee shot down three Jap planes and the Suwannee shot down one. Some
of our planes went on a strike over Cebu Island. They caught about forty Jap planes on the air
field ready to take off. Mills strafed and formed up fine. All together our
planes destroyed 32 Jap planes on Cebu airfield yesterday. Carp. came back with
a hole about 3 feet in diameter in his right wing. He had no right aileron
control but got back safe.
October 22: Sam Dalzell's division
shot down a Jap Val this morning. Our boys are going on another strike at Cebu
this afternoon. I hope they have good hunting and all come back safe. I wish I
was going, but I am duty officer today. Will finish this when the boys come
back. Shaw was shot down, but picked up by a DD. He is ok. Carp had half of his
right wing shot away, but home safe.
October 23: Went on a shipping
strike to Negros. Not much there. All came home safe.
[951]Terrar, Aviator's Flight Log Book. Joseph St. John in Leyte Calling (New York:
Vanguard Press, 1945), p. 204, remarks that the Japanese and Philippine
commercial sailors knew they were military targets. The prudent ones stayed
undercover.
[952]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Gergen Family
Interviews, 1969-1979" (manuscript, December 23, 1969), p. 18, in
possession of Toby Terrar. Bruce Weart in his "Diary" reported the
events:
October 22, 1944: . . . Got shot up over
Cebu on P.M. strike. Hit three planes on strip on 1st run. Sunk a ship in the
harbor and made strafing runs on 4 others. A.A. was intense, heavy,
accurate,--worst I've ever seen!!
October 23: Chaney and Wildy shot down a Val, A.M. Log showed 91st hop yesterday. .
. . Subs sighted Jap fleet off Palawan. Sank one Atago, 1 BB of Kongo class, 1
CL, 2 hits on carrier.
The Val which Lieutenant (jg) Wildeson and
Ensign Chaney shot down was attacking a destroyer near Leyte. In total the Chenango fighters
shot down seven enemy planes and destroyed another forty on the ground.
[953]Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp. 150-151; John L. Sullivan, "Letter"
(November 10, 1947), in Edward Terrar's "Navy File," (manuscript,
1942-1945), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[954]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 155. At Jutland, the previous largest sea battle, there
were 250 warships. At Leyte, there were 262 warships.
[955]Bruce Weart, "Diary"
(manuscript, 1943-1945).
[956]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 151.
[957]Terrar, Jr., "Gergen Family
Interviews, 1969-1979," (December 23, 1969), p. 19. The "War
Diary," signed by Captain George van Deurs, commented later, "Much to the
regret of all hands this ship thus missed the major surface and air action of
the 25th and 26th." Quoted in Brooke Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 151. Shipmate Joseph Egan agreed with the captain, "We all wanted to be in the fight,
but one goes where directed." Hindle fell into a kind of depression: fear for
what might happen to CarDiv-22 and all the other ships in the Leyte Bay region,
and sadness at missing a major combat. But the captain was not speaking for
"all hands" about missing the battle. The air crews were mainly reservists with little interest in advancing their rank via
heroics. They, unlike the careerists, had their lives on the line and wanted
out. Chenango aviator Bill Marshall summarized the desire to go home several days later in his
"Diary" (manuscript, October 28, 1944), in possession of Toby Terrar,
"Two of our sister ships were hurt but not bad. We lost three Kaisers or
CVLs, 2 CVEs. Others were hurt and had to retire. I sure hope we get this mess
over with in a hurry and go home."
[958]Bruce Weart, "Diary"
(manuscript, 1943-1945), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[959]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 151; Chenango
Deck Log, October 26, 1944 (National Archives). Bruce Weart in his
"Diary" described his part in the re-supply operation, "October 26, 1944: Flew ashore Morotai.
Rec'd 8 TBMs, 6 F6Fs. Have one VT short and 4 VF. Sam crashed on deck. Have 22
new pilots. Departed for Philippines again."
[960]Terrar, Aviator's Flight Log Book.
[961]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 152.
[962]Ibid.
[963]On October 24, an American carrier, the
CVL Princeton, was attacked and sunk by land-based
planes, but the threat of further attacks did not seem serious. The lack of
communication about Halsey's move away from Leyte Gulf was connected with the
divided nature of the command structure between the Third and Seventh Fleets. Because Halsey and the Third Fleet
were under Nimitz, MacArthur would not inform him of his plans in any detail. In addition,
MacArthur denied direct channel communications between Halsey and Vice Adm.
Thomas C. Kinkaid who commanded the Seventh Fleet. Halsey later took the position
that problems resulting from his sailing north resulted from there being no
"single system of operational control and intelligence." Chenango captain, George
Van Deurs, had the same viewpoint. See Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp. 152-153.
[964]Peter Calvocoressi, et al., Total War: The Great East Asia and Pacific
Conflict (New York: Pantheon, 1972), vol. 2, pp. 1156-1157.
[965]Keegan, The
Second World War, p. 558.
[966]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Gergen Family
Interviews, 1969-1979," (December 23, 1969), p. 19.
[967]Thomas Kinkaid, as quoted in Mason (ed.),
The Pacific War Remembered,
p. 277.
[968]Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp. 153-154.
