IRIAN JAYA (WEST PAPUA, NEW GUINEA): THE QUEST FOR INDEPENDENCE-JULY 8-15, 2000

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Subj: [wp] Thousands hoist separatist flags
Date: 7/14/00 5:21:25 PM Central Standard Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com

>From AWPA

Jakarta post.com
Thousands hoist separatist flags
July 15, 2000 - 02:34

BIAK, Irian Jaya (JP): Thousands of Irian Jaya people raised for the
first
time the Morning Star separatist flag without fear of punishment or
harsh measures from security authorities on Friday. "Today is a
historical day for the Papuans because for the first time we can
officially hoist the flags with the government's consent," Thaha
Mohammad Alhamid, secretary of the Papuan Presidium Congress said on
Friday.

Other towns seeing the flag wave in the sky included Merauke, Sorong,
Jayapura, Wamena and Manokwari. Cabinet Secretary Marsilam Simanjuntak
announced on June 7 that the government would allow the people of Irian
Jaya to raise the flag "as long as its size is not bigger than the
national flag, and it is raised lower than the national flag."

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax: 61.2.99601698
Email; iris@matra.com.au
_________________________________

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Subj: Cease-fire Watch CFW
Date: 7/14/00 9:10:57 AM Central Standard Time
From: ceasefirewatch@usa.net (ceasefirewatch ceasefirewatch)
To: ceasefirewatch@usa.net

PRESS RELEASE
No.: 03.CFW.Pers.II.2000

Cease-fire Watch

Since the last 38 days the Joint Understanding for Humanitarian Pause accord
between
the Acheh Sumatra National Liberation Front (ASNLF) and the Government of the
Republic
of Indonesia became effective, Cease-fire Watch (CFW) has evaluated that there
have
been very many violations of the clauses of the said accord. These violations
represent
in fact substantial opposition against the agreement. The following are our
conclusions
on the continuing violations:

The security organism that has been authorized by the JUHP in its Basic Rules
of
Security Modalities is the Indonesian Police wearing RAZIA POLISI insigna. In
the
field, the implementation of this clause has been very contradictory, in that
first
of all the police units on operations are not wearing this special marking.
Another
gross violation of this rule is that the units that are carrying out policing
operations
all over Acheh, include also those that are not authorized. Combat troops of
the
Indonesian police force (the GEGANA assault unit of the Police Mobile Brigade
or
BRIMOB) and units of the Indonesian Army (especially the Rajawali 123
battalion and
those from the Western Javan Siliwangi Division) are still carrying out their
operations.


The vast mobilization of combat troops is going on continuously all over
Acheh. This
type of operations is no longer tolerable. The lack of classification and
straightforwardness
from the Joint Committee for Security Modalities on who are really authorized
to
legitimize the presence of soldiers in the field is a great problem as these
soldiers
continue to intimidate villagers. As a fallout of the said troops mobilization
has
been seen in the recurrence of several armed contacts on 1st and 2nd July at
Nisam,
North Acheh resulting in the death of several civilians as well as soldiers.

Recently, military and police operations to check villagers and ransack their
houses
for the announced purpose of finding GAM guerillas, have resulted in the
general
exodus of the populations of Idi Rayeuk, Narussalam and Julok in the East
Acheh district.
Today, even with the arrival of the Joint Committee to the camp of Julok, no
guarantee
of safety could be given by this Committee, that would make it possible for
the villagers
to go back to their village. This demonstrates how very weak is the position
of the
Joint Committee in providing protection to the civilians.

Worse still, there is no clear acknowledgment of mutual trust between the two
sides;
such lack of common good faith leads naturally towards the worsening of the
situation.
The fact that there are still ironic claims of “armed civilians” from both
sides
shows that mutual trust has not yet been established. This situation is
clearly demonstrated
when a TNI unit arrested the GAM Operational Commander for Peureulak district,
Syahrul
Idris. The Indonesian Army does not want to acknowledge that ASNLF’s troops
are AGAM
(thus authorized to carry arms), claiming instead that they are GBPK (armed
peace
disturber gang). Such a situation is sometime reversed, with GAM attacking
Indonesian
soldiers claiming they were “armed civilians”.

Cease-fire Watch’s monitoring shows that in general there has been a reduction
of
open armed conflicts in Acheh. But violence against civilians continues
unabated
due to the slowness of the work of the Joint Committee for Security Modalities
in
controlling the movements of soldiers both of TNI/POLRI and of GAM. The other
implementation
arm of the “Pause” accord, the Joint Committee for Humanitarian Actions, is
also
very slow in channeling humanitarian aids to the victims of the conflict. Had
at
least this Committee been doing its work properly, some of the refugees, such
as
those housed in the Lhok Seumawe Polytechnics School, at Chot Ijue, Peusangan,
and
at Krueng Raya, Acheh Besar, could have returned to their villages.

Ordinary Achehnese, those living in refugee camps, in the conflict areas, in
isolated
villages as well as in towns are praying hard for peace to return as soon as
possible
to their land. The return of peace would make it possible for those who have
lost
everything to receive aids, which in fact is the whole idea of the signing of
this
Humanitarian Pause accord.

Cease-fire Watch does thus hereby state the following as a matter of
principle:

1. We urge the Joint Forum to re-clarify its commitment in reducing tension
between
the ASNLF and its armed wing GAM, and the Republic of Indonesia and its
security
forces POLRI/TNI.
2. We urge the Joint Forum to issue a clarification and classification
statement
on what security units are allowed to carry out operations in Acheh.
3. We urge the Joint Committee for Security Modalities to implement the
Basic
Rules of Security Modalities that have been agreed upon by both parties in the
field.

4. We urge the Joint Committee for Humanitarian Actions to distribute
immediately
the promised aids to deserving victims of the conflict and to quicken the
phase of
the collection of funds and other forms of assistance from within and from
outside
the country.
5. To urge all concerned parties (military and civilian) not to engage in
provocative
actions against the ordinary citizens.
6. And finally, we urge the ordinary members of the Achehnese society not
to be
easily baited and provoked by irresponsible rumourmongers.

So stated our position sincerely and objectively with the hope that it would
get
appropriate attention of all concerned in order to lead to a comprehensive
solution
of the Acheh conflict.

Kutaradja, July 10th, 2000
Cease-fire Watch (CFW)


NASRUDDIN ABU BAKAR
National spokesman.


______

=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] India Expected to Start Importing LNG From Indonesia
Date: 7/14/00 5:58:29 PM Central Standard Time
From: admin@irja.org
Sender: owner-kabar-irian@irja.org
Reply-to: admin@irja.org
To: kabar-irian@irja.org

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Friday, July 14 5:32 PM SGT
India Expected to Start Importing LNG From Indonesia
JAKARTA, July 14 Asia Pulse

India will start importing liquefied natural gas (LNG) from
Indonesia if it is offered a competitive price, the newspaper Kompas
reported Friday.

Mohammed Assad Pathan, an executive of Indian Oil Corporation (IOC)
said India's LNG requirement has risen 4-5 times in the past 25
years.

India, one of the largest LNG consumers in the world, will need an
estimated 151 million cu. feet of natural gas in 2002 abd 391
million cu feet in 2025, Pathan said.

India has so far imported LNG mainly from Qatar, Pathan said after
the signing of a memorandum of understanding with Pertamina, the
state-owned oil company, here Thursday.

Pertamina President Baihaki Hakim said the MOU was in line with the
spirit of South-South cooperation agreement signed in India when
President Abdurrahman Wahid visited that country recently.

Indonesia has offered LNG from its Tangguh oilfield in Irian Jaya to
a number of countries, including India and China.
-- (ANTARA)



KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
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======================================================= Subj: [wp] Indonesia asks Canberra for military aid
Date: 7/14/00 5:33:37 PM Central Standard Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com

>From AWPA

Weekend Australian 15/7/00

Indonesia asks Canberra for military aid
By Don Greenlees


INDONESIA'S Defence Minister, Juwono Sudarsono, has requested
Australian military assistance in meeting the huge humanitarian burden
in the country's violence-racked eastern islands. In a move that would
help revive military ties, Mr Sudarsono said Australia could aid
Indonesia's efforts to distribute food and medicines to the provinces of
Maluku and North Maluku, where tens of thousands of people have been
made homeless by fighting between Christians and Muslims.

Asked what kind of assistance Australia could provide, Mr Sudarsono told
The Australian: "I would say initially it would be support for
Indonesian vessels, but if you have some spares, in terms of transport
ships, they are welcome." He said he had asked President Abdurrahman
Wahid to raise the issue of military co-operation in humanitarian relief
operations when he eventually made his frequently postponed visit to
Australia.

Support of this kind would be "an important element in the post-conflict
rehabilitation stage" for islands hit by religious fighting, such as
Ambon. On the future of the defence relationship, Mr Sudarsono said he
wanted to focus on sharing expertise in defence management and logistics
planning, rather than combat-related training or military exercises.

He said in future more emphasis should be put on maritime co-operation,
instead of controversial
training activities such as the abandoned exercises between the
Perth-based Special Air Service and Indonesia's elite Kopassus force.

Although describing the military relationship as very good even after
East Timor, he suggested the rebuilding of ties was likely to have to
wait until Mr Wahid finally made his visit. back

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax: 61.2.99601698
Email; iris@matra.com.au
_________________________________

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Subj: Indonesia to pump extra $50 mln into Irian Jaya
Date: 7/13/00 11:06:50 PM Central Standard Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: westpapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Indonesia to pump extra $50 mln into Irian Jaya

JAKARTA, July 13, 2000 (Reuters) - Indonesia, stung by growing separatism in Irian
Jaya and accusations of neglect, said on Thursday it will pump an extra $50
million into the resource-rich but underdeveloped province.

Finance Minister Bambang Sudibyo said the 450 billion rupiah ($48 million),
which is on top of one trillion rupiah allocated to the province in the
national budget, would be used to build infrastructure, and on health and
education services.

``A total of about 1.45 trillion rupiah can be used immediately, as the
budget only has five months left,'' he told reporters.

This year's budget runs from April to December, truncated because it is being
aligned with the calendar year from April-March previously.

The extra money comes from the government's so-called crash fund, used to
direct spending to needy areas quickly.

Coordinating Minister For Political Affairs Surjadi Sudirdja said the
government was responding to criticism of unfair treatment and neglect in
Irian Jaya, also known as Papua.

``The government's strategy is for dialogue and humanitarian action in
Irian,'' he told reporters. ``The government is very serious about overcoming
problems in the country.''

Irian Jaya is home to one of the world's largest copper and gold mines and
also has rich timber resources.

A low-level separatist insurgency has simmered in the province, which covers
the western half of New Guinea island, for decades.

Indonesia fears mounting pressure for independence in provinces such as Irian
Jaya, and Aceh at the far west of the Indonesian archipelago, could trigger
the country's break-up.

Around the country, calls for independence have mounted since East Timor
voted to break from Indonesia rule last year.

In Irian Jaya, separatist demands are also fuelled by abuses by the military
and resentment at what some locals see as Jakarta's siphoning off of the
province's vast natural resources.

Last month, a congress of Irian community leaders and independence activists
declared Irian Jaya independent in a move Jakarta dismissed as
unrepresentative of the wishes of the majority of the approximately two
million people there.

($1-9,420 Rupiah)


**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000

=======================================================

Subj: JP editorial: Security for investors in Indonesia
Date: 7/13/00 11:07:29 PM Central Standard Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: indonesia-act@igc.apc.org, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk, jonathan.head@bbc.co.uk, westpapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

The Jakarta Post
July 14, 2000

Editorial

Security for investors

Minister of Defense Juwono Sudarsono's call to mining companies to cooperate
with the military and police to protect their businesses from rioters and
looters is so far the strongest stance ever taken by the government to defend
the business sector from disorder and lawlessness. But Tuesday's move, which
simply reflects the government's desperation of its inability to maintain
security and order in many parts of the country, could dangerously be taken
by businesspeople as a license to hire security forces for their own
interests.

Juwono acknowledged that the military and police are so overstretched and
inadequately funded that they simply cannot maintain security throughout the
sprawling archipelago. Even though he referred only to mining companies as he
was speaking at a mining and energy conference, security problems have been
adversely affecting most other resource-based enterprises, including
plantations, which are located in remote areas. In fact, gun- wielding guards
patrolling plantations and mining areas have been familiar scenes in Irian
Jaya, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Maluku and Sumatra since mid- 1998, soon after
the fall of former president Soeharto.

