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Irish Republican Brotherhood, a secret organisation dedicated to ousting the British from Ireland, by force if necessary.
THE RISING
, "You cannot conquer Ireland. You cannot extinguish the Irish passion
for freedom. If our deed has not been sufficient to win freedom, then our children
will win it by a better deed."
-- Patrick Pearse at his court-martial, May 2, 1916
april 24, 1916. Irish poet, scholar, and teacher Patrick Pearse stepped from
the GPO into the Dublin afternoon and faced the crowds going about their usual
business in busy Sackville Street (now O'Connell St.). With a curious lack of
his usual magnetism, reflecting the gravity of the deed he had long devoted
himself to and which was now at hand, he read out the Proclamation of the Irish
Republic to the onlookers:
"Irishmen and Irishwomen: In the name of God and of the dead generations
from which she receives her old tradition of nationhood, Ireland, through us,
summons her children to her flag and strikes for her freedom..."
From that moment on Ireland would, in the words of Yeats' memorial poem, be
'changed, changed utterly'.
The day began at Liberty Hall, where the Volunteers gathered under their commanders
for the march to the GPO just before noon. It was a ragged and ill-armed band
that set out to defy the British occupation of their land. Plans for the Rising
had gone awry in a number of ways. Ideological splits between the various nationalist
organizations had led to confusion in orders, which drastically thinned the
ranks of Volunteers. A German arms landing, arranged by Roger Casement, had
been thwarted by bad timing and Casement was captured (he was later hung in
an English prison). It was determined that the Rising would take place regardless
of the setbacks. There would be no going back.
here were no illusions that the British could be defeated -- the goal had become
to strike a resounding blow which would ripple out beyond the Rising, to force
the door to freedom open wide enough that it could never quite be closed again.
The architects of the Rising, who included James Connolly, Thomas Clarke (a
leader of the Irish Republican Brotherhood and veteran of various acts of rebellion
and grueling stints in English prisons), Sean Mac Diarmada, Joseph Plunkett,
and Pearse's good friend Thomas MacDonagh, among others, fully expected to die
in the attempt. A fierce devotion to Ireland's freedom obliterated all concerns
for self-preservation. On that April morning, a group of Irish men and women,
probably numbering no more than 1,000 at most, set out to face down the formidable
might of the British empire to strike a blow for Ireland's freedom.
force of around 150, led by Pearse, Connolly, and the others, commandeered the GPO and established their General Headquarters there. A young Michael Collins was in attendance as Plunkett's aide-de-camp, and would acquit himself admirably in the coming battle. No time was wasted in preparation for the inevitable British backlash. Windows were duly smashed and fortified and the doors barricaded. Two flags were hoisted over the GPO to replace their British counterparts. One was green with a gold harp in the center and "Irish Republic" spelled out in white and gold Irish lettering. The other was the tricolor which is now the official flag of the Republic. Foraging parties were sent out for food and medical supplies.
cross Dublin the Volunteers dug in at other key locations. St. Stephen's Green was occupied under the command of Michael Mallin and Constance Markiewicz. Eamonn De Valera operated out of Boland's Mill, the Four Courts were occupied by Ned Daly's 1st Battalion, Thomas MacDonagh held Jacob's factory and Eamonn Ceannt the South Dublin Union. Thomas Ashe and Richard Mulcahy had relative success throughout with their 5th Dublin Battalion in Dublin and Meath. An attack was made on Dublin Castle but the rebels withdrew, believing it to be more heavily guarded than it actually was. Rumors were rife that other parts of the country were rising also, but the earlier confusion and countermanding of orders had effectively halted that possibility. Apart from some concentrated rebellion in Wexford and Galway, and a few scattered skirmishes, the rest of Ireland was quiet throughout the week.
he Volunteers did not have long to wait for the first British move. Just after 1 pm a small force on horseback charged down Sackville Street, to be met with fire from the Volunteers. Four of the mounted Lancers were killed and the rest retreated. After this episode, the suspense lay thick as the British still made no show of force on the GPO, though they were tackling the rebel outposts and had driven the St. Stephen's Green forces into the Royal College of Surgeons. By Monday night the Volunteers had effectively set up a fortified defense of the city center. Tuesday brought more of the same, with no real attack on the GHQ area by the British. But by Tuesday night the reinforcements came pouring in and the British troops numbered over 6,500. Heavy artillery had also been brought in, an ominous sign.