[969]Occasional suicide bombings had earlier
been carried through by the Japanese before they organized the kamikaze
attacks. A pilot, on his own, would fly into an enemy ship thereby exploding
its bomb. Kamikaze pilots were “volunteers.” They
intentionally crashed their planes into American ships where their bombs would
explode. The word kamikaze meant
"divine wind," and recalled the defeat of their enemy by a typhoon in
the 1281 Mongol invasion of Japan.
[970]William Y'Blood, The Little Giants: U.S. Escort Carriers Against Japan (Annapolis,
Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1987), pp. 204-206; Captain Rikihei Inoguchi
and Commander Tadashi Nakajaini with Roger Pineau, The Divine Wind: Japan's Kamikaze Force in World War II (Annapolis,
Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1958), pp. 57-61.
[971]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 156.
[972]Russell Spurr, A
Glorious Way to Die: The Kamikaze Mission of the Battleship Yamato, April 1945
(New York: Newmarket Press, 1981), p. 71. Admiral Kinkaid, as quoted in Mason (ed.), The Pacific War Remembered,
p. 276, believed the kamikazes would have done more damage had they been
launched against Taffy-III in connection with the attack of Kurita's Central
Fleet at Samar.
[973]Bruce Weart, "Diary" (manuscript,
1943-1945), p. 16.
[974]Bruce Weart in his "Diary,"
described the battles of Surigao Strait and Samar as he heard them over the
squawk box:
October 25, 1944: Fleets contacted 0240
in Leyte Gulf. One north in Surigao Strait and San Bernardino Strait. Carriers
coming from North!! Dispatched all of our planes. On way to Morotai to pick up
new complement (Saginaw Bay). . .
0240: Jap force sighted
and attacked in Surigao Strait by PT, BB, DD and our air group. Sunk 2 BBs, 2
CLs, 2 CAs, 2 DD.
At 0722 4 BB, 8 CB,
numerous DD came through San Bernardino Strait. Bearing was 286 degrees, 11
miles from our CVEs. Shelled us heavily. 12-8" gun hits from CA sunk
Gambier Bay.
0930: Japs retired
northward.
1130: Came back.
Attacked with fish. 1 BB, 1 CA, 1 DD, dead in water. All CVEs under persistent
air attacks. Midway was sunk by crash diving Jap. Johnson, Tolz, Roberts DDs
sunk by fleet actions and air attacks. Grant DD was hit by 8-8" direct
hits, still going. 1 PT damaged, 1 sunk. 30 contacted 1 CV, 2 CVE, 2 CVE, 1 BB,
2 CA, 3 CL, 6 DD. Sunk by air attack 1 CV, 2 CVL, 1 CVE, 1 DD, 1 CL. Excepted,
1 CL torpedoed, 1 BB, 2 to 4 torp hits, 1 CA bombed. White Plains, Kalinin Bay,
Kinshaw Bay and Kitkun Bay badly damaged, retired to Manus.
[975]Samuel Eliot Morison, History of U.S.
Naval Operations in World War II, (Boston: Little, Brown and Company,
1964), vol. 12, pp. 183-338.
[976]Thomas Kinkaid, as quoted in Mason (ed.),
The Pacific War Remembered,
p. 270, commented:
When the action started, when Kurita and his force came down the coast of
Samar with the idea of going into Leyte Gulf, our beaches were full of
ammunition, food, everything we needed. Our army commanders were camped just a
few yards from the beach, a hundred yards or so, and were wide open. Just two
cruisers loose in that gulf could have done a lot of damage. And yet Halsey
said they could only have harassed us. Actually, if they'd destroyed what they
found on the beaches and killed some of the commanders, it would have delayed
the operation for many months, maybe stopped it altogether.
[977]Wukovits, Devotion
to Duty, p. 143.
[978]Ibid., p. 144.
[979]Ibid., p. 145.
[980]Ibid.
[981]Ibid.
[982]Quoted in ibid.,
p. 146.
[983]At 6:57 a.m. Ziggy Sprague told the
commanders to begin making smoke that, with Taffy-III
steaming into the wind, drifted between the enemy and Taffy-III. In minutes,
two types of smoke billowed from the destroyers and destroyer escorts - a white
chemical smoke that poured out of large canisters and generators positioned on
the ships' fantails, and a thicker black funnel smoke that drifted on top of
the chemical smoke to create a double-layered curtain masking Taffy-III from
Kurita's guns. See Ibid.
[984]Keegan, The Second World War, p. 558. As Halsey cruised in search of Ozawa,
he was pursued by messages which included, "Where is Task Force-34 the
whole world wonders." The last four words were a misunderstood piece of
security padding, but to Halsey they were galling.
[985]Tommie Sprague, sitting closer to Leyte
Gulf and thereby more involved with the beachhead, initially reacted with
incredulity but dispatched whatever he could spare. As quoted in Wukovits, Devotion to Duty, p. 148, he exclaimed
about his friend to the north, "That damn fool can stir up more trouble
than a small boy sticking his fish pole into a hornet's nests. Tell the boys to
get out their flit guns and go help him." Kinkaid, whose ships were low on
ammunition from their own fighting in Surigao Strait could do little more than
order Oldendorf's battleships and cruisers closer to Leyte Gulf. Even if he had
sent Oldendorf north, it is doubtful he could have arrived in time to be of
much help to Sprague.