While Indonesia takes its first step toward devolving more power to local
administrations and most people are still mired in economic suffering caused
by the financial crisis of 1997, mining and plantation companies are among
those which mostly bear the brunt of resentment from locals who despise big
investment ventures in their areas as outside exploitation of their wealth.

Many mining and plantation companies have been facing a rash of arbitrary
claims for special payments, additional land compensation, back taxes or more
generous community development funds from locals and sometimes
administrations. In part, these claims were prompted by the centralized
business-licensing policies of the New Order authoritarian government which
were based largely on greed, arrogance and cronyism and which completely
disregarded the interests of locals. But many claims were simply cooked up by
those intending to benefit from the seemingly slackening spirit of law
enforcement and lack of firm action on the part of the demoralized military
and police.

Recent harassments of Kaltim Prima Coal in East Kalimantan, Newmont gold
company in North Sulawesi, Caltex in Riau, Indo Muro Kencana gold mining
company in Central Kalimantan and widespread raiding of oil palm and rubber
plantations in Sumatra are only a few examples of the virtual breakdown of
law and order. Ethnic and sectarian violence in several provinces also
severely disrupts production operations.

This chaotic condition should obviously be brought to order, otherwise not
only will new potential investment, sorely needed to fuel the economic
recovery, continue to shun the country, but the billions of dollars of
investment already sunk in local resource development could be damaged and
eventually abandoned to waste.

But while firm military and police action or the deployment of private
security guards could be helpful to protect enterprises from security
disturbances, the "license" for private companies to hire security forces is
highly prone to abuse either by the military or police, which badly need an
additional source of income, or by greedy businesspeople trying to quash
legitimate claims from locals or trade unions. More clear-cut rules are
therefore needed to safeguard what Juwono stated as cooperation between
businesses and the military or police. All taxpayers, not only corporations,
should equally be entitled to protection by the military and police.

Businesses' calls for military or police measures to cope with violence
should be considered mostly as a contingency action to extinguish the fire.
It is more important though for companies and the government to do their part
in a joint fire-prevention program.

This means that companies should always profess good corporate governance to
keep employees comfortable and to make local community and administration
hospitable to their operations. It is an approach to prosperity, not
security, that is the most effective protection for businesses in the long
term. On the other hand, the government should work harder to improve the
credibility of its law enforcement system to encourage people, including
trade unions, to settle their claims or disputes through the proper legal
channels.




**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

=======================================================

Subj: Copper prices jump after Freeport news [drop in Indon production]
Date: 7/13/00 9:21:33 AM Central Standard Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: westpapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Copper prices jump after Freeport news

LONDON, July 12 (Reuters) - Copper prices broke through resistance at $1,800
a tonne in London Metal Exchange (LME) trade on Wednesday afternoon after
news of lower than expected production by PT Freeport Indonesia, traders said.

Three months copper ended the first afternoon ring at $1,805, up $11 from the
morning kerb close, and then made further gains to end the second ring at
$1,813. The drive behind the upward move was an announcement by Freeport
McMoran Copper & Gold Inc (NYSE:FCX - news) that copper production at PT
Freeport Indonesia (PT-FI) was below expectations in the second quarter.

``They had flagged earlier that they were having problems, but this may have
been the impetus for copper to break through $1,800,'' said Robin Bhar,
analyst at Standard Bank London.

PT-FI's copper sales reached 256 million pounds in the quarter, compared with
earlier estimates of 320 million. The company attributed the shortfall to
delayed shipments of concentrates because of weather and sea conditions and
lower production caused by changes in the sequence of mining material and
lower ore throughput rates.

The Indonesian government ordered PT-FI to cut daily mill output at its
Grasberg mine to 200,000 tonnes from around 230,000 tonnes after a flood of
waste water killed four workers on May 4. Freeport said on Wednesday it
expected to report a loss of approximately $19 million, or 12 cents a share,
in the second quarter compared with net income of 12 cents a share in the
second quarter of 1999.

The Freeport news marks the latest in a series of potentially bullish factors
for copper, following shortly after the temporary closure of the Continental
open-pit mining operation in Montana and figures from the International
Copper Study Group showing the world refined copper market in deficit in
April.

``It's all grist to the mill. People may be coming round to the fact that
maybe they've underestimated these markets,'' said Bhar.

The Freeport news, however, may be more significant psychologically in the
short term rather than fundamentally in the long term. The company said its
copper sales estimate for 2000 as a whole remained unchanged at 1.4 billion
pounds.

The second-quarter sales shortfall of 64 million pounds (around 30,000
tonnes) ``is the sort of loss that will have been factored into forecasts,''
said another analyst, although he added that ``people will have wanted to see
it quantified.''

``There's a lot of concentrate available in the market, so none of this is
going to be seen quickly in terms of lost metal production,'' said Kevin
Norrish, analyst at Barclays Capital.

Although LME copper prices have moved above $1,800, the market is seen
needing to close above $1,820 to make a definitive break out of its current
range.

``I'm withholding judgment. We've been up here before and gone back down
again,'' said Norrish.

Copper's previous rally up to $1,810 in late June stalled in the face of
producer selling and the market subsided back into its recent fairly narrow
range.

``A lot of funds have moved to close out their short positions but they're
not willing to go all that long until they get some fresh signals,'' said
Standard Bank's Bhar.

``If the market can close above $1,820 it would probably suck in some more
CTA-type and institutional buying,'' he added.


**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000

=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Papua to receive extra Rp1.45 trillion
Date: 7/13/00 7:44:11 PM Central Standard Time
From: admin@irja.org
Sender: owner-kabar-irian@irja.org
Reply-to: admin@irja.org
To: kabar-irian@irja.org

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Indonesian Observer
Friday, July 14 – 2000
Papua to receive extra Rp1.45 trillion

JAKARTA — The government said yesterday it will pump an extra US$50
million (Rp1.45 trillion) into the resource-rich but underdeveloped
province of Irian Jaya or Papua.

Finance Minister Bambang Sudibyo said the Rp450 billion (US$48
million), which is on top of Rp1 trillion allocated to the province
in the national budget, would be used to build infrastructure, and
on health and education services.

“A total of about Rp1.45 trillion can be used immediately, as the
budget only has five months left,” he told reporters.

This year’s budget runs from April to December, truncated because it
is being aligned with the calendar year from April-March previously.

The extra money comes from the government’s so-called crash fund,
used to direct spending to needy areas quickly.

Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Surjadi
Soedirdja said the government was responding to criticism of unfair
treatment and neglect in Irian Jaya, also known as Papua.

“The government’s strategy is for dialogue and humanitarian action
in Irian,” he told reporters. “The government is very serious about
overcoming problems in the country.”

Irian Jaya is home to one of the world’s largest copper and gold
mines and also has rich timber resources.

A low-level separatist insurgency has simmered in the province,
which covers the western half of New Guinea island, for decades.

Indonesia fears mounting pressure for independence in provinces such
as Irian Jaya, and Aceh at the far west of the Indonesian
archipelago, could trigger the country’s break-up.

Around the country, calls for independence have mounted since East
Timor voted to break from Indonesia rule last year.

In Irian Jaya, separatist demands are also fueled by abuses by the
military and resentment at what some locals see as Jakarta’s
siphoning off of the province’s vast natural resources.

Last month, a congress of Irian community leaders and independence
activists declared Irian Jaya independent in a move Jakarta
dismissed as unrepresentative of the wishes of the majority of the
approximately two million people there.
-- Reuters





KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
NOTE: "All items are posted for their news/information content. They are
not necessarily the views of IRJA.org or subscribers. "

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=======================================================

Subj: Kompas: Ginandjar Denies KKN Allegations
Date: 7/13/00 9:21:29 AM Central Standard Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: indonesia-act@igc.apc.org, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk, jonathan.head@bbc.co.uk, westpapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Kompas
Thursday, 13 July 2000

Ginandjar Denies KKN Allegations

Former Mining and energy Minister, Ginandjar Kartasasmita, strongly denied
allegations of KKN (coruuption, collusion, and nepotism) in relation to
several Pertamina projects, private power project, and PT Freeport Indonesia.

Ginandjar also said that he will be really responsible as long as the issues
were related to his duties and authority during his tenure as Mining
Minister, and not before or thereafter.

Ginandjar said his piece at a General Opinion Hearing (PDPU) with Commission
VIII of Parliament Wednesday (12/7).

"We have executed various strategies with good intentions in the interest of
the nation and the state.. We had no intentions at all to make a profit from
it all," he said.

"We fully support corrective efforts of past errors including KKN. The law
should have its way, regardless of anything. Those at fault should be taken
to account according to the type of error, but those who are not guilty
should not be blamed of any wrongdoings. The law does not act against
offenders of the law only, it also protects those who are right," Ginandjar
added.

The RDPU was chaired by the Commission VIII Chairman, Irwan Prayito and
Deputy Chairman, Th. Haryono. Ginandjar was in company of former PLN (state
power coy.) General Director, Dr. Zuhal, former Pertamina Director, Faisal
Abda'oe, former Director General General Mining Department, Kosim
Gandataruna, and former Pertamina Exploration and Processing Director,
Thabrani Ismail.

During the RDPU, Ginandjar oozed self confidence, he appeared ready to handle
all questions of Parliament members. Quite the contrary, members of the
counsel admitted that they had not enough data and appeared, therefore,
rather unprepared at the hearing.

Commission VIII members appeared to be outdone by Ginandjar who had obviously
done his homework, neatly bound in a folder which contained 28 answers on
written questions from the Commission with hundreds of attachments concerning
KKN charges of the Balongan processing plant, private power project of
paiton, and PT Freeport Indonesia.

At last conclusion, Commission VIII made it known that they needed to delve
deeper in the written answers of Ginandjar. A difference in data of both
parties has become obvious. Commission VIII needs to clarify this with the
Attorney General (AG).

PT Freeport

About the sale of PT Freeport shares to the Bakrie group, Bakrie did not
aquire the shares through him. "I did not mediate the Freeport shares deal
for Bakrie. When the deal was in process, Freeport asked me if we had sold
shares to Bakrie. I told them, that is your problem, since Bakrie also got
offers from other parties."

"If there is someone else in Freeport's implementation project, I will have
no part of it. If another company has been given a job to do, they did not
get it through me or the department. That is a separate deal altogether," he
added again.

"I also have a son in business.. He joined in both tenders of Freeport and he
lost in both biddings. So, if I had been such an important factor to
Freeport, I should say.... At the time, it would have been easy for children
of officials to get a project. But, he did not get it and I did not help him
in his efforts," Ginandjar said.

Private power project

About the private power project, there was a period in which he was
responsible for the project and a time when his responsibility for the
project ceased.

"There were two periods in which I was responsible for the project, and
another one in which I was not responsible. I was responsible for the project
until March 1993. At the time investment for a private power system seemed
necessary. It was discussed in cabinet meetings," he said.

"There were power blackouts all over Java at the time, power was rationed in
some places, it crippled industry and our own investments. Solar imports
increased because we do not produce solar locally. There was no way out
except for having additional power in the country. And this was offered to
the private sector," he said.

The purpose of getting the private sector to handle the additional power
network, was in fact to boost private investment with the understanding that
government and power consumers would suffer no harm from the deal.

"If KKN did happen along the way, it did not appear because of those
policies," he said.

About increased power pricing and KKN reeking contracts, Ginandjar admitted
that he had no answers to those questions. "That happened when I was no
longer Mining and Energy Minister. I can only be held responsible for matters
that happened in my period. I refuse to become involved in matters outside my
responsibilities. That is not fair to me," he said.

About the Paiton power project, Paiton I, the former Mining and Energy
Minister also evaded responsibility which had been his share.

"About contracts and power pricing, the tariff structure was established when
I was no longer Mining and Energy Minister. I had only drafted the basics of
it," he said.

As to the Exor Balongan oil processing plant in Cirebon, Ginandjar only
remarked that the project is operating today and turned out to be quite
profitable.

"Balongan is running well. In 2001 loans will be settled, four years sooner
than planned. Also, one cannot generalize an investment structure. It depends
on the configurations of each project. every project has different
characteristics," he said.

Local businessmen

Answering questions of Commission VIII members in relation with an approach
to a number of local businessmen and relatives of former President Soeharto,
Ginandjar does not view these issues as unusual.

