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IRIAN JAYA (WEST PAPUA, NEW GUINEA): THE QUEST FOR INDEPENDENCE-JULY 16, 2000 ----JULY 29, 2000

THE RECORD
JULY 16, 2000 to July 29, 2000

=======================================================

Subj: Papua in danger of becoming a second Ambon
Date: 7/30/00 2:03:18 AM Central Daylight Time
From: tapol@gn.apc.org (TAPOL)
To: westpapua@topica.com
CC: plovers@gn.apc.org, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk, jonathan.head@bbc.co.uk (Jonathan Head-Singapore)

Suara Pembaruan, Friday, 28-7-2000

Drs Aloysius Renwarin : Papua could become a second Ambon

Drs Aloysius Renwarin, Director of the human rights NGO, ELS-HAM Papua, is
afraid that there are signs that Papua could become a second Ambon. He said
that a large quantity of weapons has been seized while criminal activities are
rampant with the security forces doing nothing to stop them.

He told Suara Pembaruan on Friday that investigations undertaken during the
past two weeks, along with reports from the people, had revealed that many
automatic weapons, home-made weapons, explosives and bombs had been discovered
in a number of places.

He said that present conditions in Papua could be described as a time-bomb
waiting to explode; reports of the discovery of weapons were being received
from many places.

‘All the ingredients are there for a bitter horizontal conflict,’ said
Aloysius. There has been an increase in such activities as gambling, thefts,
hijacking taxis and the like, all of which could trigger such conflicts, he
said.

He also urged the provincial chief of police to tell the public what
exactly he
means by his so-called ‘friendly approach’ on matters of law and order. The
general public interpret this as being a policy of allowing any acts of public
disorder to happen.

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign
111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath,
Surrey CR7 8HW, UK
Phone: 020 8771-2904 Fax: 020 8653-0322
email: tapol@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Campaigning to expose human rights violations in
Indonesia, West Papua and Aceh

26 years - and still going strong

=======================================================

Subj: Protests against arrival of Ambonese refugees in Papua
Date: 7/30/00 2:03:36 AM Central Daylight Time
From: tapol@gn.apc.org (TAPOL)
To: westpapua@topica.com
CC: jonathan.head@bbc.co.uk (Jonathan Head-Singapore), taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk, plovers@gn.apc.org, slliem@xs4all.nl, mallison@amnesty.org

Saturday, 29-7-2000

Papua Taskforce protests against the arrival of refugees from Ambon

Jayapura, About a hundred members of Papua Taskforce held a demonstration at
the provincial assembly building in Jayapura protesting against the arrival of
Ambonese refugees who are now on their way to Jayapura aboard the KM
Dobonsolo.
The taskforce members, dressed in black uniforms and wielding traditional
weapons, demanded to have a meeting with the speaker of the asembly, Nataniel
Kaiway SH.

They are demanding that the assembly and the provincial government should
refuse to allow the Ambonese refugees to remain in Papua because they fear
that
their presence could lead to riots and unrest.

Members of the taskforce earlier held protests in Sorong, Manokwari and Biak,
rejecting the arrival of these refugees. The protest in Sorong led to a clash
between taskforce members and the local security forces which resulted in five
civilians receiving gunshot wounds.

At the time this report was written, taskforce members were still inside the
assembly building while members of the assembly and of the local government
were discussing their response to the demands.

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign
111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath,
Surrey CR7 8HW, UK
Phone: 020 8771-2904 Fax: 020 8653-0322
email: tapol@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Campaigning to expose human rights violations in
Indonesia, West Papua and Aceh

26 years - and still going strong

=======================================================

Subj: SCMP: Stranded Indon settlers sleep under 'enemy' watch
Date: 7/29/00 3:44:39 PM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)

To: westpapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

South China Morning Post
Friday, July 28, 2000

INDONESIA

Stranded settlers sleep under 'enemy' watch

VAUDINE ENGLAND in Jayapura, Irian Jaya

About 200 Indonesian transmigrants took shelter under the Papuan independence
flag in Jayapura this week, following the failure of the central Government
to care for them.

Sent by Jakarta 1½ years ago to settle on land near the Irian Jaya capital
under the transmigration programme, the Javanese settlers had had enough of
their new life.

Hungry and homeless, the settlers bunked down in what has become known as the
headquarters of the Papuan independence movement.

The Javanese had walked for two days to reach Jayapura to ask the Government
to help them return to Java.