[986]Kurita did not face more than a few
American planes at any moment, but like the driver of a vehicle being pestered
by hornets, each sortie forced him to divert attention to the sky and away from
Ziggy Sprague. Lt. Comdr. R.S. Rogers, squadron commander of Fanshaw Bay's VC-68, completed three runs on the Japanese before using up his
supply of ammunition. Unable to land and rearm, since all the escort carriers
were running with the wind and evading Japanese salvos, Rogers contacted Ziggy
Sprague and asked for further orders. "Well, look," replied Sprague,
as quoted in Wukovits, Devotion to Duty,
p. 155, "you just make dummy runs on the ships because every time you do,
you draw fire away from my ships." Rogers had mixed feelings about the order that, in effect, asked his aviators to
sacrifice themselves to give Sprague's carriers more time.
[987]Thomas Kinkaid, as quoted in Mason (ed.),
The Pacific War Remembered,
p. 275.
[988]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, July 24, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[989]Herman Wouk, War
and Rememberance (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1978), p.
959; Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp. 155-156.
[990]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 156.
[991]Thomas Kinkaid, as quoted in Mason (ed.),
The Pacific War Remembered,
pp. 273-274. See also, Keegan, The Second World War,
p. 558.
[992]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, July 24, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[993]Because one of the planes flown into
Morotai had not been in satisfactory shape some aviation mechanics were sent in
from the Chenango to work on it. Also,
twenty-two replacement pilots and sixteen aircrew
were flown aboard. Most important was the replacement of the critical catapult
towrope leading to fourteen catapult launchings on the way back to Leyte. The Chenango also fueled the two destroyer
escorts while steaming to the north.
[994]Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp. 154-155.
[995]Ens. Herman C. Short was given credit for the kill. The Chenango, according to Hindle, was functioning more effectively
than ever before. Her bridge displayed ten Japanese flags indicating planes that had been sunk in
the air where there had been only two before the Leyte invasion. See ibid., p. 157.
[996]By November 1944 the Army's 1st Cavalry,
7th, 11th Airborne, 24th, 32nd, 77th and 96th Divisions were on Leyte.
[997]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 157.
[998]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (November 2, 1944), no number.
[999]Ibid.
[1000]Hindle, Lucky Lady, pp. 157-158.
[1001]Edward Terrar, Jr., “Interview”
(manuscript, July 3, 2003), in possession of Toby Terrar..
[1002]By comparison, the United States had lost
only one destroyer escort, plus a few PT boats. See Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 158.
[1003]F. T. Moore, Jr., "Letter"
(February 20, 1948), in Edward Terrar's "Navy File," (manuscript,
1942-1945), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[1004]Ibid.
[1005]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
Terrar" (November 19, 1944), no number.
[1006]Ibid. (September 27, 1944), no. 3-16.
[1007]Ibid. (October 10, 1944), no. 3-28.
[1008]Ibid.
[1009]Ibid.
[1010]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, June 19, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[1011]Brooke Hindle, Lucky Lady and the Navy Mystique: The Chenango in World War II (New
York: Vantage Press, 1991), p. 159.
[1012]See "Memo for Custom's Officer at
Port of Entry by Chenango Captain G.
van Deurs," (November 22, 1944), in Edward Terrar's "Navy File,"
(manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[1013]"Naval Orders," (November 30,
1944) in Edward Terrar's "Navy File," (manuscript, 1942-1945), in
possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[1014]The Terrars had started to "accumulate." The shipped
material included several barrels of glassware, two boxes of household goods
and two cartons of other things. The shipped goods were sent to New Orleans on
December 9, and arrived on February 1, 1945. One thing they did not have to
transport was a dog. Earlier, John Donlon had moved and asked Hazel to take his dog. Ed had remarked that a
dog would be an impediment to them finding a place to live. He also said that
they would have to buy a trailer to haul their stuff, if they were not careful.
He would like to have a dog, if they ever became settled. Hazel turned down the
dog offer. See Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar):
1943-1944," (manuscript, September, 1944), no. 3-5, in possession of
Edward Terrar, Jr.
[1015]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, October 22, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[1016]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Letters to
Hazel Hogan (Terrar): 1943-1944," (November 2, 1944).
[1017]It was impossible to buy a new car, as
none had been produced since 1941. The price they paid was about half the
$1500, which they thought they might have to pay. See ibid. (September 8, 1944), no. 3-1. Ed had earlier written his dad
that he preferred a Buick but that a Ford or Chevy would be OK. At one point Ed
feared his folks had purchased a 1941 Chevy for $1350. He commented in ibid. (September 15?, 1944), no. 3-7:
I certainly hope they didn't buy it. I'll be
damned if I'll pay that for a Chevy (I told them a Chevy
was the one make car I didn't want). I just can't believe they would chump off
that much for me. I'll trade it off for some other make because I do not like
them. Oh well I guess things will work out. I'm too busy to worry about a car
right now anyway. Tired and in a fowl mood.
[1018]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
(Terrar)," (August 23, 1944), no. 2-85.