"My relationship with local businessmen has me marked as someone who
established a group. I only came in touch with Ical Bakrie, Arifin Panigoro,
and others, when they filed in their proposals for local products which,
before, were only imported. I know Jusuf Kalla, Achmad Kalla, Aksa Machmud,
from my relations with Solichin GP. He was at the time the Supra-cabinet
-level coordinator of development operations (Sesdalopbang)," Ginandjar said.

Local businessmen were not doing much when they could have taken the
initiative to introduce their abilities and their own productions, according
to Ginandjar.

"I have been encouraging them so they would not stop midways, I helped them
in their efforts. I help anyone who wants help. I was swimming against the
stream at the time. How could I help out hundreds of local businessmen, while
I only have two hands? If all ministers would help out local businessmen, we
might have a different story now," Ginandjar said.

About his relationship with Soeharto and his family, Ginanjar answered: "My
relationship with Soeharto's sons can be likened as a regular relationship,
there is nothing outstanding in it. They have never asked me for help."

After the RDPU, Commission VIII member of the PDI-Struggle faction, Pramono
Anung Wibowo, admitted that Ginandjar's explanations were all quite plausible.

"I have to admit that the decisions of the Mining and Energy Minister at the
time are all justified. But, the after effects which have only become
apparent now, show that the wrong strategies were followed. I have to admit
too that Ginandjar is not a faint hearted man since he accounted for every
question before a parliament counsel," Anung said.

Meanwhile, other Commission VIII members, Priyo Budi Santoso of the Golkar
faction, admitted that the Commission was not quite prepared for the hearing
of Ginandjar.

"I have to admit, Ginandjar's data were perfectly in order. But, that does
not mean that we will accept these information right away. We jhave to look
into them and will call him up if this should be necessary," Priyo said. (*)





**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Incentives offered for Irian Jaya investment
Date: 7/12/00 6:46:41 PM Central Daylight Time
From: admin@irja.org
Sender: owner-kabar-irian@irja.org
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The Jakarta Post.com
Business News
July 12, 2000
Incentives offered for Irian Jaya investment
By Berni K. Moestafa

JAYAPURA, Irian Jaya (JP): Minister of Industry and Trade Luhut
Pandjaitan has proposed offering incentives to investors in Irian
Jaya to stimulate economic development in the most eastern part of
Indonesia.

He said the incentives were needed to lure investors to Irian Jaya,
considering the province's underdeveloped infrastructure.

"The challenging conditions (in Irian Jaya) are a feat to any
investor and that calls for incentives from the government," Luhut
told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday during a visit to the province.

He said the government might, for instance, consider offering tax
holidays to companies in Irian Jaya, or maintain fuel subsidies for
their businesses.

"We must look for the right incentives," he said.

Luhut said he would work with the Ministry of Finance to discuss the
possibility of offering incentives.

"We need to coordinate and explain the conditions to them (the
Ministry of Finance). And they will have to see for themselves how
difficult things are here," he said.

According to Luhut, people often thought that investment conditions
in Irian Jaya were similar to those in Java, Sumatra or Bali.

But investors in Irian Jaya often had to build their own
infrastructure, such as roads and even airports, as well as having
power generators, he said.

He said large companies like gold mining giant PT Freeport Indonesia
might be undaunted in the face of poor infrastructure in Irian Jaya,
however local companies interested in the province should receive
the government's support.

Calling present local investors in Irian Jaya pioneers, he said they
were entitled to receive incentives from the government.

"They build airports and roads, why shouldn't they get any
incentives?"

He pointed out that fishing and forestry concern Djajanti Group,
which was among the few local companies to invest in Irian Jaya, had
made a positive impact on the province's economy.

The business group currently has eight fishing companies, three of
which are located in Irian Jaya with eight in the province of
Maluku.

Djajanti has an investment of US$2 billion in its subsidiaries while
employing 50,100 workers and operating 660 fishing vessels.

However, security problems in the two provinces have prompted many
of Djajanti's skilled fishermen to leave their work, which caused a
sharp decline in their fishery output.

A communal war between religious followers has beleaguered Maluku
since 1999, while security in Irian Jaya has deteriorated along with
increasing calls for the province's independency.

Djajanti also faces a sluggish global fish market, as prices of,
among others things, tuna has dropped to $400 per ton from $1,200
per ton, according to the company.

The company recorded $194 million in sales during the first nine
months of 1999, down from $305 million in 1998.

Luhut, who visited two of the company's fish processing plants, said
the government should support export-oriented companies that were in
difficulty.

"Especially if we are to boost our foreign exchange earnings and
create jobs," he said.

Djajanti president Sujono Varinata expressed hope that the
government might offer incentives to local companies investing in
Irian Jaya.

"The government has never offered any incentives to investors in
this province before," Sujono said, adding that it should turn Irian
Jaya into a bonded industrial zone.

During his visit to Irian Jaya, Luhut also met members of the local
business community and officials of the provincial council.

Luhut, according to local government officials, is the first
minister of industry and trade to visit Irian Jaya in over 30 years.

Meanwhile, deputy governor of the economy and development of Irian
Jaya Herman Monim blamed worsening security conditions as the reason
why investors had become more reluctant to invest in the province.

"At present, security is the most crucial factor to attract foreign
investors," he said, adding that even riots in Jakarta were
effecting the province's investment climate.

He said that aside from the fishery sector, the province was ideal
for investing in coffee, palm oil and cocoa plantations, and that
the mines and energy industry was particularly attractive for
foreign investors.

The province will soon see the beginning of a $1.5 billion Tangguh
gas project that will produce six million tons of liquefied natural
gas per year.

The project is slated for development next year, with state oil and
gas company Pertamina and production sharing partner BP Amoco
Indonesia operating the gas fields.




KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
NOTE: "All items are posted for their news/information content. They are
not necessarily the views of IRJA.org or subscribers. "

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Subj: Gus Dur vows Tangguh LNG project to benefit Irianese
Date: 7/12/00 11:08:05 AM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: westpapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

The Jakarta Post
July 12, 2000

Gus Dur vows Tangguh LNG project to benefit Irianese

JAKARTA (JP): President Abdurrahman Wahid has promised that the planned
Tangguh LNG plant in Berau Bay, Irian Jaya, would benefit the people of Irian
Jaya.

The President also said he hoped the LNG megaproject would help speed up the
government's efforts to improve the country's economy.

"The President ordered the minister of mines and energy to speed up the
developmental process of the Tangguh LNG plant in Irian Jaya to boost the
government's income, help accelerate the economic recovery and improve the
welfare of the Irianese," presidential expert staff member Rizal Ramli said
in a statement on Tuesday, referring to the meeting of the Cabinet's economic
team on Monday.

Abdurrahman said, however, that the environment should be protected during
the development of the project.

The gas fields around the planned Tangguh LNG plant have a proven reserve of
14.4 trillion cubic feet (tcf) or a proven and probable reserve of 23.7 tcf,
of which the plant could produce between 3 million to 18 million tons of LNG
per year for 20 years.

Abdurrahman said he expects the project to yield a total potential revenue of
US$60 billion.

The Tangguh LNG project is owned by state oil and gas company Pertamina and a
consortium led by American oil and gas company BP Amoco.

An Indonesian delegation led by Minister of Mines and Energy Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono visited China for several days to market the Tangguh LNG project.

Director General of Oil and Natural Gas Rachmat Sudibyo, who took part in the
visit, said the Chinese government told the Indonesian delegation it would
submit its LNG demand of three million tons per year in the tender in August
this year. The LNG will be supplied to Guang Dong province.

Abdurrahman said he appreciated the visit to China, ordering the minister to
take all efforts necessary to follow up on the negotiations with the Chinese
government to win the LNG tender.

"The President underlined that it was very important to win the Chinese LNG
tender," Rizal said.

Aside from China, Indonesia is also trying to sell its LNG products to India.

During the Cabinet meeting, the President also received reports on a total of
Rp 310 billion (US$33.6 million) in unpaid forestry funds and fines owed by
concessionaires to the government to March 2000.

Abdurrahman ordered the Ministry of Forestry and Plantations to be more
proactive and tougher in recovering the funds.

The President also ordered State Minister of Investment and State Enterprises
Development Rozy Munir to perform an organizational and financial
restructuring soon on state construction companies, given their poor
performances.

The construction companies had preformed poorly even prior to the economic
crisis, Rizal said.

The President also voiced support to the Ministry of Industry and Trade's
efforts to help send Indonesian workers abroad amid the economic crisis,
which had caused rampant layoffs at home.

The President asked the ministry to provide workers before they are sent
abroad with training from funds from the tax revenue collected from
expatriate workers.

Abdurrahman also ordered state electricity company PT PLN to be flexible in
imposing electricity rate increases in the industrial sector, given the
cashflow problems experienced by most of the country's industries.

The President ordered PLN to impose high rates on power users during the peak
period and provide incentives for users during the off-peak period.

The President also ordered Minister of Maritime Exploration Sarwono
Kusumaatmadja to prepare concrete programs for boosting the government's
revenue through maritime explorations. (jsk)




**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: Fwd: Kabar-Indonesia: Indo News - 7/11/00 (Part 1 of 2)
Date: 7/12/00 10:47:41 AM Central Daylight Time
From: admin@irja.org (Admin)
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To: kabar-irian@irja.org

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----- Forwarded message from Admin ----
-
Date: Wed, 12 Jul 2000 08:18:53 +0900 (JAYT)
From: Admin
Reply-To: admin@irja.org
Subject: Kabar-Indonesia: Indo News - 7/11/00 (Part 1
of 2)
To: Kabar-Indonesia@irja.org


Tuesday, July 11 11:32 AM SGT
Opec Should Not Raise Oil Output Unilaterally:
Indonesian Min
JAKARTA, July 11 Asia Pulse

Mines and Energy Minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said
Monday that
Indonesia would like to discuss any plans by OPEC
members to raise
output in attempt to stabilise oil prices.

Yudhoyono spoke to the press before accompanying
President
Abdurrahman Wahid to a meeting with a number of figures
of the
world's oil producing countries at the Bina Graha
presidential
office.

The minister said that there was no guarantee that
unilateral
efforts taken by an OPEC member would help stabilize
oil prices.

"There is no guarantee it would bring mutual benefit,"
he said.

Yudhoyono stressed that any initiative or step outside
the agreed
mechanism by an OPEC member should first be discussed.

He refused to say that he was rejecting Saudi Arabia's
idea to help
stabilize oil prices by increasing its oil output.

Saudi Arabia reportedly wants to supply the world
market with
500,000 barrels per day in an attempt to cut down the
price of crude
oil to US$ 25 per barrel.

Meanwhile, Iran also reportedly has decided to increase
its crude
oil production by 104,000 barrels per day as of July 1.

The news agency of OPEC reported last week that the
bench price of
Brent crude for August dispatches was set at US$ 31.05
per barrel.

OPEC has 11 members Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, United
Arab Emirates,
Kuwait, Qatar, Nigeria, Libya, Algeria, Venezuela and
Indonesia.
-- (ANTARA)
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Tuesday, July 11 1:53 PM SGT
Negotiator says talks on Suharto wealth back to square
one: report
JAKARTA, July 11 (AFP)

Heavy media exposure has forced the Indonesian
government to return
to square one in its efforts to negotiate a possible
return of any
ill-gotten wealth held by former president Suharto, a
report said
Tuesday.

Mines and Energy Minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the
government
negotiator appointed last month by President
Abdurrahman Wahid, said
talks with Suharto's family "have to be restructured",
due to the
massive media coverage of his efforts.

Asked if he would have to start all over again,
Yudhoyono was quoted
by the state Antara news agency as saying late Monday
night: "Yes,
(I) suppose you can say that.

"But this is the people's mandate, so I appeal to the
Cendana family
to understand that something needs to be done," said
Yudhoyono,
referring to the family by the name of the street on
which they
live.

Attorney General Marzuki Darusman said last month that
Yudhoyono --
like Suharto a former army general -- had held several
discussions
with Suharto's eldest daughter, Siti Hardiyanti
Rukmana, on hidden
wealth.

Yudhoyono said his main task was to appeal to
the "conscience" of
the family to return some of their wealth, accumulated
over
Suharto's 32 years in power and allegedly hidden abroad
under
different names.

"So basically, that is what Gus Dur (Wahid's nickname)
has mandated
me to do. Not to find out how much (wealth), the
sources or how it
was obtained," he said.

"These (aspects) are part of the legal process which is
under the
jurisdiction of Attorney General Marzuki Darusman."