Since becoming transmigrants, 22 of the group have died. Many of the
survivors are ill and complain that the Government has not provided schools,
health centres or other facilities for them.

Last week, the latest death from illness prompted a seven-hour long
demonstration, complete with a corpse, in front of the regional government
office. The local representative of the Transmigration Department, Budi
Singulinga, was punched in the face at the tense stand-off.

At a meeting with the Governor on Monday, they were told they were free to go
home, but had to find the money for the sea passage themselves.

It was a perfect opportunity for Satgas Papua - a pro-independence
paramilitary organisation. Dressed in combat fatigues adorned with the Papuan
independence flag and pictures of Jesus Christ, these men made available
their office in the main street of Jayapura.

It is named the Irian Cultural Centre and features two flag-poles on its
roof. The slightly taller pole carries the Indonesian flag, with the second
pole flaunting the Papuan flag. After a couple of nights sleeping on the
street after the shops and night market had closed, the Javanese appeared
happy to have a night under shelter, and under the benign guard of Satgas
Papua.

"The transmigrants had problems with the police and the Government, so we
offered them shelter, food and help," said Benny Sawai, a Satgas Papua
member. "The Government brought them here [to Irian Jaya] but then gave them
no money or facilities to live."

Only after the Javanese accepted Papuan protection did the Government move to
help them.

On Tuesday, staff of the Department of Social Welfare arrived to take the
Javanese to a new settlement area near Sentani, 45 minutes' drive from
Jayapura.

Although the Department of Social Welfare has found a building to house the
displaced people, they have yet to provide any food, forcing the group to
rely on handouts.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000

=======================================================

Subj: [wp] PERTAMINA REFUTES RUMOURS OF REMOVAL TO IRIAN JAYA
Date: 7/29/00 12:37:20 AM Central Standard Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com

from AWPA

PERTAMINA REFUTES RUMOURS OF REMOVAL TO IRIAN JAYA
Friday, July 28, 2000/4:11:08 PM

Ambon, Maluku, Jul 28 (ANTARA) - State oil company Pertamina`s unit for
domestic supply
and marketing in Ambon has refuted rumours that it will be removed to
Irian Jaya.

"Pertamina`s unit in Ambon and the fuel terminal depot in Wayame are not
going to be removed to Papua (Irian Jaya). "A provisional policy
directs that fuel supply in Wayame will be temporarily removed to Biak
(Papua), Bitung (North Sulawesi) and Ternate (North Maluku) because the
security condition there is not conducive," Pertamina`s chief in Ambon,
Bambang Saritomo, disclosed here Friday.

Following the escalation of sectarian clashes in Ambon, rumours have
made their rounds during the past two weeks that Pertamina`s unit in
Ambon will be removed to Papua. Bambang called on the people not to be
provoked by the rumours. He admitted, however, that 96 of the unit`s 151
employees have been evacuated to safe areas. On being asked about the
standing fuel supply in the Ambon unit, Bambang said that there was
enough.

The local Pertamina chief regretted that fuel distribution to some
living areas had been hampered because of the closing of some roads due
to the escalating riots.
According to Bambang, there was supply in Ambon city of 10,777
kiloliters of petrol, which was enough for 207 days; 11,556 kiloliters
of kerosene, enough for 70 days; and 10,913 kiloliters of diesel fuel,
enough for seven days. "But, hindrance in the land transportation has
made the distribution only possible by 40 to 50 percent, thus making the
standing supply enough for twice as long," he said.

On the occasion, Bambang also admitted that the security condition
around the Wayame fuel depot was not conducive, thus forcing Pertamina
to temporarily shut down its distribution port in the area. "People
should realize that fuel cannot be kept for long in the tanks, because
it would require extra security precautions," Bambang Saritomo said.

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax 61.2. 99601696
_________________________________

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Subj: [wp] Time to Punish the Usual Suspects in Indonesia
Date: 7/29/00 4:48:00 AM Central Standard Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com

from AWPA

Paris, Monday, July 24, 2000
Time to Punish the Usual Suspects in Indonesia

By José Ramos-Horta International Herald Tribune

BANGKOK - Who is behind the wave of sectarian violence in Ambon and
other parts of the Moluccan Islands that has cost hundreds of lives in
the past 18 months? Who is responsible for the upsurge in separatist
sentiment in Aceh and Irian Jaya, two of the richest provinces of
Indonesia?