[1019]Among the guests were cousins Hattie
Steinberger of 400 E. Locust in Independence, Kansas. With her were her
children, Nora, Stell, Josephine, Teresa, John and married daughter Ann Allphin. Ann had a deforming disease and later
died young. Hattie's husband, George, had died from a heart attack in 1935.
When about 20 years old at the turn of the century, George had had a farm in
Sycamore Valley. Independence and Coffeyville were looking for gas with which to
heat and run the lights. George went looking for gas, but found oil. He went
into the oil business and 100 years later his children were still living off
oil that was being drilled from their wells. In the 1920s the Steinbergers
moved off their farm into Independence, where they bought a house designed by
Frank Lloyd Wright.
Another
set of Steinberger relatives who came were Mr. and Mrs. Paul Steinberger and several of their children, including Army PFC Paul Jr. and
Rev. Mr. Edward J. Steinberger, who was a Jesuit scholastic. Cousins George,
Kitty and Katherine Cillessen were there. They lived up the alley and were close friends. Cousin
Teresa Starts, who was a widow, and her family, were
there. Fred Miller, who worked at the refinery, and his
wife came. The Millers lived at 516 E 8th Street in Coffeyville. Two older
women who came were like family. They were Mrs. Elizabeth Cook and her sister Mrs. Anna McCloud of 605 Pine Street in Coffeyville. They had been neighbors of Ed's
grandmother, Rosetta Craig Gergen at Elk City. They moved to
Coffeyville and were always close to Ed's parents.
[1020]Guests
At-A-Glance (New York:
Nascon Products, 1944) (manuscript, in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.). The
guest book was purchased for $1.50 from Misch and Sons, Printing Co. in Coffeyville.
Friends of Ed at the open house included his high school carpool mates. Every
third week it had been Ed Sr.'s turn to drive the kids to school in the
morning, take them home for lunch and then back to school. They had been on
their own in the evening to come home from school, which was about a mile
distant. One of the carpool members was Anella Blantons (Mrs. Thomas Bowlus), who came to the
open house with her parents, W. Sneed and Nonie Blanton. Sneed Blanton had married a rich woman
and never had to work too hard. He took care of real estate and rented out
houses. Anella in later years had an alcohol problem and died from her sickness. Her dad, Sneed,
later killed Anella's second husband and then killed himself. The other carpool
members were the Campbell children: Jean, who was the oldest, Roberta, and
Virginia. Along with them to the open house came their parents, H.L. (Herb) and
his wife, Virginia Campbell. They were Indians and looked it. They
owned the First National Bank in Coffeyville and were well off.
Ed's other
classmates at the open house were Ralph Tuttle, who had been a year behind him and was
a captain in the Air Corps, and his parents; Vernon Lightfoot, who became a medical doctor; Charles
Eckhardt, who was a Naval line officer and his
wife, Eloise, who were also a class behind Ed; and Richard Decker, who was a year ahead of Ed. The latter
was an aviator and he brought his wife, parents, and sister, Betty along with
her husband, Vernon Plottner. Richard ended up serving twenty years
in the Air Force, then bought a wheat farm in western Kansas. Richard's dad,
Ernie Decker, was an auto mechanic who had his own garage. Betty Decker
Plottner had also gone to school with Ed.
A number
of those with whom Ed had gone to school were away in the military, but their
parents came to the open house. This included Don Mitchell's parents, Mr. and Mrs. Fred Mitchell.
Fred was a bank cashier. Also there were Carl Ziegler, Jr.'s parents, Carl Sr. and Virginia of
508 Willow; Allen Bradbury's parents, Mr. and Mrs. Frank Bradbury;
Harold Moon's parents, Mr. and Mrs. Robert Moon; and
Al Morrey's parents, Mr. and Mrs. A. E. Morrey. Mrs. Ed Karns, Jr. of 605 West 5th Street, was there,
along with both her daughter, Kitty, who was Ed's friend and Mrs. Ed Karns,
III, who was the wife of the Karnses' son.
[1021]Some of Ed's teachers came to the open
house, including high school English and Latin instructor Fern McMeen of 212 West 5th Street; journalism teacher J. Henry Hedley and his wife; and junior college economics professor William J.
Cavenaugh and his wife of 808 West 5th Street.
Ross Etter of 1113 West 4th Street, who owned the drug store where Ed had
worked, came along with his wife. Mrs. Annie Hutchinson was there. She had stayed with the Terrar children in 1937 during
the month that their parents went on an American Legion trip to Europe. Link Pendleton and his wife of 1203 West 4th Street, who was the age of Ed's
parents, came. A few years later he and Ed Jr. would drive together to
California to look for work.
Neighbors
who came were Violet McGrath and her sister, Mrs. Bill Kistler, who lived to the right of the Terrars
at 314 West 4th Street. Mr. and Mrs. Leonard K. Kline of 306 West 4th Street came with their son, who was a Naval
aviator and a year younger than Ed. He ended up in Phoenix after the war. Mrs. E.O.
Hopps lived around the corner at 401 Willow. Her husband was a dentist.
Also there were The Harringtons, including Mrs. W.J., Louise, Anita and married children, Mr. J.J.
and Mrs. N.J. Harrington.
Friends of
Ed's parents who attended were George Meeske, who was a letter carrier and Mrs.