Darusman, who has pledged to bring the 79-year-old
former strongman
to court before August 10 on corruption charges, said
last month
that the public should not be suspicious that the
wealth talks "are
intended as a trade off for legal process".

Suharto, 79, suffered a mild stroke last year, and his
lawyers have
repeatedly said he is too ill to stand trial, let alone
be
questioned.

Suharto has repeatedly denied charges of corruption,
which are
centered on seven huge charitable foundations he ran.
He has said
that he has "not one cent" in foreign bank accounts.

The US magazine Time last year estimated that the
Suharto family was
sitting on a fortune of some 15 billion dollars. Time
also claimed
Suharto had hurriedly transfered some nine billion
dollars of that
from a Swiss to an Austrian account at the time of his
fall, amid
massive protests in May of 1998.

Suharto has sued Time over the report and lost. The
case is now
under appeal.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Tuesday, July 11 2:12 PM SGT
Indonesian military on standby for August assembly
JAKARTA, July 11 (AFP)

Indonesia's navy and air force will back up the police
and army in
ensuring security at next month's general session of
the People's
Consultative Assembly (MPR), reports said Tuesday.

"We're ready to deploy our combined troop of some 300
marines and
sailors to back up the city's public order operations.
They are our
standby contingent, which can be deployed at any time,"
the Jakarta
Post quoted a senior naval officer as saying.

"We are also preparing three battalions of some 1,500
marines to
safeguard the MPR session," the officer, Colonel
Masruchan (Eds: one
name), the assistant to the main naval base commander
for
operational affairs, said.

Masruchan was speaking after a meeting at Jakarta's
city hall on
Monday to discuss preparations for the assembly, which
some MP's
have threatened to use to try to impeach President
Abdurrahman
Wahid.

Representatives of the army, police and the air force
as well as
city officals attended the meeting, the Post said.

Air force operational commander Colonel Wardjoko said
the air force
would also be at the disposal of the city security
forces.

"We can, for example, dispatch helicopters to speed up
the
deployment of soldiers," the commander said.

"Our field soldiers will also be deployed upon request.
At the
least, we will secure our own base and its surrounding
areas."

The Post quoted deputy Jakarta governor for
administrative affairs,
Abdul Kahfi, as saying the meeting, the second of five,
was to
formulate an integrated scheme to tackle public order
and security
problems during the session.

"We can't solve the problems just by ourselves ...
there are only
about 800 public order officials in the city. They are
definitely
not enough to overcome the problems," Kahfi said.

Kahfi said participants at Monday's meeting also
discussed
"targets," but refused to elaborate.

Wardjoko was quoted by the Post as saying the meetings
were also
meant to set standard operational procedures for
requesting the
deployment of backup troops from the military.

"We already have such requests from the police. But
since the city
administration is in charge of public order operations,
we first
need to

conceptualize the request procedure," he said.

Wahid will present an accountability report to the
August 5-18
session of the MPR, the highest legislative body in
Indonesia. It is
the first annual convening of the 700-seat assembly
which previously
met once every five years.

Fears that Wahid's political opponents will try to use
the session
either to impeach him, or to weaken his presidency have
helped push
the Indonesian currency, the rupiah to a 16-month low.

MPR speaker Amien Rais, a vocal critic of the
president, and lower
house speaker Akbar Tanjung, have both assured Wahid
that the MPR
members will not use the session to try to impeach him,
unless he
breaks the law.

But the financial markets are rattled by an impending
confrontation
between the lower house and the president, who presides
over a
restive "rainbow coalition" government, over the
reasons behind his
sacking of two ministers.

Wahid has been called separately to appear before the
lower house to
explain the sackings of former trade and industry
Minister Yusuf
Kalla and former state Enterprises and investment
Minister Laksamana
Sukardi in April.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The News International, Pakistan
Tuesday, July 11, 2000
Indonesia to stay on political tightrope
By Dean Yates

JAKARTA: Indonesians are praying for the return of
political
stability after a key meeting of the troubled country's
highest
legislative body next month. Their hopes are likely to
be dashed,
even though President Abdurrahman Wahid should survive
the annual
session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR),
where he will
give an account of his turbulent first year in office.

"I don't think the MPR session will resolve the
uncertainty. It's
hard to see Gus Dur ultimately mending fences when the
antipathy
toward him is so great across a range of factions,"
said one Western
diplomat using Wahid's popular nickname. "It's
difficult to envisage
him regaining the trust to rebuild coalitions and also
to simply
stop being Gus Dur," the diplomat added, referring to
Wahid's habit
of making political enemies with his baffling and
contradictory
comments.

Analysts said the best-case scenario was Wahid would
use his
successful navigation of the MPR -- which can impeach
him -- to
install new economic ministers and start building a
cohesive
government able to tackle the country's epic problems.
Wahid, true
to form, has given conflicting statements about whether
he will
reshuffle his heavily criticised and politically
diverse cabinet
after the MPR session, but many politicians expect the
move and have
said they will support it. The worst-case outlook is
Wahid will
further antagonise and alienate the MPR, emerge badly
wounded and
set in train momentum among political parties to
eventually engineer
his ouster even though there is little credible
alternative.

Disappointment At Wahid Widespread
When Wahid took power last October, expectations soared
among
Indonesia's 200 million people that the blind Moslem
cleric would
lead the country out of chaos and into a new era of
democracy. Wahid
has held Indonesia together and tamed the military. But
the economy
lies in tatters, separatism smoulders in the provinces
of Aceh and
Irian Jaya, a virtual civil war between Christians and
Moslems rages
in the once idyllic Moluccas islands and graft scandals
sniff at the
presidential palace gates.

If that was not enough, Indonesia's chronic political
uncertainty
has scared off most potential foreign investors and
driven the
embattled rupiah currency to 16-month lows. It shed 6-7
percent last
week alone to close around 9,300 to the U.S. dollar
after bomb
scares at the Attorney-General's office and reports
Wahid wanted
legislators investigated for fanning violence across
the world's
fourth most populous country. Indeed, the rupiah is
closely watched
by many in a nation where its dramatic plunge in early
1998 helped
trigger the turmoil that brought down Suharto in May of
that year.

Harold Crouch of the International Crisis Group, a
Brussels-based
non-governmental body that advocates policy solutions
for global hot
spots, said Indonesia had many hurdles besides the MPR
session to
jump before stability returned. "I don't think we'll
see political
tensions exacerbated after the MPR session. But given
the way things
have changed here in past few months, any predictions
have to be
tentative," said Crouch, a long-time Indonesia analyst
now based in
Jakarta. "I haven't heard anything terribly convincing
that suggests
Wahid won't survive, but you can't be sure."

Wahid's Party Has Weak Position
The best indication of how Wahid might fair at the MPR
will come on
July 20, when he answers a summons from the feisty
parliament to
explain his controversial sacking last April of two
economic
ministers, including leading reformer Laksamana
Sukardi. Unlike the
MPR, parliament has no power to impeach Wahid. But if
parliament
censures him that would be a slap in the face for Wahid
before
giving his MPR accountability speech on August 7, and
then getting
its response the following day. Under new rules,
Indonesian
presidents have to give an accountability speech each
year of their
five-year terms. Much of the political uncertainty
stems from the
fact Wahid's Nation Awakening Party holds so few MPR
seats -- 57 out
of 695. While he cleverly fashioned alliances last
October to get
the MPR's nod as president, those partnerships have
since dissolved
into bickering.

The MPR comprises the 500-seat parliament, along with
regional
representatives and community groups. Eugene Galbraith,
chief execut
ive officer of Hong Hong-based Asiawise.com, a
financial website,
said even if the MPR session was held without too much
fuss, the
upside was limited. Galbraith said comments by
Indonesian economic
ministers that the rupiah would strengthen to 7,000
after the MPR
session were "wishful thinking".

That is the rate assumed in the 2000 budget. "Interest
in Indonesia
won't rally because the underlying situation is so
dreary and
confusing," said Galbraith. He said there was no
evidence that
Wahid, who makes policy on the run and off the cuff,
was trying to
institutionalise governance across the archipelago,
which for three
decades was conducted at the whim of the iron-fisted
Suharto.
Wahid's coalition cabinet is also disorganised and
widely accused of
incompetence. Wahid has accused several of being more
concerned with
their own political interests than the country's.

Reflecting concern over Wahid's mercurial style, the
treasury head
at one foreign bank said what financial markets craved
was more
conventional government and less political tension. But
he too
cautioned that a trouble-free MPR session would not
turn market
sentiment around on Indonesia or help the rupiah climb
back to 7,000
to the dollar.

"Two weeks ago the market wanted to see that Gus Dur
would be secure
in his role. Lately the market is starting to wonder if
he is the
right person," the Jakarta-based treasury head
said. "They are
willing to accept he is the right person if he instils
some
certainty with a cabinet of competent people who can
take the
necessary action this country needs. At the moment Gus
Dur has a
politically-compromised cabinet."
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The Straits Times Interactive
Long years lie ahead for Indonesia
JUL 11, 2000
By Susan Sim
Indonesia Correspondent

JAKARTA -- It was perhaps the quirky Indonesian sense
of fatalistic
irony that led palace guards to codename President
Abdurrahman Wahid
Bromo in October.

For while he is no simmering volcano, a number of his
citizens have
engaged in some spectacular explosions of communal rage
since he
moved into 15, Veterans' Road.

>From the Moluccan island chain -- where three of the
earth's
greatest tectonic plates collide -- to Poso in Central
Sulawesi,
which locals believe is the cosmic pivot around which
heaven and
earth revolve, Christians and Muslims have been killing
each other
with great efficiency and little mercy.

Even the elements appear to be conspiring against
Indonesia. An
inhospitable sea claimed another 500 lives last week,
swallowing up
refugees fleeing death in a rickety boat in what used
to be the
Spice Islands.

That tragedy might be a metaphor for an administration
in limbo,
perpetually in danger of capsizing as its helmsman
changes tack
without a compass, often running smack into brewing
storms. A
regional magazine has already lost no time in declaring
this
presidency adrift and sinking.

Although he inherited Maluku's sectarian violence, Mr
Abdurrahman's
inability to staunch the bleeding, or even to treat the
cycles of
killing as a serious policy challenge, has made clear
to an
initially sanguine audience here and abroad that flim-
flam moves are
fine for out-foxing political opponents, but no way to
run a
country.

The world is beginning to realise that, beyond the
baffling/stroke-of-genius political manoeuvring to
shore up his own
power base, he has no game plan for governing Indonesia.

Yet having squandered his honeymoon -- the world press
making it
obvious with recent headlines dripping with negativity
and doom --
he is still looking for scapegoats to blame, a quick
fix for the
deterioration of his authority at national and regional
levels
without being too precise as to what he is fixing.

Adding to his now worn-out tactic of flushing out
enemies through
innuendo and pre-emptive expose, he is also displaying
flashes of an
autocratic ruthlessness:

""Bring up Buloggate and I will turn the screws on
Baligate, or any
of the numerous instances of graft those who lived well
during the
Suharto and Habibie eras now have rattling in their
closets,'' he
more or less intimated when he ordered the central-bank
governor
jailed, and warned of more probes by a now strangely-
biddable
attorney-general.

""Stir up trouble in the regions to distract and
undermine me? I
will set the media on you, followed perhaps later by
the mobs. Lack
of evidence will not be a hindrance; failure to
cooperate with me is
enough,'' he threatened the Suharto clan and their
fellow-travellers.

Yet, many of his allies and critics alike remain
convinced that his
continued political survival is crucial to the
country's endurance.

And so they find themselves in the curious position of
trying to
rationalise his capriciousness and generally off-the-
wall
decision-making process, while seeking ways to
ameliorate his
tendency to focus on personnel to the exclusion of
policy.

Public expectations are too high and no one
expected ""the
pathologies of the past regime to incubate so fast'',
former State
Enterprises Minister Laksamana Sukardi half-complains,
half-rationalises.

He was referring to the recent corruption scandals in
presidential
circles now vying for attention with renewed probes
into the
malfeasances of the last decade.

He has every reason to be bitter.

The unceremonious way in which Gus Dur sacked him from
the Cabinet
last April and then ""slandered'' him with vague
accusations of
corruption and nepotism was an insult to him, the
Indonesian
Democratic Party-Struggle and Vice-President Megawati
Sukarnoputri,
he tells The Straits Times.