There is mounting evidence that the same conservative, hard-line
nationalist forces (and even
some of the same senior Indonesian military officers) who helped
alienate East Timorese with their abuses are fomenting unrest in the
Moluccas, Aceh and Irian Jaya. Senior members of the civilian government
of President Abdurrahman Wahid have said as much in recent days.
In an attempt to terrorize East Timorese into voting for autonomy
instead of independence in the
plebiscite in August organized by the United Nations, the Indonesian
army's special forces and
intelligence network mobilized militia gangs and gave them training,
arms and directives.

Large numbers of these militiamen were recruited not in East Timor but
in neighboring West
Timor, in Ambon and from the main Indonesian island of Java. Indonesian
police and army
personnel in disguise led some of the militia units in East Timor. What
we are seeing in the troubled parts of Indonesia now is a well
orchestrated campaign by a faction in the Indonesian army that has
strong connections to the family of former President Suharto, former
Defense Minister Wiranto, wealthy businessmen and prominent members of
the Golkar party that Mr. Suharto used, along with the military, to keep
himself and his supporters in power for 32 years.

This group fears the anti-corruption drive and investigations into past
abuses of power launched
by Mr. Wahid's government. It wants to discredit his attempts to
establish the rule of law in
Indonesia.

In Ambon, rogue elements in the military and police have taken sides in
the fighting. In Irian
Jaya, ''pro-Jakarta'' militias are being recruited, trained and funded
just as they were in East
Timor. In Aceh, despite a cease-fire agreement negotiated by Mr. Wahid's
government, the army
and police continue to launch sweeps in the countryside, terrorizing
villagers.

As a result, Indonesia's fledgling but vibrant democracy is in grave
danger. The hard-liners hope that the Indonesian people, disappointed
with the inability of the civilian government to improve the economy and
resolve the conflicts, will sooner or later support a Pakistan-style
coup.

But as the foreign ministers of the Association of South East Asian
Nations and their major trading partners, including the United States,
the European Union and Japan, hold their annual meetings in Bangkok this
week, they can take action to help prevent Indonesia from sliding into
civil war and military takeover.

The international community must intensify its support for Mr. Wahid's
government. It should
increase economic and financial assistance to the Indonesian economy,
write off government debt
and channel the money to credit programs to help the poor, as well as
small and medium-size
businesses, become self-sufficient.

Foreign governments should identify the good elements in the Indonesian
armed forces, the pro-reform group, and offer them serious support. The
United States and the European Union should lead efforts to have the
foreign assets of the Suharto family frozen. Indonesian military
officers known to have been involved in the violence in East Timor,
Aceh, the Moluccas and Irian Jaya should be blacklisted and denied entry
visas.

Their names should be publicized and circulated via Interpol for
immediate arrest abroad. Their
overseas assets should be seized. After all, it is the wealth that these
anti-reform groups have accumulated that is being used to pay for the
current campaign to destroy democracy in the world's fourth most
populous nation.
The writer, an East Timorese Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, contributed
this comment to the
International Herald Tribune.

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax 61.2. 99601696
_________________________________

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======================================================= Subj: [wp] JP: Irian Jaya in the eyes of a pro-integration leader
Date: 7/28/00 2:34:22 PM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
Reply-to: plovers@gn.apc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Jakarta Post
July 28, 2000

Editorial and Opinion

Irian Jaya in the eyes of a prointegration figure

JAKARTA (JP): Irianese who are proindependence have pointed out that alleged
human rights violations and unfair revenue sharing from mining activities
have resulted in the demand for independence.

In an interview in Jakarta with The Jakarta Post's reporter Neles Tebay,
Elias Paprindey, 64, a leader of prointegration Irianese shares his views and
offers a way out for the government.

Paprindey and his compatriots fought against the Dutch colonial government in
West New Guinea (now Irian Jaya) in the 1950s. He led an underground
movement, fighting to keep West New Guinea in the embrace of the fledgling
Republic. He was jailed by the Dutch in 1960 in the notorious Digul prison in
Merauke regency and was released in 1962, seven years before the 1969
plebiscite which formally included Irian Jaya as part of Indonesia.

Paprindey then worked at the ministry of communications and was also elected
a member of the provincial legislative council from 1971 to 1973 before
chairing the council from 1973 to 1977. In 1977, he became deputy governor of
Irian Jaya, a post he held for five years.

In 1993, he retired from the ministry of communications.

Question: How do you view the demand for independence?