ednesday morning, April 26th, saw the arrival of the British gunboat Helga up the Liffey. The now-empty Liberty Hall was shelled and destroyed. The British now launched a concerted and sustained campaign against the rebels, slowly advancing artillery and infantry, closing in on the GPO. Incendiary bombs were launched from Trinity College into Sackville Street, setting some buildings alight. By Thursday morning the British had set their sights on the rebel headquarters at the GPO. Another 10,000 troops arrived and rifle, machine gun and artillery fire increased. A shell scored a direct hit on the GPO. But a larger concern for the Volunteers was the increasing threat of the flames engulfing many of the buildings around them. Connolly led a contingent out of the building to form an outpost, and received two serious wounds. He made it back to the GPO and spent the few remaining days of his life incapacitated.
y Friday the British were well within range and shelling the building ferociously. The GPO was in flames and the men inside fought desperately against the inferno. Plans were hammered out for evacuation. This was accomplished in stages, with risky runs for outposts through the non-stop hail of bullets. The O'Rahilly led a charge up Moore Street only to be felled along with 20 of his men. Other groups scattered for cover where they could. Connolly and Pearse remained till the last of the Volunteers had evacuated. Then they, too, made their bid to escape the crumbling fiery remains of the GPO, Connolly being borne on a stretcher.
t a shop in Moore Street, Connolly met up with Plunkett, Clarke and Mac Diarmada. Pearse and his brother Willie arrived a short time later. On Saturday the 5 leaders went through anguished conferences, trying to decide the next course of action. News of civilian deaths greatly distressed them (Pearse witnessed a family shot in the street by the British as they emerged from their beleaguered home waving a white flag). It was finally decided that they should end the conflict for the sake of the remaining Volunteers and the citizenry of Dublin. Pearse accordingly sent a message to British Brigadier-General Lowe to open negotiations. Lowe sent back word that they would accept nothing short of unconditional surrender. After another conference, the rebels agreed to this. Pearse walked up Moore Street and met General Lowe to formally surrender. Messages were gotten out to the remaining rebel outposts. De Valera, who had held his area in a Herculean effort, was the last to surrender. The Rising had ended, 6 days after it began.
he leaders of the Rising were picked out for court-martial. There was no doubt as to the outcome: execution by firing squad. Pearse and others were transferred to death cells in Kilmainham Gaol (the president of the courts-martial was deeply distressed at having to condemn Pearse. He remarked to an acquaintance that "I have just had to condemn to death one of the finest characters I have ever come across"). Pearse was executed at 3:30 am on May 3rd in the stonebreaking yard at Kilmainham, as were Thomas Clarke and Thomas MacDonagh. The bodies were thrown into a pit of quicklime. May 4th brought the executions of Willie Pearse, Ned Daly, Plunkett, and Michael O'Hanrahan, who had fought in Jacob's. John MacBride, married to Maud Gonne (Yeats' love) was executed the following day. On May 8th, Eamonn Ceannt, Con Colbert, Michael Mallin and Sean Heuston were shot. May 9th saw the execution of Thomas Kent, who had fought in Cork. On May 12th, Sean Mac Diarmada and James Connolly were executed -- Connolly having to be propped up in a chair to face the firing squad due to the severity of his injuries. It was the last straw. Irish opinion, at first hostile to the rebels, then changing as they witnessed British savagery, now swung vehemently in their favor.
"All changed, changed utterly:
RETALIATION
In January 1919, the Anglo-Irish War began with the first shots being fired
at Soloheadbeg. Over the next year, the Royal Irish Constabulary became the
target of a Sinn Fein terror campaign. Michael Collins orchestrated this campaign.
He felt there would be much to gain by provoking England to war.
By mid-1919, the IRB had infiltrated the leadership of the Volunteers and were directing its pace on the violence. Michael Collins had been made President of the IRB Supreme Council. At the same time, he was Minister for Finance in the Dail government and the commander of the IRA. In June of that year, de Valera left for America and Michael Collins became acting President after Arthur Griffith's arrest in December 1920.
Although Collins and de Valera co-operated, there were differences between them. After the Easter Rising, de Valera had not rejoined the IRB. Cathal Brugha, de Valera's Minister for Defence in the Dail, resented Collins' popularity and his influence over the Volunteers. In an effort to assert control, Brugha had the Volunteers declared the Army of the Irish Republic (IRA).