But, instead, the majority whip-to-be admits to a
fondness for Gus
Dur and regrets ""the loss of his credibility as
President''.

One minister Gus Dur does like listening to, former
Suharto
minister-turned-latter-day critic Sarwono
Kusummatmadja, locates
blame elsewhere: he puts too much trust in
aides ""intoxicated by
the power of the palace'' and is doubly hampered by
inexperience in
working the bureaucracy.

The President's physical handicap is not a subject the
ministers
consider in good taste to comment on publicly.

But he is blind and cannot verify information for
himself, yet there
are no procedures in place to ensure that his content-
providers or
even those who read state documents to him are bound by
some oath of
secrecy and integrity, they worry privately.

The country has become hostage to his physical frailty,
Mr Laksamana
says bluntly.

And he is the man the financial world, whose
collective ""buy'' call
could pull Indonesia back from its abyss, prefers
listening to.

The latest issue of Fortune magazine, for example,
unabashedly calls
Indonesia ""The Corrupt Archipelago'', and concludes
that ""when
Laksamana Sukardi tried to clean it up, he found
himself out of a
job''.

The President is not generally considered an avaricious
man by any
means, nor is his government an excessively profligate
one.

But his complete lack of interest in the running of his
palace
household appears to be an apt microcosm of the malaise
he has
inflicted on the country.

Presidential aides went without salaries for months
while he urged
Parliament to give him and his ministers huge pay hikes
as a key
prong of an anti-graft campaign.

His own spokesman has yet to collect a pay cheque;
former
Presidential Secretary Ratih Harjono had to pay other
subordinates
festival bonuses out of her own pocket.

Others quickly found means of compensation. A palace
aide's voice
still grows shrill when he recalls how members of an
advance team
for the President's trip to South Africa in April
billed the state
US$7,000 (S$12,110) per head for their return tickets.

He wonders too how it is possible that some of his
poorly-paid
colleagues are now wearing gold Rolex watches.

Simple, says Mr Laksamana. ""Corruption has gone from
being
wholesale to retail.''

For all his pledges to fight graft in the bureaucracy,
President
Abdurrahman's most tangible achievement to date might
be the
levelling that has come from allowing more civil
servants to
manipulate the levers of the sophisticated corruption
machinery Mr
Suharto built over 30 years.

There, at least, the cynics say, the checks were in
place to ensure
development, that businesses were not completely
squeezed out by the
greed of low-level flunkeys.

The real nub of Indonesia's problem is that the
presidency remains a
very powerful, centralised institution answerable to no
one.

Gus Dur is head of state, head of the executive branch
and supreme
commander of the military; the country revolves around
him -- whims,
fancies, warts and all.

In the absence of efficient civil-service mandarins,
the offices of
state cannot go on auto pilot for long if he gives no
leadership.

The management imperative is even more urgent now
because Indonesia
is going through a meandering transition from a single-
party to a
multi-party state.

Parliament can now actually dither with the national
budget,
question the motives and reason of the President and
generally
assume some real overseeing responsibilities, like the
appointment
of the central-bank governor and Supreme Court judges,
as well as
some odd ones like the accreditation of foreign envoys
to his court.

This prerogative of Parliament to approve incoming
diplomats is
possibly in contravention of the Vienna Convention,
note puzzled
envoys, some of whom could not take up their postings
when a
legislative logjam held up their accreditation.

With Gus Dur holding only something like an 11 per cent
proxy stake
in the current Parliament, the House can slow down his
legislative
agenda out of sheer pique.

This is ironic since some reforms he wants to
introduce, including
joint custody of emergency powers, will make him more
accountable to
the legislature for his future actions.

And Parliament, too, has a very steep learning curve
ahead of it,
with members afflicted by the nci petruk dadi ratu mtr
syndrome --
now that the peasant is king, it is his turn to gorge
at the table.

Still, an adversarial relationship between the
executive and
legislative branches should not send government to a
grinding halt.

The authoritarian hand of a benevolent dictator over a
more pliable
Parliament could provide the desired stability and get
things done,
including much-needed overhauls of the bureaucracy and
judiciary,
but Indonesia has long crossed that threshold.

Only the bloody disintegration of the nation-state will
let a
strongman return as hero.

Regional autonomy is the buzzword now, whatever the
dangers of local
demagogues turning their quest for power into deadly
secessionist
drives, or the even-faster decentralisation of graft at
district
levels.

Autonomy planners hope that civic society will quickly
flourish in
each district, even if non-governmental groups and the
free press
have failed to make significant contributions to
governance at the
national level.

Local action groups will check their profligate
officials, through
the ballot box or mob rule, while some broader
identification with a
shared history or culture keeps everyone feeling
Indonesian.

Here, at least, Gus Dur's influence has been positive,
even if he is
no prime mover.

He has not succumbed to the temptation of his
predecessors to use
force as the glue to hold his nation together,
recognising that
violence will further reinforce the impulses to some
sub-national
ethnic, communal or regional identities which ordinary
Indonesians
have been taking refuge in to escape the tyranny of the
national
government.

In his own way, he has already put Indonesia far down
the path to
democratic normality.

He made it his first priority to tame the repressive
institution
that the people's revolutionary army had turned into
under Mr
Suharto. Reviews remain mixed but the generals know
where the limits
are now.

Gus Dur's life's work has been about bridging the deep
cleavages of
inter-ethnic and religious strife and so he is well-
trusted as a
solidarity-maker.

His attempts to tame the average Indonesian's
paradoxical tendency
towards anarchy to overcome conflict have been less
successful, as
the ongoing violence in Maluku shows.

His lack of governing experience and a national
blueprint shows up
here; a more pro-active approach months ago might have
helped
staunch the cycle of reprisal killings there.

Instead, blaming provocateurs, he simply urged the
combating
communities to solve their problems themselves when
they needed some
external discipline to help them frame a reconciliation
mechanism
and stick to it.

And so the violence not only spiralled on, but also
spread to other
communities divided by fear and rage born of religious
identification with the warring factions of Malukans,
like in
mountainous Poso, where youthful drunken brawls
degenerated into
seek-and-ambush guerilla warfare between Muslim
Madurese settlers
and local Christians.

What political scientist Samuel Huntington calls ""the
broadening of
identity'' that transcends not just local boundaries
but also
national ones has also come back to haunt President
Abdurrahman,
damaging the international reputation he has been
courting so
assiduously all these eight months.

In a way that anonymous death tolls of even thousands
never can, the
recent reports of more than 100 Christians massacred by
a band of
""Islamic fighters'' in the little cacoa-producing
village of Duma
in Halmerah island touched a chord in Western capitals.

Almost the all major newspapers in America carried
stories beginning
with a headline-grabbing introduction like
this: ""Muslim fighters
attacked a Christian village in eastern Indonesia,
leaving at least
116 people dead in what Christians said was a
massacre''.

As Professor Huntington has predicted, modern
communication allowed
Christians in the West to identify with those in the
distant Spice
Islands.

Almost overnight, from a media darling who could do
little wrong,
Gus Dur became a clueless and rudderless President as
the tide of
international public opinion swung decisively against
him.

What is to be done? Can Parliament now seize the lead
in forging a
consensus on the direction of the country's transition?

Some legislators prefer stop-gap measures to help the
incumbent do
his job better, like giving the Vice-President more
powers or
creating the post of prime minister. Others want to
impeach.

But even if legislators can summon enough bravado and
votes to
impeach Gus Dur, what guarantee have they that the next
one will be
any better, especially since the composition of the
current
electoral college, the People's Consultative Assembly
(MPR), almost
enures that the best candidate will not win?

Mr Laksamana compares the presidential electoral
sweepstakes to
buying the fruit known as the carrion in custard -- the
durian.

""You open it, it smells good but when you bring it
home, it tastes
bitter. There is no guarantee you will like it,'' he
offers in pithy
summary of the current legislative dilemma.

And unlike even the Habibie years, there is no imminent
cut-off date
to look forward to, no general election to shoot for.

Only a raucous MPR meeting in August that can at best
hector and
attempt to humiliate a President clearly disdainful of
the quality
of his opponents.

The next four years will be very long for Indonesians.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~



Kabar-Indonesia (Indonesian News)

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Date: Wed, 12 Jul 2000 08:18:56 +0900 (JAYT)
From: Admin
Reply-To: admin@irja.org
Subject: Kabar-Indonesia: Indo News - 7/11/00 (Part 2
of 2)
To: Kabar-Indonesia@irja.org

Channel NewsAsia
Tuesday, July 11 4:15 PM SGT
Some Indonesian lawmakers want to question president
earlier

Some Indonesian MPs want President Abdurrahman Wahid to
be
questioned earlier than the 20 July date he has
proposed.

Local newspapers reported that certain lawmakers have
opposed the
date because the legislature recesses on 21st July.

They feel they should be allowed to first respond to Mr
Abdurrahman's explanations.

Parliament had initially proposed that the President be
summoned on
13 July but the president had said he was too busy.

Speaker of the House Akbar Tandjung was quoted as
saying a
parliamentary committee would discuss the issue, a move
that might
further strain relations between the President and
lawmakers.

Parliament cannot remove the president but a censure
will almost
certainly be another blow for Mr Abdurrahman in the run-
up to the
annual parlimentary session in August.

Meanwhile in Jakarta on Monday, hundreds of Muslims and
Christians
rallied in a rare show of unity outside Vice-President
Megawati
Sukarnoputri's office.

The demonstration was to urge the government to stop
religious
fighting in the Maluku islands.

The Vice-President was not in her office at the time.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Indonesian Observer
Wednesday, July 12 – 2000
DPR relents to Wahid’s request for July 20 quiz

JAKARTA (IO) — The House of Representatives (DPR)
yesterday decided
to relent to President Abdurrahman Wahid’s request to
attend the
House on July 20, not July 13, for questioning over the
controversial sacking of two cabinet ministers.

The house deliberation body (BAMUS) in a meeting here
yesterday
afternoon, decided to delay the start of the House
recess from July
21 to July 24 in order to give the House factions time
to study the
answers given by President Wahid.

The questions were earlier submitted to the president
by the House
under a motion of ‘interpelasi,’ a form of prerogative
right giving
the House the right to summon the president whenever an
explanation
is needed on any issue.

This is the first time the prerogative has been
exercised in the
country’s 55-year history.

“By consensus, Bamus has decided to postpone the close
of the
current term of the House from July 21 to July 24,”
House Deputy
Speaker Soetardjo Soerjogoeritno told the press after
the meeting.

Soerjogoeritno, a senior legislator from the Indonesian
Democratic
Party of Struggle (PDI-P), denied that a compromise had
been struck.

“There has been no compromise. We made the decision
because the
House still has many agenda items to be heard,
including a meeting
with the Supreme Court as well as issues related to
taxation and
human rights. And that’s the reason for delay,” he
added.

Gus Dur, as the president is more popularly known here,
was
originally summoned to answer questions on July 13.

Chairman of the Indonesian Small- and Medium-Scale
Business
Association, Aswir Dainytara, later quoted the
president as saying
he would attend the House on July 20.

Aswir was speaking to the media after meeting with Gus
Dur at the
Bina Graha presidential office here.

Aswir, who is also a member of House Commission V on
industry and
trade, expressed optimism that the dispute between the
House and the
head of state over the controversial sacking would be
settled
‘wisely.’

House members overwhelmingly approved late last month
to use their
right of ‘interpelasi’ to summon Gus Dur for
questioning over his
decision to sack former state minister for investment
and state
enterprises, Laksamana Sukardi, and former industry and
trade
minister Yusuf Kalla.

Legislators voted 332 to 63 in support of the motion.

Meanwhile, a legislator from the Golkar faction, Ade
Komarudin, who
proposed the motion, said yesterday the delay did not
mean the DPR
had given into Gus Dur’s wishes.

He added it was up to the public to construe as
cheating, the
President’s decision to select July 20 as the date to
reply to the
questions from the House, although he knew all along
that the DPR
would go into recess on July 21.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Indonesian Observer
Wednesday, July 12 – 2000
‘Muhammadiyah gives Megawati green light to replace
president’

JAKARTA (IO) — Muhammadiyah leaders would pave the way
for Vice
President Megawati Soekarnoputri to take the presidency
if incumbent
President Abdurrahman Wahid is unseated in the August
plenary
meeting of the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), a
group leader
says.