Meeske, his wife; Mrs. Clyde S. Nash of 1301 West 8th Street; Ira Chadwick, an eye doctor, and his wife; Isabelle
Riddle, who was a Catholic and the age of Ed's
parents; Burt Reid, who was a ready-to-wear merchant in a
Coffeyville store and his wife; Mrs. Max Mabury of 507 West 4th Street and her husband, who worked on the
railroad; and Mrs. Joe Eilbacker, whose husband worked at the refinery. Joe was from New Jersey. Ed's parents were godparents to
the Eilbacker's youngest child. Mr. and Mrs. Earl Johnson of 511 West 3rd Street were there. They had been friends of Ed's
mother since before she married. Earl was a purchasing agent at the Sinclair
refinery. Mr. and Mrs. Fred Kisler of 802 West 4th Street came. Fred was an oil and gasoline
distributor. Ed's parents leased the Sinclair Gas Station that they operated from him. Mrs. Calla McGugin was
there. Her son, Harold McGugin (1891-1946), was an attorney. He had been Coffeyville's Republican
member of Congress from 1931 to 1935, but
was then defeated for re-election.
[1022]Hazel Terrar in Tony Sarg, Baby's Book: Important Events in the Life of
Edward Francis Terrar III When He was Very Young (New York: Greenberg,
1943).
[1023]H.V. Kaltenborn affected a pompous manner of speech which both gave the appearance
of being knowledgeable and sold advertising.
[1024]Bill and Roberta were still together 55
years later.
[1025]John Keegan, The
Second World War (New York: Viking, 1989), pp. 565-566.
[1026]Ernie King had long advocated seizing Formosa in order to sever Japanese lines of communication to the
Philippines, Indonesia and Southeast Asia. These were Japan's sources of oil, rice and raw materials.
Furthermore, King believed Formosa could be used as a base for an invasion of
China, which would be the last step in the blockade of Japan. In King's view, a
blockade would force Japan’s surrender without the need to invade the Japanese
home land. Admiral Spruance, who prevailed, favored an invasion of
Iwo Jima and Okinawa. See Thomas Buell, The
Quiet Warrior: A Biography of Admiral Raymond Spruance (Boston:
Little, Brown & Co. Company, 1974), p. 305.
[1027]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 168.
[1028]Keegan, The
Second World War, p. 566.
[1029]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 172.
[1030]Ibid., pp. 172-173. George van Deurs in "The First Plane
on Kadena," V.F.W. Magazine
(November 1960), pp. 12-13, mentioned that three Marine grasshopper squadrons
landed at Yonton the same afternoon Moody landed at Kadena.
[1031]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 173.
[1032]Ibid., p. 175.
[1033]Ibid., p. 177. Brooke Hindle, ibid., pp. 177-8,
observed that the fire hazard from planes jumping barriers was especially a
problem on CVEs, which were smaller, slower and given to more pitching and
rolling than the CVs, making landing more difficult. Years later an angled
flight deck permitted landings and take offs on different strips and eliminated
parking planes beyond the barriers.
[1034]Keegan, The
Second World War, p. 568.
[1035]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 179.
[1036]Ibid., p. 207. To take care of the night
fighters, blue lights were installed along the port
and starboard side of the flight deck, with a shield placed beside them so they
could only be seen from the rear by landing planes. In addition, the landing
signal officer was equipped with special cloth panels so he would be seen
clearly in fluorescent light. The night fighter planes now had radar as did the
TBMs.
[1037]Samuel Eliot Morison in The Liberation
of the Philippines: Luzon, Mindanao, The Visayas, 1944-1945, in vol. 13, History
of the U.S. Naval Operations in World War II (Boston: Little, Brown & Co.,
1959), pp. 267-273, maintained, probably incorrectly, that the Chenango
sailed to the South Pacific to join the Seventh Fleet for a short time in late June. General MacArthur had set July 1 as the date for retaking the Balikpapan oil fields
on the island of Borneo. They bordered Makassar Strait. Captured by the
Japanese with only weak resistance from the Dutch imperialists on January 23,
1942, they were no small part of what the Pacific war was about. American
Rear Admiral A. G. Noble, the attack group commander for the
Balikpapan recapture, feared Japanese planes. He requested CVEs to stand by
during the critical first two days of the landing. On June 22 Admiral Kinkaid passed the request to Admiral Nimitz, who lent him three of the five CVEs,
including the Chenango, then at Leyte. Morison, ibid., p. 272,
wrote:
These escort carriers had hit Kyushu on
16 June, the last day of two and one half months of continuous operations.
Nevertheless, Suwannee, Chenango and Gilbert Islands (with Marine
Air Group 12), under command of Rear Admiral William D. Sample, with six escorts, were immediately
assigned to the attack on Balikpapan. The CVEs spent July 1 to 3 at Balikpapan,
providing CAPs and contributed to the landing by a strike on enemy positions on 3 July. Good old Suwannee and her
companions set a record for mobility, Balikpapan is a good 2500 miles from the
scene of their strikes two weeks earlier.
[1038]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 179; Chenanigan (July
1945), quoting Isaiah 2:4 (“Nor will they train for war anymore”) and
the old spiritual which put Isaiah to song.
[1039]Paul Brookman, quoted in Harry Levins,
"Dutch Vet in Ferguson Survived Nagasaki Atomic Bombing," St. Louis Post Dispatch
(August 3, 2002).
