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Fight the Power



Grass roots activists unite against utility

(First of two parts)

By Rob Zaleski - The Capitol Times
December 18, 1999

On the afternoon of June 12, Tom Kreager pulled into the driveway of his secluded two-bedroom country home in Marathon County and was surprised to see a stranger ambling across his property.

The man turned out to be a site surveyor from Wisconsin Public Service Corp. of Green Bay. And when Kreager asked what he was doing, the man calmly explained that WPSC and another utility --Minnesota Power Co. of Duluth, Minn. -- were planning to construct a massive 345-kilovolt, 250-mile high-voltage transmission line across northern Wisconsin.

Such a line was needed, he said, because Wisconsin was on the brink of an energy crisis. This project -- which the utilities call "Power Up Wisconsin'' -- would provide desperately needed backup power for businesses and citizens of the state. Unfortunately, he added, one of the proposed routes would split Kreager's 43-acre property in half.

The laid-back, 36-year-old Kreager, who has an associate degree in electronics from North Central Technical College and works as a copier service technician in Wausau, says he was concerned but hardly alarmed by the news.

After all, though it's camouflaged by woods, there's already a 345-kilovolt line cutting across the southeast corner of his property, about 600 feet from the home that he shares with his wife, Marge, and their 9-year-old son, John.

But the more he investigated the proposed line and its potential effects on the property owners in its path -- Wisconsin Public Service Corp. estimates about 1,100 will be directly affected -- the angrier he got.

He already knew what a grotesque sight a string of 90- to 130-foot-high, 345-kilovolt towers can be. And how noisy they are in humid weather.

"Like being in the dentist's chair -- in the days of the old drills,'' quips Ed Garvey, the wily Madison attorney and former gubernatorial candidate who is representing the grass-roots organization Kreager founded called Save Our Unique Lands (SOUL).

But Kreager was shocked to find out that power from the line -- which would back up an existing line from Minnesota to Eau Claire -- would go not to northern Wisconsin, but primarily to the southeastern corner of the state and perhaps even Chicago.

He learned about the hotly debated issue of "stray voltage'' that is produced by electrical transmission lines. And that there are still conflicting reports about whether living near such lines increases one's chances of getting leukemia and other cancers.

Kurt Gutknecht, editor of Wisconsin Agriculturist magazine, reinforced those concerns when he spoke to SOUL members and other concerned citizens last fall.

"If it were my family's health, there is no way on God's green earth I would let a utility company build a high voltage line within several miles of my home,'' he said. "And there is no way I'd trust the measurements and advice of the government, the PSC (Public Service Commission) or any individual of any state agency. Their record speaks for itself.''

After hearing that, the sleepy-eyed, soft-spoken Kreager concluded that if this line is approved, he'll move.

"I've got to be concerned about the health of my son and my wife,'' he said during an interview at Garvey's Madison law office. "I'd have to sell at a loss and get the heck out of there.''

It's infuriating, he says, because he truly believes the line isn't necessary -- not with four power plants and several smaller peaking plants expected to be built in the state within the next five years. What's more, considering all the new technology just on the horizon -- such as fuel cells -- this line could be a dinosaur just a few years after it's completed. At a cost, he points out, of between $125 million and $175 million.

The real shocker, however, was finding out that northern Wisconsin residents essentially are defenseless in the matter.

That is, if the three-member Public Service Commission decides the line is needed, the utilities have the right to assert eminent domain -- which means they can take whatever land they want as long as they provide proper compensation.

Kreager and other SOUL members say they knew governments had such power, but for-profit corporations?

State Rep. Marty Reynolds, D-Ladysmith, couldn't believe it either. But he checked the state statutes and "sure enough, it's been in there forever,'' he says. "Not just utilities, but railroads, telegraph companies, just about every business under the sun has the authority of eminent domain.''

Reynolds thinks that's absurd. So he's drafting a bill that would bar for-profit businesses from having such authority.

But does he actually expect it to pass?

Not really, he admits.

"My guess is that it will be perceived by Republicans as anti-business,'' he says. "I'd argue that it's not anti-business, it's pro-property owner, pro-taxpayer.''

In any event, if there was a defining moment in the budding controversy -- the moment when Kreager decided he would fight the line regardless of how much time it took or how futile it might seem -- it was when Wisconsin Public Service Corp. official Larry Borgard told an overflow crowd at a public meeting in the Marathon County courthouse that it didn't matter how widespread the opposition was, the utilities would press ahead anyway.

"He actually said that,'' Kreager marvels. "It was unbelievable arrogance on his part.''

By then, however, Kreager and his wife had already planted the seeds for what has evolved into one of the most remarkable grass-roots movements this state has seen -- a movement that now includes about active 2,000 SOUL members, a large percentage of whom are farmers.

It is also a movement that, interestingly enough, has been accelerated by another piece of modern technology: the Internet. Members e-mail each other daily, Kreager says, and get informational updates on the group's Web site, www.wakeupwisconsin.com.

In mid-June, a week after spotting the Wisconsin Public Service Corp. site surveyor on their property, the Kreagers and several neighbors began going door to door, handing out information leaflets, in towns and cities throughout northwestern Wisconsin.