“Most of the Muhammadiyah leaders will give Megawati a
chance to
take the presidency because it is safer,” Dawam
Rahardjo told the
press after attending the election of Muhammadiyah
chairman in East
Jakarta yesterday.

He said it is logical to give Megawati a chance to take
the
presidency if Wahid, better known as Gus Dur, is
unseated in the
August meeting. He emphasized that even though it is
not a formal
statement from Muhammadiyah, most of the Muhammadiyah
leaders share
similar opinions.

Asked whether there will be no effort to topple
Megawati if she
really takes the presidency, Dawam guarenteed that
there would be no
disturbance.

He added the current situation indeed is not caused by
coverts move
to oust Gus Dur. The current uncertain condition is
simply caused by
Gus Dur himself. “Trouble in the government is not our
creation. Gus
Dur himself makes the trouble,” he said.

Citing a recent statement from Gus Dur that
Muhammadiyah’s anthem
was composed by a Christian, Dawam denounced the
statement. “Perhaps
he is trying to humiliate Muhammadiyah,” he said.

Dawam added he believes the situation will not improve
as long as
Gus Dur remains at the helm of the country. He said the
August
plenary meeting is the best momen to unseat the
enigmatic president.
“I think the August session is the best moment.
Although it will be
difficult, I hope there will be a way out,” he added.

He implied that he is optimistic Gus Dur will be
unseated in the
August meeting because some strong parties have
expressed their aim
to unseat him.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Indonesian Observer
Wednesday, July 12 – 2000
Aceh governor yet to see pledged humanitarian aid

JAKARTA (IO) — Aceh Governor Ramli Ridwan yesterday
admitted that
Rp825 billion (US$90 million) granted in humanitarian
aid for the
rebellious province has not reached local people.

He also demanded that a ceasefire currently in place in
Aceh be
extended.

The governor was speaking to reporters after a meeting
with
President Abdurrahman Wahid at Jakarta’s Bina Graha
presidential
office.

Ridwan said authorities in Aceh cannot implement the
ceasefire
adequately due to the financial assistance not having
been
distributed.

He said Aceh’s people have received few benefits from
the
three-month agreement, which was signed by the
government and
separatist rebels in Switzerland on May 12. It came
into effect on
June 2.

Under the pact, Jakarta is to disburse assistance funds
for
humanitarian projects in the province, while the
military and rebels
are to stop fighting.

But Ridwan said there has been no sign of the Rp825
billion in
humanitarian aid.

He did not say where the funds would come from or why
they had been
held up, but expressed confidence that Jakarta will
soon disburse
the money.

Some foreign countries have promised to help Indonesia
give money to
Aceh to make the ceasefire a success.

Wahid has said he received US$2 million (Rp18 billion)
from Brunei’s
Sultan Hasanah Bolkiah and allocated the funds for
humanitarian
projects in Aceh.

Ridwan, who was recently installed as Aceh governor,
said he knows
nothing about the money from the Sultan.

He said the Rp825 billion is desperately needed to
rebuild the
troubled province during the ceasefire.

The government and rebel leaders should extend the
truce in order to
enable his administration to help victims of atrocities
in Aceh, he
added.

The governor promised that his administration will
prioritize
programs to help the victims of an almost one-decade
military
operation, which ended in August 1998.

Ridwan said the president will probably visit Aceh
after he delivers
his progress report before the People’s Consultative
Assembly (MPR)
in August.

He said the local government in Aceh would welcome a
visit from
Wahid, who has postponed proposed trips to Aceh in the
past ,
although he did once visit the tiny and peaceful island
of Sabang
off the northwestern coast.

Ridwan said Coordinating Minister for People’s Welfare
and Poverty
Eradication Basri Hasanuddin and other related cabinet
members will
also come to the troubled province to evaluate the
ceasefire.

Despite the truce, violence still haunts the oil-rich
province of
four million people, although there appear to have been
fewer
clashes between troops, police and Free Aceh Movement
(GAM) rebels.

Tommy Soeharto
Yesterday, unidentified attackers reportedly threw two
grenades at a
kerosene tank and a diesel tank at a plant in the North
Aceh main
city of Lhokseumawe.

There were no injuries and only minor damage to the
tanks, belonging
to PT Humpuss Aromatik, which is controlled by former
president
Soeharto’s youngest son Hutomo ‘Tommy’ Mandala Putra.

Local police said the incident took place at 4:45 a.m.
and the fire
resulting from the explosions was extinguished three
hours later.

Tommy Soeharto’s businesses and wealth have suffered
considerably
since the fall of his autocratic father in May 1998.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Indonesian Observer
Wednesday, July 12 – 2000
Police get tough with angry mob in Dumai

JAKARTA (IO) — The situation in Dumai municipility, 200
kms from the
Riau capital of Pekanbaru, remained tense yesterday, as
self-titled
commander of Free Riau, Muhammad Sabri, continued to
slam the
shooting by police on Monday of four local protesters.

The four are now being treated at Pekanbaru police
hospital for leg
injuries, sustained when police fired shots to disperse
a
demonstration which turned violent.

Protesters occupied state-owned oil company Pertamina’s
housing
complex on Sunday to demand fair compensation for 1,305
hectares of
land, allegedly unlawfully seized by the company.

Sabri demanded that police not act in a cruel manner
toward
protesters. If they did, he said, the Free Riau
movement would set
fire to Pertamina’s oil depots.

Riau police spokesman Lieut.- Col. S.Pandiangan told
detik.com
yesterday that police had followed standard operating
procedure when
they attempted to disperse protesters.

“Police fired dozens of warning shots. However,
protesters, who were
carrying sharp weapons, did not take any notice and
decided to
attack the police instead,” Pandiangan told reporters.

He denied reports that the wounded protesters remain in
a critical
condition and said they had only suffered slight
injuries.

Police later held two locals for questioning.

Police remain on alert at a number of vital projects
including the
Pertamina and Caltex oil complexs as well as other
industrial
facilities in the city.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Thousands Homeless in Indonesia
WorldNews.com, Tue 11 Jul 2000
AP - ..

JAKARTA, Indonesia (AP) — Fighting broke out on
Indonesia's main
island of Java, killing one person and leaving
thousands homeless,
police said Tuesday.

The fighting erupted Monday between two villages about
180 miles
east of Jakarta, said police Sgt. Nyoman Sudarma. He
said the
violence left hundreds of houses destroyed by fire.

Fighting between rival communities in the predominantly
Muslim
region is quite frequent and is often sparked by
arguments over
money.

Separately, in eastern Indonesia's Maluku islands, the
navy
impounded two boats trying to smuggle hundreds of
homemade guns and
machetes into the area, the official Antara news agency
reported
Tuesday. Navy Lt. Col. Ditya Soedarsono said the boats
were headed
to the Muslim stronghold of Ternate.

More than 3,000 people have been killed in 18 months of
fighting
between Muslims and Christians in the Malukus.

In Aceh province, meanwhile, unidentified gunmen
launched a grenade
attack early Tuesday against a chemical plant owned by
one of former
President Suharto's sons, who is a suspect in a
corruption
investigation.

The grenades hit two fuel tanks within the complex in
Muara Dua
district in north Aceh, about 1,100 miles northwest of
Jakarta, said
police Lt. Col. Syafei Aksal. There were no reports of
casualties.

Separatist rebels have been fighting for an independent
Acehnese
homeland for the past 25 years.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Sydney Morning Herald
Wednesday, July 12, 2000
Navy swoops on Maluku guns shipment

Jakarta: The Indonesian Navy said it had captured two
boats
illegally ferrying weapons to North Maluku.

The vessels were heading to Ternate, the main town in
the riot-torn
province, eastern fleet the State Antara news agency
quoted a
spokesman, Lieutenant-Colonel Ditya Sudarsono, as
saying.

"The two ships were captured by the task force for the
isolation of
the Maluku and North Maluku waters," he said.

However, Colonel Sudarsono said he had yet to receive
information
about the date the vessels were seized and the number
weapons and
people on board. He said only that the ships had come
from Galela,
in Northern Halmahera, one of the regions worst hit by
sectarian
violence that has swept the Malukus since January last
year.


Last Thursday the navy said it had captured 17 boats
trying to
smuggle weapons into the Maluku islands, including one
accompanied
by a police officer. A total of 797 firearms, 550
knives and
machetes, 2,348 bullets, 50 fuel bombs, 397 home-made
bombs and a
number of arrows were confiscated from the 17 boats.
Detonators,
blank rounds of ammunition, hand grenades and poison
were also
recovered.

Violence between Muslims and Christians in the Maluku
islands has
left more than 4,000 people dead in the past 18 months,
with more
than 100 people killed and hundreds wounded in Ambon,
the capital of
the Maluku islands, since June 21.

Meanwhile, a long-standing dispute between two villages
in Slawi
district, in Central Java, has left one man dead and
more than 120
houses destroyed and burnt, police said.

"One man died, another [was] injured after a group of
men from
Harjosari village confronted and assaulted six
residents from the
neighbouring Karang Malang village on Sunday night,"
Superintendent
Wawan Ranuwijaya, who heads the Slawi district, police
said.

Speaking from Slawi, some 145 kilometres west of the
Central Java
capital Semarang, Superintendent Ranuwijaya said the
victim and five
of his friends were attacked on Sunday night after
watching a
traditional shadow puppet play in Harjosari.

"They were beaten up for no reasons, but it's nothing
new, since
both villages have been under a dispute for a long
time," he said.
Following the attack, about 500 residents from the
Karang Malang
village retaliated early yesterday morning by attacking
Harjosari.

He said the attackers entered the village through a
forest behind
the village. "We had anticipated a retaliation, but
they took an
alternative route through the woods and razed the
houses in
Harjosari," the police chief said.

In Aceh, at the northern tip of Sumatra island,
unidentified men
yesterday attacked and burnt two oil tanks in the depot
of a company
controlled by former president Soeharto's youngest son,
police said.

There were no casualties in the pre-dawn grenade attack
on PT
Aromatic, a subsidiary of the Humpuss Group, in the
village of
Rancong in North Aceh district, local police spokesman,
Senior
Inspector Ahmad Mustafa Kamal, said.
-- Agence France-Presse
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Sydney Morning Herald
Wednesday, July 12, 2000
Security advisers visit Timor
By Mark Dodd

An international team of military experts from London's
King's
College has begun work in East Timor to assess the
security needs of
the world's newest nation.

Members of the seven-person group will today visit the
headquarters
of the pro-independence Falintil guerillas at their
camp in Aileu, a
mountain town 40 kilometres south of Dili.

The team met on Monday with Mr Sergio Vieira de Mello,
the head of
the United Nations Transitional Administration in East
Timor
(UNTAET).

A UN official said the Aileu talks would involve
meetings with
senior Falintil commanders and fighters of the armed
independence
group whose bloody 24-year struggle against the
Indonesian military
finally proved victorious after last year's UN-brokered
referendum
on self-determination.

Stung by the devastating militia violence that followed
the August
30 ballot, the National Council for Timorese Resistance
(CNRT), the
territory's main pro-independence umbrella group, says
it wants a
5,000-strong tri-service defence force.

Defence analysts say this is too ambitious for the
fledgling nation
but agree on the need for a legitimate self-defence
force before
UNTAET hands over power to a freely elected Timorese
Government.

UNTAET says the King's College team will spend two
weeks in East
Timor before releasing its findings in six weeks. The
final report,
if approved by the National Consultative Council, East
Timor's de
facto parliament, will be used as a blueprint for the
establishment
of the new self-defence force.

Australia has been sounded out to provide a key
training and support
role by senior East Timorese independence leaders.

However, with relations between Jakarta and Canberra at
an all-time
low over Australia's role in leading an international
peacekeeping
force to East Timor last September to end the bloody
post-ballot
violence, Canberra is likely to be cool on the request.

Diplomatic sources said one option under consideration
is for
training and support to be jointly provided by
Australia, Britain
and Canada.





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======================================================= Subj: [wp] Welcome to reg.westpapua
Date: 7/11/00 10:45:50 PM Central Daylight Time
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Reply-to: cscheiner@igc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com

Dear Friends --

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======================================================= Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Tangguh Oil Field (2 articles)
Date: 7/11/00 5:22:10 PM Central Daylight Time
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Radio Australia
Wednesday 12 July 2000
Indonesia's President orders rapid development of gas field

Indonesia's President, Abdurrahman Wahid, has ordered accelerated
development of the huge Tangguh gas field in the eastern province of
Papua, formerly known as Irian Jaya.