Answer: The demand is an undeniable fact. But do not blame the Irianese. On
the contrary, the central government should reflect on why the Irianese
raised the demand for independence.

You mean much of the blame should be placed on the government?

Yes. It is the central government, through its policies, that has encouraged
the Irianese to call for independence. (The demand) did not start with the
Irianese, because we decided to join Indonesia in 1969. But the government
has been neglecting Irianese rights for more than 30 years. I was fighting
for Irian Jaya's integration into Indonesia in the past for a better life for
the people. But the reality for more than 30 years has been different:
Irianese have suffered within the Republic.

Do you agree with the Irianese voice for freedom?

I always speak of the necessity of freedom for the Irianese, but within the
frame of the unitary republic.

Give us the rights and full authority to govern and manage our land and its
natural resources. We want to be the lords of our land. And do not keep
exploiting at will our natural resources such as gold, oil and the forests
without permission from the Irianese, the holder of ancestral rights.

The government should realize that our suffering has been caused by the
economic and political exploitation by the powerful in Jakarta.

So what is the purpose of your visit to the capital?

As Indonesian citizens, we want to communicate the cause of the Irian case
and its solution. As an Indonesian, I have rights to fight on what should
have been our rights.

My entourage and I have met with President Abdurrahman Wahid, Vice President
Megawati Soekarnoputri, National Resilience Institute Governor Johny
Lumintang, Minister of Home Affairs Surjadi Soedirdja, (a representative) of
the Office of the State Ministry of Regional Autonomy and with Minister of
Defense Juwono Sudarsono.

What would you suggest to overcome the demand of independence?

I have proposed that the central government facilitate a special meeting
between the proindependence Papuans (local name for Irianese) and the
prointegration Irianese.

The government should be the facilitator ... those representing the
executives, the legislature and the judiciary should attend, so they could
realize the main causes and problems, and along with the Papuans find ways to
settle the problem.

The central government should not leave the Irianese struggle alone, or else
a conflict would occur between the proindependence and prointegration groups,
while the cause of those demands are the attitudes and policies of the
central government. I personally do not expect conflicts in the future. What
policies of the central government should be revoked?

First of all, the work contract with PT Freeport Indonesia should be revoked
and improved. Because the existing contract excludes locals' rights. And
locals, who own the ancestral lands, should be involved in working out the
new contracts.

Second, the rich and politically powerful people in Jakarta should return the
forest areas and other natural resources to the indigenous people.

The central government should stop issuing new forest concessions in Irian
Jaya. It is the local government and the local people who have to decide if a
private business could be given a concession.

In the last few years, the presence and exploitation of the forest
concessions have not made any positive impact on improving locals' welfare
and the local government has no authority to control their activities because
they gained permits from the central government.

Based on experience, I have demanded that the central government should allow
us to manage and control our natural resources. The central government
should, therefore, quickly work out the draft of law and operational
regulations to implement special autonomy.

Some people say the lack of human resources in Irian Jaya would make it
difficult to implement special autonomy.

It is again the central government which has led to the lack of human
resources. The government has gained so much of our natural resources, but
what it has done for Irianese in terms of human resource development?
Nothing.

That's why I have demanded that the government give scholarships to Irianese
youths to take masters and doctorate programs, either in Indonesia or abroad.
I said that 100 Irianese youths should be sent each year to take those
programs.

There are many Irianese who have become heroes in integrating Irian Jaya into
Indonesia, including yourself. Do you think that the government has paid
enough attention to people like you?

The government has never given serious attention to Irianese who fought for
integration. They feel neglected and disrespected ... That's why I've also
come to Jakarta, to discuss their fate with the government.

I told the President and Vice President that the central government should
pay attention to the life of the 1945 Trikora fighters and those involved in
the 1969 (UN sponsored) plebiscite.

There were 5,000 integration fighters. If their contributions are indeed
respected, they should be recognized as heroes by the government in a law.
Their proper rights should be given, beginning from 2000.

If not, this means our contribution is not respected. Then I would tell the
government that we do not need to be invited to talks on how to preserve
Irian Jaya within the Republic.

President Abdurrahman Wahid has changed the name of Irian Jaya to Papua. Do
you agree with that?

The President made the change verbally. So I don't believe Irian Jaya has
been really changed. Irianese are also confused now about the terms.

So I've demanded that the central government should immediately formalize the
name change in a law. If not, it would mean the President was just playing
tricks on us.