"And I can count on one hand the number of people I found who are in favor of this project -- out of literally thousands,'' Kreager says.

When more than 100 showed up for an organizational meeting at the Mosinee Town Hall in early August, Kreager says he realized that he had tapped into a vast reservoir of anxiety -- and that many of those people were just as determined to stop the line as he was.

Since that first meeting, no fewer than eight of the 11 counties that would be directly affected -- "and more townships than you could shake a stick at'' -- have passed resolutions opposing the line, Kreager notes.

And in mid-November -- a day before the utilities formally applied for the project -- two busloads of SOUL members showed up at Public Service Commission headquarters in Madison and dumped off more than 4,000 letters, faxes and e-mails protesting the line.

Now, almost six months since becoming involved, Kreager is convinced that if SOUL can educate the public about what's at stake here -- not just people leaving their homes, but the potential damage to thousands of acres of woods and wetlands that lie in the line's path -- it can stop the project. Similar to how environmentalists succeeded in blocking -- at least temporarily -- the proposed Crandon mine.

In fact, SOUL members suspect the projects are linked. The proposed line goes from Duluth to Wausau, but includes a loop to the Rhinelander area, just 30 miles northwest of the mine site.

"At first they claimed that spur was needed for increased tourism in the Rhinelander area -- I'm not kidding you,'' Garvey says.

"When you ask them about it now, they don't like to talk about it. But they've helped us again because now all the Crandon mine foes are cranked up as well.''

To be sure, Wisconsin Public Service Corp. is very much aware of the mushrooming opposition. Which is why it went on the offensive last month and hosted informational business luncheons in Wausau, Ladysmith and Tomahawk. The company's position: Why is the line necessary?

"Because the system we have now is basically the same one that was built back in the late '60s and early '70s,'' says Dave Valine, Wisconsin Public Service Corp.'s transmission engineer and construction supervisor for the project. "Electrical load growth has pushed the use of the Minnesota to Eau Claire line to the limits of what it can possibly do.''

Wisconsin was lucky to escape without blackouts the last three summers, he says.

"And the folks in northwestern Wisconsin, they're not an island up there supplying their own power. They're connected to the grid just like anybody else. So the reliability problem affects the entire state.''

It's true, Valine says, that much of the power from the line would go to southeastern Wisconsin -- because that's the most heavily populated part of the state. It's also true that some electricity might be sold to Chicago.

But it works both ways, he points out.

"We purchase power from Chicago utilities quite often.''

Valine says he's bewildered by claims that the line might be obsolete within a few years.

"I'm aware of no technology that is going to replace large generators and transmission lines and distribution lines,'' he says. "I guess in order to do that, every load source would have to have its own independent source of power. So transmission lines will be around for a long time.''

He also scoffs at the charge that the line was designed to link up with the Crandon mine. It's true, he says, that Wisconsin Public Service Corp. several years ago filed an application to serve the mine if and when it's approved -- just as it does for any potential customer.

"But this line has nothing to do with that,'' he insists.

As for Larry Borgard's statement that the utilities would proceed with the line regardless of how many people opposed it, "that's absolutely correct,'' Valine says.

He notes that he recently received a call from a man demanding to know why the Wisconsin Public Service Corp. would do such a thing. Valine says he responded that if a utility backed off every time there was controversy, we'd all be in serious trouble.

"We wouldn't be building new generators, we wouldn't be doing any maintenance on our hydro plants, we wouldn't be putting in any wind turbines because there's a tremendous amount of opposition there, too,'' he says.

"The lights would be out. You wouldn't have power in your office right now.'' Power politics: Kreager, for his part, contends that the utilities are engaging in scare tactics. At the same time, he emphasizes that SOUL isn't some fanatical anti-growth organization. On the contrary, he believes its goals are both modest and reasonable.

For instance, it has asked the Public Service Commission for money to hire an intervenor, for public hearings in every county that's affected by the line, and for assurances that no closed-door meetings occur between utility executives and PSC staff members on any matter related to the line.

Finally, it wants the PSC to seriously consider the various alternatives. Kreager says, for example, that clean, efficient, combined-cycle, industrial-sited, natural-gas-distributed generation in sizes of 100 megawatts to 250 megawatts would be a welcome addition to any industrial park.

“If the utilities took that route, I'm convinced you wouldn't hear boo out of one citizen,'' he says.

However, Kreager admits his biggest fear is that, in the end, the Public Service Commission's decision will be based not on the facts, but on politics. More to the point, that the three commissioners will be heavily influenced by the man who appointed them, Republican Gov. Tommy Thompson.

And that's coming from someone who has always voted for Thompson -- yes, even when the governor was opposed by Garvey in '98, Kreager confesses with a grin.

The reason for such suspicion, Garvey says, "is because the PSC has been so cooperative with everything the utilities want.''

In this case, Wisconsin Public Service Corp. argues that the line is needed for regional reliability, he says.

"Well, if regional reliability means we ought to help Chicago, is there some other way we might do this?'' he groans. "Like local generation of power?''


"It's easy to say this whole thing is about keeping the lights on,'' he says. "But if it's only about keeping the lights on, why won't they look at anything else?''

PART 2: The north country movement builds.


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