President Wahid says the gas field should be developed as rapidly as
possible for the prosperity of the country.

It's estimated the field could produce up to 18-million tonnes of
liquified natural gas a year for more than 20-years, bringing a
potential revenue of up to 60-Billion dollars.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The Jakarta Post.com
Latest News
Gus Dur pledges Tangguh project benefit Irianese
July 11, 2000 - 20:11

JAKARTA (JP): President Abdurrahman Wahid has promised that the
planned Tangguh LNG plant in Berau Bay, Irian Jaya, would benefit
the people of Irian Jaya.

The President also said he hoped the LNG megaproject would help
speed up the government's efforts to improve the country's economy.

"The President ordered the minister of mines and energy to speed up
the developmental process of the Tangguh LNG plant in Irian Jaya to
boost the government's income, help accelerate the economic recovery
and improve the welfare of the Irianese," presidential expert staff
member Rizal Ramli said in a statement on Tuesday, referring to the
meeting of the Cabinet's economic team on Monday.

Abdurrahman said, however, that the environment should be protected
during the development of the project.

The gas fields around the planned Tangguh LNG plant have a proven
reserve of 14.4 trillion cubic feet (tcf) or a proven and probable
reserve of 23.7 tcf, of which the plant could produce between 3
million to 18 million tons of LNG per year for 20 years.

Abdurrahman said he expects the project to yield a total potential
revenue of US$60 billion.

The Tangguh LNG project is owned by state oil and gas company
Pertamina and a consortium led by American oil and gas company BP
Amoco.

An Indonesian delegation led by Minister of Mines and Energy Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono visited China for several days to market the
Tangguh LNG project.

Aside from China, Indonesia is also trying to sell its LNG products
to India. (jsk)





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=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Provinces want more revenues from natural resources
Date: 7/10/00 3:49:18 PM Central Daylight Time
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The Jakarta Post.com
Business News
July 11, 2000
Provinces want more revenues from natural resources

JAKARTA (JP): Finance Minister Bambang Subianto said on Monday that
regional administrations wanted a greater revenue share from their
natural resources, but at the same time they also wanted the central
government to continue to cover their spending.

"Almost all provinces want their spending to be covered by the
central government. This is something impossible," he told reporters
on the sidelines of a gathering with governors of the country's 26
provinces and speakers of the local House of Representatives which
was aimed at socializing the autonomy plan.

Bambang said that greater autonomy should also mean a greater
responsibility including financial affairs.

But Bambang declined to say whether the governors had rejected the
government autonomy formula, explaining that the governors so far
had only expressed their general aspirations.

The government plans to introduce autonomy to provinces and
regencies early next year. Thereafter, the regions will have more
authority in managing their affairs and receive a larger portion of
revenue from their natural resources.

The autonomy plan is based on Law No. 22/1999 on regional
government, and Law No. 25/1999 on intergovernmental fiscal balance.

But details of the delegation of authority will be stipulated in a
government regulation that has yet to be completed.

Bambang said that the government regulation would be finalized in
September, at the same time as the debating of the next state budget
with the House of Representatives.

The new government regulation will describe in detail those
authorities that will remain with the central government and those
handed over to the regions.

The central government will maintain authority to set policies on
foreign affairs, defense and security, monetary and fiscal affairs,
the legal system and religious affairs.

Under Law No 25, resource-rich provinces including Aceh, Riau, East
Kalimantan, and West Papua could get between 50 percent and 75
percent of the profits of natural resource exploration in their
provinces instead of the 1 percent they currently receive.

The government regulation will also specify the division of
authority between the central government and provinces in other
sectors including mining and energy, industry and trade, and
forestry and plantation.

Business sectors, particularly foreign investors, are anxiously
awaiting the government regulation on the autonomy plan.(rei)






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=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Irian Jaya needs 7,000 teachers
Date: 7/9/00 11:12:10 PM Central Daylight Time
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The Jakarta Post.com
Across the Archipelago
July 10, 2000
Irian Jaya needs 7,000 teachers

JAYAPURA, Irian Jaya: Irian Jaya still needs some 7,000 elementary
school teachers, JP. Letsoin, the head of the local education
office, said here.

Letsoin told The Jakarta Post numerous elementary schools in
isolated villages had no teachers, while others had only one or two
teachers.

To resolve the problem, the local administration has decided to
reestablish the Teacher Education Program. He said the program would
be established in each regency in the province.

"By establishing the program in each regency, local students can be
accepted and they in turn can be sent to teach their brothers in
their respective villages," Letsoin explained.

Due to the grave need for teachers, Letsoin said it had been agreed
that junior high school graduates who were willing to teach at the
elementary school level could be accepted in the program.

These would-be teachers will then take part in a five-part program.
The first part will take place in Timika, Mimika regency, later this
year.(eba)





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=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Indonesia optimistic to win China's LNG tender
Date: 7/9/00 11:11:59 PM Central Daylight Time
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The Jakarta Post.com
Business News
July 10, 2000
Indonesia optimistic to win China's LNG tender

JAKARTA (JP): Indonesia will participate in a tender to supply China
with 3 million tons of liquefied natural gas (LNG) from the Tangguh
gas field in Irian Jaya, a senior government official has said.

The director general for oil and natural gas at the Ministry of
Mines and Energy, Rachmat Sudibyo, said Indonesia would compete
along with Malaysia, Australia and Qatar in the LNG tender, which he
expects to take place in August.

"The Chinese government told us that they are currently preparing
the tender documents, which they will have completed very soon,
probably by next month," Rachmat told The Jakarta Post over the
weekend.

Indonesia has long been lobbying China in a bid to find a market for
the six million tons of gas the Tangguh project is estimated to
produce annually.

Construction of the Tangguh project, worth US$1.5 billion, is
pending the signing of a contract, which Indonesia is expecting to
happen some time this year.

"We have a good chance of winning the tender," Rachmat said, adding
that LNG buyers usually sign long-term contracts of 20 years.

He said Indonesia is known as the world's largest LNG exporter with
a good track record for reliability.

Indonesia's LNG is also more competitive in price, because compared
to its competitor, the country enjoys a shorter distance for
transporting gas to China, he added.

Although no agreement has been reached between China and state-owned
oil and gas company Pertamina, President Abdurrahman Wahid said on
Friday that Indonesia would sell its Tangguh LNG to China.

He also said Indonesia would sell some LNG products from its East
Kalimantan-based Bontang LNG plant to India.

President Abdurrahman said Chinese and Indian companies interested
in buying Indonesian LNG, were asked to contact Pertamina and its
partners.

The President made no explanations on his forecast, but his
statement came while Minister of Mines and Energy Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono was returning from lobbying the Chinese government to
choose the Indonesian LNG offer.

The minister went to China last week to market LNG from the Tangguh
gas fields.

Rachmat, who accompanied Bambang during the visit, said the minister
met with senior Chinese government officials and explained to them
the potential of the Tangguh project.

"We told them (China) our position as an LNG exporter and how we can
meet their demands for LNG," he said.

The Indonesian delegation also included Pertamina president Baihaki
Hakim and president of oil and gas company BP Amoco Indonesia Bill
Schrader, whose company is Pertamina's production-sharing partner in
the Tangguh project.

The Tangguh project was initially developed jointly by Pertamina and
Atlantic Richfield Co. (Arco), but BP Amoco acquired the project
earlier this year and took over Arco's position.

Andrew Barton, head of energy analysis at BP Amoco Plc, has said
China offers a huge market for Indonesia, due to the estimated rapid
increase in energy consumption.

He said growing economies like China would prefer building gas power
plants to coal or oil, as gas was cheaper and cleaner for the
environment.

Barton also said Indonesia's LNG might find many potential markets
in the Asia Pacific regions, including traditional buyers Japan,
South Korea and Taiwan.

The Tangguh project located in Berau Bay has a proven reserve of
14.4 trillion cubic feet (tcf) and is expected to start production
in 2005.

Its gas will come from the Wiriagar, Berau and Muturi areas and will
initially supply two trains with an annual production capacity of up
to six million tons of gas.

The Tangguh project is estimated to yield some $60 billion over the
project's lifetime of about 30 years.

With the purchase of Arco earlier this year, BP Amoco is poised to
become Asia's largest LNG producer, controlling 7 percent of the gas
reserves in the region.

The company is also developing the Hainan gas field in China, which
is the country's largest offshore natural gas find holding three
trillion cubic feet of reserves. (bkm)



KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
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=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] More statesmen needed
Date: 7/9/00 11:12:11 PM Central Daylight Time
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The Jakarta Post.com
Editorial & Opinion
July 10, 2000
More statesmen needed

With the economy still in disarray and violence still raging in
parts of Maluku, Aceh, Irian Jaya and other spots in the country,
the focus of attention here seems of late to have taken a rather odd
turn. Tired, perhaps, with the barrage of press reports about
communal strife in these areas, attention in the past week has
turned to the war of words that is at present raging among the
country's political elite.

Indeed, to many Indonesians, it now looks as if it is this constant
bickering among the political elite -- from leaders of political
parties to legislators and President Abdurrahman Wahid himself --
that is fueling the present troubles. At the very least, the open
discord is making life easier for the masterminds who are believed
to have been planning, devising and financing the violence, and
prevents the government from taking effective measures to counter
the subversion.

It gives little consolation for Indonesians to observe that the
authorities seem to have some solid clues -- if still lacking in
evidence -- as to who they believe is stoking the violence in Maluku
and other parts of the country.

The minister of defense, Juwono Sudarsono, in a statement that was
rare in its directness, said on Thursday that supporters of former
president Soeharto were fomenting the unrest to escape justice and
to destabilize the government of President Abdurrahman Wahid.

"There are strong indications that the cronies (of Soeharto), not
necessarily from the Cendana family, are involved in some of the
unrest and bombings in North Sumatra, part of East Java and Maluku,"
Juwono said, referring to the street (Jl. Cendana) where Soeharto
and his family lives.

That is certainly progress. But still, the constant quarreling at
the top in Jakarta is making it unlikely that even if real proof
were obtained the trouble would cease. Besides, Indonesia's problems
are currently mainly in the economical field, where the turmoil is
keeping investors away and putting heavy pressure on the national
currency, the rupiah, which closed against the dollar at Rp 9,305
before the weekend.

All of which is reason for Nurcholish Madjid, one of the country's
most respected Muslim scholars, to urge the two top dignitaries
embroiled in the war of words, President Abdurrahman Wahid and the
chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly, Amien Rais, to stop
making controversial statements. In their case, restraint is all the
more important since Abdurrahman Wahid is a former chairman of the
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Amien Rais a former chairman of the
Muhammadiyah organization. These are the largest Muslim
organizations in the country. One can imagine what damage an open
conflict between the two could do to the country.

To be honest, though, one can understand the exasperation Amien must
have felt over the President's penchant for making wanton remarks,
which he often later lightly corrects or withdraws. The final straw
must have been the President's remark that the "culprits" behind all
the trouble in Maluku and elsewhere were to be found in the Assembly
and the House of Representatives.

A number of those legislators, he said -- and later denied having
said -- were soon to be taken into custody for questioning. To this,
Amien retort was to urge the President to make no further remarks
whatsoever, at least until the upcoming session of the People's
Consultative Assembly.

This incident is but the latest escalation of the war of words that
has been going on for some time between the two men. Other
politicians, however, are just as guilty of stoking it up to ever
new temperatures.

In all this, one is uncomfortably reminded of the era of "liberal
democracy" in the 1950s -- an episode in Indonesia's history that
was characterized by the unbridled use of democratic freedoms, when
Cabinets often stayed in power for just a few months. The chaos
which this resulted in led to the institution of "guided democracy"
under President Sukarno in 1959.

That spelled the end of Indonesia's first experiment with democracy.
If the present experiment is to last, this country's political
leaders would be well advised to spend some effort on turning
themselves into real statesmen, rather than mere politicians.



KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
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=======================================================

Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Mob torches major market in Irian Jaya city
Date: 7/9/00 11:11:49 PM Central Daylight Time
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The Straits Times Interactive
JUL 10, 2000
Mob torches major market in Irian Jaya city

JAKARTA -- A mob of some 200 people set fire to a major market in
Jayapura, the main city of the country's easternmost province of
Irian Jaya, which is seeking independence.

The mob attacked the Sentani market early on Saturday, burning
hundreds of kiosks and stalls, the SCTV television station said.