A NEW MENACE
Britain responded with violence. Special forces were sent over to impose curfews
and martial law on the Irish. These forces became known as the Black and Tans
after a popular Limerick hunt group, and because of their dark green and khaki
uniforms. Another force of veterans from the Great War, called the Auxiliaries,
joined them. Thus began a pattern of assassination and reprisal. The IRA employed
guerilla tactics, using 'flying columns' to attack British troops. Their knowledge
of the countryside made up for their lack of arms. The initial distaste for
the killing of RIC men by the IRA gave way to outrage at the savageness of the
Crown forces. The reprisals had the effect of identifying the British as the
oppressors of the Irish people.
On 21 November 1920 Michael Collins' squad assassinated 14 British officers, effectively destroying the British Secret Service in Ireland. In reprisal, the Black and Tans fired on a crowd watching a football match at Croke Park. Twelve people were killed, including one of the team players. The day became known as Bloody Sunday. News of this and other horrors became known throughout the world.
LOVE TRIANGLE
During this period, Michael, who in the 1918 general election had been elected
to Parliament representing South Cork, and Harry Boland, the MP for Roscommon,
each vied for the affections of a Longford girl, Catherine Brigid, or more commonly,
Kitty Kiernan. From the latter half of 1921 until his death, Michael and Kitty
exchanged more than 300 letters. By year's end, Michael had succeeded in winning
the fair Kitty and they became engaged.
In May of 1921, the IRA set ablaze the Dublin Custom House, but Crown forces arrived in time to capture nearly the entire Dublin IRA Brigade. After this action, the IRA were desperately short of men and weapons, but at the same time, the British were completely demoralised with public opinion increasingly against continued repression. The commander of His Majesty's Crown forces in Ireland advised David Lloyd George to 'go all out or get out.' This began the treaty talks.
THE TREATY TALKS
On 12 July 1921, the day after a truce was signed, de Valera led a delegation
to London for exploratory talks with the British Prime Minister. These talks
broke down after irreconcilable differences developed over the issue of an Irish
Republic--a concession Lloyd George was not about to give.
In September of that year, de Valera was elected President of the Irish Republic and he offered to negotiate as representative of a sovereign state. Lloyd George refused. He would allow peace talks only with a view of how Ireland might reconcile their national aspirations within a framework of the community of nations known as the British Empire.
Knowing that neither a Republic nor a united Ireland could be won at such a conference, de Valera refused to attend. Instead, he sent Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins to head the Irish delegation. Neither Griffith nor Collins wanted to go. Michael Collins declared that he was a soldier, not a politician, but the issue went to the Cabinet and was decided by de Valera's casting vote.
De Valera was the most experienced negotiator, but he chose instead, to send others to parley against the far more experienced British team. They were no match for the cunning Lloyd George, who was called the "Welsh Wizard." One historian called it the worst single decision of de Valera's life.
Still, under tremendous pressure, the Irish delegation, with Collins and Griffith as chief negotiators, pressed for a united Ireland. Differences within the Irish delegation added to the difficulty, but Britain's refusal to consider anything less than dominion status, excluding Ulster created additional conflict. Michael Collins knew that a Republic that included Ulster was not possible under the present conditions, but he hoped for a boundary commission that would redraw the border to include much of Catholic Fermanagh and Tyrone in the newly created Free State. This left the problem of the Oath of Allegiance.
A reworded oath might pass a Dail vote, Collins concluded, and though opposed by de Valera, would pave the way for future concessions once a British troop withdrawal was effected. Reluctantly, the delegation signed. Michael Collins knew it would be received badly in Dublin, but he decided that a step toward Irish independence was preferable to an all-out war that would ensure more bloodshed. Michael Collins spoke prophetically when, after signing the treaty he said, "...I tell you, I have signed my death warrant."
The vote in favor of accepting the treaty was 64 to 57. Two days later, de Valera resigned his presidency and Arthur Griffith was elected in his place. A provisional government was formed in January 1922. Michael Collins was elected Chairman. Dublin Castle was surrendered to Michael Collins.
CIVIL WAR!
Across the country, the IRA split into pro-Treaty or anti-Treaty forces. Many
followed Collins, accepting that the Treaty gave the country the freedom to
win freedom. Richard Mulcahy, the Minister of Defence, transformed these loyal
troops into the Free State Army, while the anti-Treaty forces became known as
the Irregulars.