[1040]Ibid. As noted by Thomas Flemming, New
Dealers’ War: FDR and the War within World War II (New York: Basic Books,
2001), p. 543, the Nagasaki casualties included 9000 Catholics, their parish schools, hospitals, cathedral, priests and
nuns.
[1041]Robert Exum, "Letter," (March
25, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[1042]Hindle, Lucky Lady, p. 216.
[1043]John C. Sparrow, History
of Personnel Demobilization in the United States Army
(Washington, D.C.: Center of Military History, United States Army, 1994), p.
354.
[1044]Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan
(Terrar)," (July 12, 1944), no. 2-53.
[1045]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, October 22, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[1046]The following table, reflecting the data
in Edward Terrar, Jr.'s Aviator's Flight
Log Book (manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.,
shows his flying time:
Ed Terrar's Flight Hours
at
Flight Instructor School, New Orleans.
1945 dual solo
January 18 9.1
February 14 20
March 14 10
[1047]Hazel took the baby to the doctor in
December 1944 and again in January and February 1945 for three inoculations
against whooping cough. On February 28, his first tooth came in and more teeth came the
following month. The baby's playmates were Kathleen and Tony Moyer and Allmarie Whitmore. See Hazel Terrar, Our
Baby (manuscript, 1944-1946), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr. On
February 29, the baby received another inoculation against diphtheria. On March
1, he stood for the first time. See Hazel Terrar in Sarg, Baby's Book.
[1048]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, May 28, 2002), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[1049]Ed had initially completed several
lessons but with all the combat he had not been able to fall into the
"mood" to do course work starting in September 1944. See Edward
Terrar, Jr., "Letter" (February 8, 1945) in Edward Terrar's
"Navy File," (manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of Edward Terrar,
Jr.; Terrar, "Letters to Hazel Hogan (Terrar)," (September 25, 1944),
no. 3-14.
[1050]A news article in the Coffeyville Journal (March 1945) noted Ed’s success:
Terrar is Honor Graduate
Lt. (jg) Edward F. Terrar, son of Mr. and Mrs.
E. L. Terrar, 312 West Fourth, was an honor graduate in a class at the Navy's
School for Primary Flight Instructors at New Orleans, La., according to a news
release received from the naval air station there. His next assignment is to
the naval air station in Glenview, Ill., where he will instruct aviation
cadets.
[1051]It was a Jewish section. Ed met a Jewish man at the hotel who thought Ed was Jewish. The man wanted to set him up in business after the war. See Edward Terrar, Jr.,
"Interview" (manuscript, September 30, 2000), in possession of Toby
Terrar.
[1052]Ed's Aviator's
Flight Log Book for the period started on April 5, with two 1.3-hour
flights. Below is a table showing his hours:
Glenview NAS flight
instructor hours.
1945 hours
April 54
May 57
June 58
July 63
August 51
September 4
[1053]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, March 8, 2001), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[1054]Ibid., (January 13, 1970).
[1055]One of the things that made Ed like Annie
was how she greeted him for the first time. The first thing she said was that
he had a fine child. Annie was thin and
wirery, with a narrow face and lips, unlike her daughter. Ed talked to her
about the grocery business. She ran but did not own a corner grocery store,
above which she and her sister, Lizzie Troublefield, were then living. She was proud of running a
store and good at it.
[1056]He said this because he had fallen on the
floor furnace grate and burned his butt. Some of his other early words were
"Da-Da!" "see!" "hello!" and "kitty!"
On June 1, if Hazel’s account is accurate, he took his first steps. One of his
playmates was Ann Kayser. On September 28, he was vaccinated against
smallpox. See Hazel Terrar in Tony Sarg, Baby's
Book. According to Hazel Terrar in Our
Baby, the baby received a first-degree burn on his right leg from ankle to
thigh in his 15th month, which would have been September 1945.
[1057]Hazel Terrar in Tony Sarg, Baby's Book.
[1058]Hazel kept track of the baby's growth in
her book, Our Baby:
Baby's
Growth
Age
(months) height (in.) wt (lbs)
8 26 1/2 17
9 27 20
11 28 24
1
yr 31 25
[1059]Harry Gailey, The War in the Pacific: From Pearl Harbor to Tokyo Bay (Novato,
California: Presidio, 1995), p. 449.
[1060]A Japanese justification for killing
civilians, as described by Tominaga Shozo, “Qualifying as a Leader,” in Japan
at War: An Oral History, ed. Haruko T. Cook and Theodore Cook (New York:
The New Press, 1992), p. 44, was similar:
Massacres of civilians were routine. They
cooperated with the enemy, sheltered them in their houses, gave them
information. We viewed them as the enemy. During combat, all villagers went
into hiding. We pilfered anything from their houses or, in winter, burned them
for firewood. If anyone was found wandering about, we captured and killed them.
Spies! This was war.
[1061]Milt Felsen, The Anti-Warrior: A
Memoir (Iowa City, Iowa: University of Iowa Press, 1989), p. 161.
[1062]A Japanese worker, Iida Momo, as quoted in Tessa Morris-Suzuki, Showa:
An Inside History of Hirohito’s Japan (London: Schocken Books, 1984), p.