No one was injured in the fire, it added.

SCTV said the attackers were people from a nearby neighbourhood who
were angry at police failure to quickly solve a local murder case.

The attackers only dispersed after the arrival of two truckloads of
the police mass-control unit, the television station said.

Superintendent Daud Sihomping of the Jayapura police said the
incident was not related to a pro-independence drive.

Irian Jaya has seen increasing calls for a peaceful move towards
independence from Indonesia since the fall of former President
Suharto.
-- AFP



KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
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=======================================================

Subj: Re: WEST PAPUA MILITIA
Date: 7/8/00 9:56:31 PM Central Standard Time
From: sekkp@jayapura.wasantara.net.id (Theo van den Broek)
To: reg.westpapua@gn.apc.org

Dear Reader,
Reading the article/interview below, I have to let you know that I never have been interviewed by Mark Worth. So there must be a mistake when all of a sudden my name shows up, commenting on Satgas; there might be a mix-up with someone (Theo) working at the ElsHAM office. Brief, I am not responsible and can not take responsibility for any comments in this interview. Please correct this.
Regards,
Br. Theo


----- Original Message -----
From: Anne Noonan
To: reg.westpapua@gn.apc.org
Sent: Friday, July 07, 2000 4:46 PM
Subject: WEST PAPUA MILITIA


from AWPA
SBS Dateline , first shown 5/7/00
Transcript
WEST PAPUA MILITIA

MARK WORTH: In the backblocks of West Papua's capital, Jayapura, the country's champion of independence, Chief Theys Eluay, inspects the guard of honour that's training to deliver his country - and his people - to freedom. Just 600km from East Timor, this, too, is a struggle to break away from Indonesia. And just like East Timor, the push for freedom is giving birth to violent militia gangs.

Villagers are now moving from the mountains to the city to help defend Papuans from pro-Jakarta thugs. These highlanders in traditional dress have come down to attend the West Papuan People's Congress. They will return to their villages to establish their own pro-independence militia, or 'satgas' - Indonesian for 'taskforce'. While these people only have bows and arrows, in the cities, the movement is much more disciplined.

Satgas Papua was formed in response to pro-Indonesian militia called Satgas Merah Putih, the Red and White Taskforce. These are two members of Satgas Merah Putih, caught and beaten up after they attacked independence supporters.

COMMANDO JOHN, SATGAS PAPUA: These Merah Putih are being used to defend autonomy. Wherever their militia operate, they try to obstruct ours. Not only Papuans but non-Papuans support them in their struggle. They obstruct us and they're provocateurs in this struggle. Just yesterday, we burnt down their house in Weinas. These people are being used by Indonesia, by the government and the army to block the struggle for Papuan independence.

MARK WORTH: Both militia groups now claim thousands of members. We travelled three hours west of Jayapura to see how Satgas Papua was organising itself in the bush. This chief is the traditional leader of Tami Mamberano village, in an area once patrolled by Free West Papua rebels, known as the OPM.

COMMANDO JOHN: Every district co-ordinators has 2-3 platoons of militia. In every district, there are 2-3 platoons. In our whole area, we have 10,000 militia. Their job is to guard the political leaders and keep them safe from harassment. They do drills every day, they practice marching and practice guarding towns and people from various sorts of harassment. Is the Satgas Papua the new OPM? It's the OPM, not the new OPM. It is the OPM.

MARK WORTH: The OPM, or the Free West Papua Movement, has been waging a hit-and-run war against Indonesian occupation of West Papua for nearly 40 years. Its rebirth in the form of Satgas Papua now sees militia cells operating to the west, in Fak Fak and Nabire; to the south, in Merauke and Timika; and in Jayapura to the north - a total membership of 20,000.

LOUIS KAMBUAYA, FORMER GOLKAR LEADER: Satgas Papua is our young generation. We are mobilising people that at any time we can equip with one man, one gun for fighting, because our struggle for independence cannot come through without fighting and diplomacy.

MARK WORTH: It's not surprising that Indonesia wants this low-tech rebellion put down. And to do that, the military is using the same tactics it employed in East Timor - covertly nurturing pro-Jakarta militia and sending them in to fight their neighbours.

Louis Kambuaya was the deputy leader of the Golkar Party in West Papua under the Suharto regime. Now, he can speak freely about how the Indonesian government is using the same tactics here as it did in East Timor - even flying in the same intelligence specialists to put down this independence movement.

LOUIS KAMBUAYA: The key person that now the leader of the Irian Jaya province, is the Governor, General Musiran. He is known as an intel man who can make anything happen. This governor came from East Timor.

MARK WORTH: The Indonesian military divides and conquers by paying one side to fight the other. Pro-independence Commando John has extracted details about Indonesian military payments to the Red and White Taskforce, or Satgas Merah Putih. Commando John claims these two pro-Indonesian militia were paid by ABRI, the Indonesian military.

COMMANDO JOHN: I'd like to explain a little. No-one in the Papuan independence struggle is paid. The militia and everyone else earn their own living. If they work for the Indonesians, these guys get a wage. They're not paid peanuts. They get billions of rupiah for sabotaging our struggle. But these men we're guarding are Papuans. We've brought them here to advise them, to educate them to support the struggle, not to give up the struggle.

MARK WORTH: Tonight, Dateline can show where some of those wages come from. These documents - leaked from the Indonesian military - show payment delivered in the form of inducements to lure Papuans into the ranks of the pro-Jakarta mob.

Their reward for siding against the independence movement included trips from West Papua to the bars and bright lights of Jakarta, complete with a new wardrobe of clothing in classic tropical chic.

One group had 22.8 million rupiah allocated to purchase safari suits, 2 million rupiah for pocket money and 10 million rupiah to buy souvenirs on their visit to Jakarta. The grand total for these and other expenses on this field trip - 875,602,500 rupiah. That's more than $175,000 Australian, and all of it approved by the regional military chief for West Papua's Trikora command, Major-General Albert Ingkiriwang.

Not only are pro-Jakarta supporters being seduced by the gifts and riches - someone is giving them guns as well. Commando John is not prepared to say where the guns are coming from, but if the Indonesian Army is prepared to fork out over $175,000 for a junket to Jakarta, one can only speculate.

COMMANDO JOHN: They're in the process of getting guns at the moment. Right now, the Merah Putih are using people like youth leaders, tribal leaders, traditional leaders, church leaders and people in government. They've got people in the regional parliament, at district and provincial level.

MARK WORTH: Do the Merah Putih work directly with the TNI?

COMMANDER JOHN: Some TNI were involved directly with the militias, but we took care of them a couple of weeks ago. Our militia has taken care of them.

MARK WORTH: Being "taken care of" is a euphemism for payback, and that's the worry - as the militias grow, so does the violence. Independence supporter Commando Paulus was travelling from Jayapura to Santani when he was set upon by pro-Jakarta thugs.

COMMANDO PAULUS: We were stopped on the road by the Merah Putih and they slashed me with a machete.

MARK WORTH: Where was this?

COMMANDER PAULUS: They attacked me in Weanas. They blocked our way, then they forced us to get out of the car. One of the Merah Putih came at me with a machete and slashed my arm and my head and here.

MARK WORTH: But these people are the victims of the worst anti-independence militia violence so far. Four months ago, they fled their town of Fak Fak after pro-Indonesian Merah Putih thugs went on the attack, aided by Indonesia's mobile police brigade, Brimob.

MAN: They once broke into my house and ransacked it. They took the flag and my files and we've never found them. This is my wife - she was a victim. They came in through the door and the windows as if there was a war on.

SECOND MAN: They arrived in the village and ransacked our houses. They took our belongings and smashed all the windows. Trunks they couldn't open they hacked at with machetes. They shot at the crucifix and our Morning Star flag. They bundled it up, threw it on the ground and trampled on it. And the same with the Koran. They tore the Koran up and threw it away.

And the rice - a few tonnes of rice got... Some they wet, some they mixed with Rinso and some with kerosene or petrol. They left it there or threw it into the sea. They shot all the chickens and the dogs.

MARK WORTH: Pro-independence Satgas Papua wants to avenge these wrongs. But if the struggle isn't complicated enough, now the freedom fighters have been offered support from the most unexpected quarter of all - a terror group that would normally be their mortal enemy, the Permuda Pancacila.

This contingent of Permuda Pancacila tried desperately to stir up trouble in the Indonesian Parliament at the time of the fall of President Suharto in 1998. The group was used as a political tool by former president Suharto to provoke riots and attack his rivals. Permuda Pancacila's support of Satgas Papua is seen as a ploy by Jakarta to infiltrate and control the independence movement.

Yorris Raweyai is the deputy chairman of Permuda Pancacila.

There's now talk of setting up of Satgas Merah Putih in Fak Fak and Jayapura. Do you know where the backing is coming from for that, at all?

YORRIS RAWEYAI, DEPUTY CHAIRMAN, PERMUDA PANCACILA: At the moment, I won't comment on that, because that's a sensitive issue about Satgas Merah Putih and Satgas Papua. But I'll hope that our government don't try to make a pressure situation.

MARK WORTH: There are a lot of Irianese people in Permuda Pancasila. Do you think they will go across Satgas Papua?

YORRIS RAWEYAI: Maybe. It depends on everybody.

MARK WORTH: It depends on Papuans.

YORRIS RAWEYAI: If they think they are Papuanese, they must join in.

MARK WORTH: And how do you feel yourself, as an Indonesian? Do you feel strong links with your Papuan background?

YORRIS RAWEYAI: Of course. I am Papuanese. (Laughs)

MARK WORTH: For many, Yorris is playing a double game, trading on his Papuan background while trying to undermine the independence movement. His loyalty to Jakarta has been richly rewarded, his home chock-full of the spoils from a long career with the Indonesian regime.

Four weeks ago, the people of West Papua gathered in Jayapura for the Papuan People's Congress. It was an act of defiance against Indonesia's rule and a reaffirmation of Chief Theys Eluay's leadership of the freedom struggle. These people believe Indonesia's annexation of West Papua in the UN-sponsored Act of Free Choice was fraudulent and should be overturned.

In 1969, just 1,025 men - hand-picked by Indonesia - voted for Indonesia's annexation of West Papua. The other 800,000 West Papuans went unheard - now, they've been given a voice.

The Congress formed a West Papuan government-in-waiting, frightening Australia into declaring its continued recognition of Papua's integration with Indonesia. But it did nothing to dampen friction between the warring West Papua militia. And even here, the pro-Indonesian thugs were hard at work.

BROTHER THEO, HUMAN RIGHTS WORKER: They caught eight people who tried to bring their bombs and guns into the Congress venue. We are very angry, because we heard that it's very dangerous about their condition. Maybe they are dead or full of wounds in their body, we don't know what. The Satgas Papua don't like people of West Papua trying to make militia here.

MARK WORTH: Brother Theo is a volunteer with the West Papua human rights group ELSHAM. For the past 12 months, he's been documenting militia activity from both sides.

BROTHER THEO: I think it's dangerous because of these two kinds of satgas. You know the Satgas Papua is made by local people. Their background of life is very different than Satgas Merah Putih.

MARK WORTH: The day after the People's Congress, the pro-Jakarta Merah Putih ran rampant through the Jayapura suburb of Waenas. Mr Sakom is a Christian Sumatran who has lived in West Papua for the past 25 years. During the militia rampage, his shops were doused in petrol and set alight.

MR SAKOM, RESIDENT: 450 million rupiah is gone. I've scrimped and saved and put money in the bank. But I like living in Irian. I like the people here. I don't know why it happened, but I think it was differences of opinion. I think the Papuans were very angry when they did this.

BROTHER THEO: We can see the case in Fak Fak. From there, we can see that there is something like the militia in East Timor trying to be created in West Papua.

MARK WORTH: Many believe the split between Indonesia and West Papua can be resolved by restaging the so-called Act of Free Choice'.

LOUIS KAMBUAYA: We are really fighting based on ideology. That we are Melanesian by origin and Indonesian by an expansionism is an accident. The Act of Free choice is totally no choice, and it is at a point where West Papua will win. If necessary, we'll do the Act of Free Choice again, but one man, one vote.

MARK WORTH: Just how long Indonesia can tolerate these scenes of civil disobedience, these acts of free choice, is still not clear. The drive for an independent West Papua has already claimed many lives, and the footsoldiers in this battle are prepared to sacrifice even more to keep their symbol of independence aloft and their dreams of a free land alive.



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