Collins made every effort to avoid a civil war. He drafted a new constitution which he hoped would be acceptable to the Republicans. The rebels had been Collins' comrades-in-arms and he desperately wanted to avoid such a tragedy, but his efforts failed. In a move to dislodge Republican troops who had taken over the building, on June 28th, Collins ordered the shelling of the Four Courts.
In a controversial move, he armed both pro- and anti-Treaty IRA members in the North to defend the Catholic population, but by resorting to violence against the Treaty terms in the North, he legitimised armed resistance in the South. On 6 July 1922, the Provisional Government appointed a Council of War and Collins became Commander-in-Chief of the national Army.
Opponents of the Treaty rallied to the cause. Fighting broke out in Dublin and Cathal Brugha was killed. The ten-month civil war had begun. The first phase was bloody and brief. By August, the better-equipped government forces had driven the Irregulars out of the main cities and towns, but the Republicans controlled much of the country area to the south and west.
On 12 August 1922, Arthur Griffith died of a massive hemorrhage. He had never recovered from the strain of the Treaty negotiations.
BEAL NA MBLATH
Eight days later, though ill with the stomach trouble that had plagued him for
several months and suffering from a bad cold, Michael Collins left on a mission
to visit troops in his home county of Cork. Warned not to go, he told his companion,
"They wouldn't shoot me in my own county." As before, the words proved
prophetic. Depressed and ill, he set out, some say, to try to end the fighting.
At any rate, he visited several anti-Treaty men as well as inspecting various
barracks. On the last day of his life, 22 August 1922, he set out from Cork
in a convoy that passed through Bandon, Clonakilty, and Rosscarbery on its way
to Skibbereen. He stopped at Woodfield, and there in the Four Alls, the pub
situated across the road from the house where his mother had been born, he stood
his family and escort to the local brew--Clonakilty Wrastler. On the return
trip they again passed through Bandon. Michael Collins had only twenty minutes
more to live. Around eight o'clock, his convoy was ambushed at a place known
as Beal na mBlath--the mouth of flowers. Only one man was killed--Michael Collins.
It is thought that Irregulars did the shooting, but some say that it might have
been his own men. To this day, there is controversy about what actually happened.
Stunned that anything could have happened to 'the Big Fellow' whose fame was, by now, legendary, Collins' men brought his body back to Cork where it was shipped to Dublin. His body lay in state for three days in the rotunda. The Belfast-born painter, Sir John Lavery, painted Collins in death, as he had in life. Tens of thousands filed past his casket to pay their respects, and even more lined the Dublin streets as the cortege made its way to Glasnevin for the burial.
There have been many famous Irish patriots before him,
and a few since, but none conjures up as much emotion and mystery as the man
who, in a span of six short years, brought a country from bondage to a position
where she could win her freedom. There are few left alive who remember Michael
Collins, but his shape looms large on the Irish horizon.
Northern Ireland came into existence with the British
Government of Ireland Act (1920) which divided Ireland into two areas: the Irish
Free State, made up of the 26 southern counties, and the other six counties
comprising of Antrim, Down, Armagh, Derry, Tyrone and Fermanagh. Roman Catholics,
who made up around one-third of the population of Northern Ireland, were largely
opposed to the partition.
Description
The Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) was formed in 1969 a movement dedicated
to removing British forces from Ireland and unifying Ireland. The Provos were
formed from the Official IRA when Sean Mcstefen and other's walked out. The
Official IRA declared a ceasefire in the summer of 1972, and subsequently the
term IRA has been used for the organisation that had developed from the 'Provisional'
IRA. Organized into small, tightly knit cells under the leadership of the Army
Council, the Provisional IRA was the largest of the three republican armed resistance
groups.
Activities
Bombings, Shootings,. Before its 1994 cease-fire, targets included senior British Government officials, British military and police in Northern Ireland, and Northern Irish Loyalist paramilitary groups. Since breaking its cease-fire in February 1996, IRA's operations have included bombing campaigns against train and subway stations and shoppping areas on mainland Britain, British military and Royal Ulster Constabulary targets in Northern Ireland, and a British military facility on the European Continent.
Strength
Several hundred, plus several thousand sympathizers.
Location/Area of Operation
Ireland, Britain, and Europe.
External Aid
Has received aid from a variety of groups and countries and considerable training and arms from Libya and, at one time, the PLO. Also is suspected of receiving funds and arms from sympathizers in the United States. Similarities in operations suggest links to the ETA.