169, described the military leadership’s mentality toward working people, “For
them, after all, everything is at stake. They’re not going to spare one drop of
our blood if it will help to stave off a defeat.”
[1063]Gerald Linderman, The World Within War: America's Combat Experience in World War II (New
York: Free Press, 1997), pp. 329, 334-335.
[1064]E. B. Potter, Nimitz (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1976), pp. 261-262.
[1065]Robert Sherrod, Tarawa: The Story of a Battle (New York: Duell, Slan and Pearce,
1944), p. 151; Paul Fussell, Wartime:
Understanding and Behavior in the Second World War (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1989), p 13.
[1066]Felsen, The Anti-Warrior, p. 233.
[1067]James Bradley in Flyboys: A True Story
of Courage (Boston: Little, Brown, 2003), p. 302, described the good
fortune of, among others, the petroleum industry. Profits came even from the
rain of gasoline (napalm) that American aviators, many unwillingly, showered on
civilian populations.
[1068]Gailey, The War in the Pacific, p. 489; Peter Calvocoressi, et al., Total War: The Great East Asia and Pacific
Conflict (New York: Pantheon, 1972), p. 1186; Marius Jansen, The Making
of Modern Japan (London: Harvard University Press, 2000), p. 657.
[1069]Diane Clemens, Yalta (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1970), pp. 62, 251, 273. At Yalta the Soviets promised to turn Manchuria over to the Chinese
nationalist government after the war ended and they did.
[1070]Peter W. Donnelly, “The Manchurian
Campaign and Its Relation to Modern Strategy,” Comparative Strategy, ed.
Richard Foster (New York: Crane Russal, 1980), vol. 2.
[1071]Walter LaFeber, The Clash: A History
of United States-Japanese Relations (New York: W.W. Norton & Co.,
1997), p. 250.
[1072]Ibid., p. 251.
[1073]Calvocoressi, et al., Total War, p. 1177. When the Soviets
took Manchuria the Chinese puppet emperor there, Pu-Yi, ended up a gardener after serving a ten
year “re-education” in jail. His Japanese counterpart could not have hoped for
more. See ibid., p. 1196.
[1074]Harry Truman, Off the Record: The
Private Papers of Harry S. Truman, ed. Robert H. Ferrell (New York: Penguin
Press, 1980), p. 53.
[1075]LaFeber, The Clash, p. 247.
According to John Ray Skates in The Invasion of Japan: Alternatives to the
Bomb (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1995), America’s
proposed initial target was Kyushu, the southernmost of the Japanese
islands. For this it had 650,000 troops in thirty-six divisions against 200,000
Japanese troops in thirteen divisions. The attack against Honshu, the main island, was not to take place
until March 1946. In that battle the United States planned to use twenty-two
divisions.
[1076]LaFeber, The Clash, pp. 252-253.
[1077]Francis Spellman, Action this Day:
Letters from the Fighting Front (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1944),
p. 97.
[1078]Typical of the rank and file combatants
who did not accept the mystifications about the established order was David
Mack Olds, an Army second lieutenant with the
occupation forces in Germany. As quoted in Annette Tapert, Lines of Battle:
Letters from American Servicemen, 1941-1945 (New York: Times Books, 1987),
pp. 283-284, he complained on July 12, 1945 about “The pathetic
shortsightedness of those who keep hinting at and whooping up talk of war with Russia.
Everywhere we hear how terrible the occupying Russian forces are, how barbaric,
how savage, how primitive, etc. etc., and I blush to say, many who say this are
wearing the American uniform, men who should realize that without Russia’s
help, we would have surely been beaten. . . Let the German PWs be kept in the
Army and used as labor of all kinds, farm, factory, etc., instead of
discharging them here while we poor bastards have to sit and sweat in the Army
in a foreign hated land. I would crush every vestige of military or industrial
might in Germany. Let them be a pauper nation. They deserve it. Let the
Russians take over, they have shown how to handle them—be rough with them. Of
course some innocent and some helpless will suffer—too bad—in the Army you
learn callousness. It is impossible I know, but I would love to personally
shoot all youth Hitlerites, say between the ages of 10 and 30, and
have a rigidly supervised program of education for the young.”
[1079]World War II veteran James Carney, who
later became a Jesuit missionary, described the official
racism in To be a Revolutionary: An
Autobiography (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1985), p. 25:
The government tried to instill in the civilian
population sentiments of love for everything North American and for our allies,
and profound hatred for our enemies. Almost all the movies, newspapers, and
radio programs, and even the popular songs and commercials, promoted these
ideas and sentiments. They painted the Japanese as primitive little monkeys.”
[1080]Saito Mutsuo quoted in Morris-Suzuki, Showa,
p. 139.
[1081]Ibid., p. 140. Japanese-Christian school teacher Takaaki Aikawa,
noted in his biography, Unwilling Patriot (Tokyo: The Jordan Press,
1960), p. 104, the same reaction in his community:
The Soviet’s participation in the war and
the invasion of Manchuria was revealed. We said, “All hope is gone.” Why do
they hesitate to accept unconditional surrender.
[1082]John Dower, Embracing Defeat: Japan in
the Wake of World War II (New York: Norton, 1999), pp. 323-328, described
America’s retention of the imperial system and the cover-up of Emperor Hirohito’s war crimes.
[1083]Donald Whitaker (ed.), Area Handbook for Japan (Washington,
D.C.: G.P.O., 1974), p. 39. Pauley would have had trouble explaining the damage
to American capitalism for which Japan should have paid retribution. Government
war spending was profitable. Paul Fussell, Wartime,
pp. 144, 153-156, studied the profits not only for heavy war industry like
petroleum, steel, ship and plane building, transportation
and textiles, but for light industry such as cosmetics, tobacco, alcohol and
soft drinks, radio, motion pictures, public relations and advertising. The
Coca-Cola Company was typical. Despite determined efforts, as Mark Pendergrast
points out in For God, Country, and Coca-Cola: The Unauthorized History of the Great
American Soft Drink and the Company that Makes It (New York: Scribner's,
1993), Coca-Cola's prewar campaigns to make profit outside the United States
had succeeded only in Canada, Cuba and Germany. During the war, sixty-four bottling plants were
built overseas at the expense of the United States government. Both foreign and
American politicians and their families were brought to the company's 30,000
acres Georgia hunting retreat and given bottling contracts. The company
obtained an exemption from the wartime sugar rationing and from the Food and
Drug Administration regulations concerning the labeling of caffeine. The
company boomed. Half its profits were soon coming from overseas. The war was a
hardship for those who were killed, wounded or taxed. But for the empire builders, the hardship only began when the war-profits
ended.
[1084] William D. Puleston, Mahan: The Life
and Work of Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan (New York: Yale University Press,
1939), p. 133.
[1085]Gailey, The War in the Pacific, pp. 494-496.
[1086]Edward Terrar, Jr., Aviator's Flight Log Book (manuscript, 1942-1945), in possession of
Edward Terrar, Jr.
[1087]Edward Terrar, Jr., "Request for
Travel Expenses," in Edward Terrar's "Navy File," (manuscript,
1942-1945), in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.
[1088]Alvin Kernan, Crossing
the Line: A Bluejacket's World War II Odyssey (Annapolis,
Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1994), p. 162.
[1089]Theodore Mason, Rendezvous
with Destiny: A Sailor's War (Annapolis, Maryland: Naval
Institute Press, 1997), p. 239.
[1090]About 1970 while working for the Charter
Company, Ed and others were flying in a
corporate jet. They were coming into a small landing strip of 1500 feet at
Hammond, Louisiana. Ed mentioned that he had been a Navy pilot and could land
in a tight spot. The pilot let him land. Ed did it but gave himself a good
scare.
[1091]Sometimes he would have dreams about the
war, such as landing aboard the carrier at dawn, which was a pleasant
experience, compared with landing at night. See Edward Terrar, Jr., "Interview"
(manuscript, July 31, 2003), in possession of Toby Terrar.
[1092]John Boeman, as he related in Morotai:
A Memoir of War (New York: Doubleday, 1981), p. 270, had similar
feelings, "I had acquired the rudiments of a complex skill, but felt no
desire to use that skill, ever again."
[1093]Iida Momo quoted in Morris-Suzuki, Showa, p. 162.
[1094]James Fahey, Pacific War Diary, 1942-1945 (Thorndike, Maine: Thorndike Press,
1993), p. 181.
[1095]Ron Huisken, “The History of Modern
Cruise Missile Programs,” in Richard K. Betts (ed.), Cruise Missiles:
Technology, Strategy, Politics (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution,
1981), pp. 83, 379, 386; “Hearings on Military Posture and H.R. 5068 [H.R.
5970]: Department of Defense Authorization for Appropriation for Fiscal Year
1978,” Hearings before the House Armed Services Committee, 95th Cong.
1st sess. (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1977), bk.
2, pt. 3, p. 1099.
[1096]In a thank you “Letter” (manuscript,
November 4, 1977; in possession of Edward Terrar, Jr.) to Joe Bartlett for the
plaque, Ed apologized for beating out the Marines on Guam:
Dear
Joe,
Thank you so much for your generous
efforts to afford me recognition this A.M. I’m deeply appreciative.
Frankly, I had’nt realized the pique of the Marines at my having landed at Guam ahead of a Marine – by way of explanation I should explain that I was told by the Air Marshall of the area that it was an Army Air Corps observation plane from Saipan headed for Orote. You should know also that Fly One (i.e. the catapult) on the carrier with the M.C. squadron was a classmate of mine. Lastly, I’ve been under the impression, these many years, that the gunfire directed at my plane on departure from Orote was from laggard Nips. I now realize that it must have been errant Marines.
Anyway,
thanks. Simper Fidelis.
Ed Terrar 11-4-77
Joe Bartlett, Room H-220
Capitol
Inside Mail!
[1097]Oliver W. Holmes quoted in J. Glen Gray, The
Warriors: Reflections on Men in Battle (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1959),
p. 223.
[1098]For more on military
abbreviations, see Norman Berg, My Carrier War: The
Life and Times of a Naval Aviator in World War II (Central Point,
Oregon: Hellgate Press, 2001), pp. 193-194; Anonymous, General
View of Japanese Military Aircraft in the Pacific (Tokyo:
Aireview Publishers, 1956).