Even before the 1969 plebiscite, you strived to raise the Indonesian red and
white flag. Now the government has permitted Papuans to hoist the West Papua
Morning Star flag in Irian Jaya.

In Indonesia's history, we only know one national flag ... Two flags in one
nation has never happened. I heard that this permission was also given
verbally. We are a state of law so the permission should also be made into a
law.

The law should clarify the reason for the permission to hoist the Morning
Star along with the Red and White, and for how long. The government should
also explain what the meaning of the permission is.

Does it mean the government wants to set up a federal state in Irian Jaya, or
one nation with two systems as applied in Hong Kong? Or does it mean that the
government is unable to develop Irian Jaya, thus letting it become
independent?

Without written clarification, the Irianese would be confused because it is
the government which banned the raising of the Morning Star in the past.
Would you like to comment on anything else?

Yes. There is one important thing. Tell the members of the People's
Consultative Assembly and the House of Representatives not to amend the 1945
Constitution and Pancasila. Or else I'm ready to separate from Indonesia.
What else would we have as the state's foundation if it is altered?

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

___________________________________________________________
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Subj: [wp] Walhi sues Freeport over fatal accident
Date: 7/28/00 12:42:15 PM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
Reply-to: plovers@gn.apc.org
To: indonesia-act@igc.apc.org, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk, jonathan.head@bbc.co.uk, tapol@gn.apc.org, WestPapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Indonesian Observer
Friday, July 28 - 2000

Walhi sues Freeport over fatal accident

JAKARTA (IO) The Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) has sued
mining giant PT Freeport Indonesia over an accident that killed four of
the companyâ€™s workers.

The employees died on May 4 at the hugely profitable mining companyâ€™s base
in West Papua (Irian Jaya) province when a pile of waste rock collapsed on
them following several days of heavy rainfall.

Walhi yesterday submitted a lawsuit to the South Jakarta District Court,
complaining that Freeport had failed to disclose information about the
accident.

Walhi Director Executive Emmy Hafild told reporters the public has a right
to know about Freeportâ€™s environmental conservation policies, especially
its disposal of waste materials.

"The company has not given true information about its environmental
program, therefore it has violated Article 6 of the Environment Management
Law," she said.

Freeport officials insist the May landslide at the banks of Lake Wanagon
was caused by heavy rainfall, but conservationists accuse the company of
unsafe waste disposal practices.

Walhi lawyer Erdwiyanto Pihartono said Freeport should go to court because
it had no permit to dump waste at Lake Wanagon.

But he said Walhi cannot sue the company from an environmental point of
view, because the forum has accepted the mining companyâ€™s environmental
impact analysis.

Walhi said Freeport should apologize for the May accident by placing
advertisements in the national and international mass media.

Freeport, a subsidiary of New Orleans-based Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold
Inc, made an average profit of just under US$2 million a week in 1999 from
the vast mine it operates in mountains near Timika.

Shortly after the May landslide, Environment Minister Sonny Keraf mulled
suspending production at the Grasberg copper and gold mine. However,
production has continued.

The lucrative Grasberg mine has been at the center of controversy in Irian
Jaya for years. Critics accuse Freeport of environmental damage,
exploitation, cultural insensitivity and failure to share enough of the
benefits from the mine with local people.

But Freeport insists it maintains the highest environmental and safety
standards and says it has made strenuous efforts to promote social
improvements in Irian Jaya.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: [wp] Two shot dead over flag raising in Irian Jaya
Date: 7/28/00 12:41:56 PM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
Reply-to: plovers@gn.apc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Two shot dead over flag raising in Irian Jaya

JAKARTA, July 28 (AFP) - Two men attempting to hoist a separatist flag in
Irian Jaya were shot dead by Indonesian police Friday, hospital staff said.

The two men were killed during a raid on residents who had raised the
"Morning Star" rebel flag in the coastal city of Sorong, Ari Dimara a worker
at the town's hospital told AFP by phone.

"This morning we received the bodies of two wen who died from a flag-raising
incident in the city's eastern sub-district. There was a skirmish with
police, they broke the flag poles and pulled the flags down," Dimara said.

"The situation has calmed down after the morning incident but people are
still afraid," he added.

For years raising the Morning Star flag was outlawed in Irian Jaya, now
officially known as West Papua.

However under an agreement earlier this year Jakarta and local authorities
said the flag could be raised if it were not higher than the Indonesian
national flag.

It was not immediately clear why police opened fire on the flag-raisers on
Friday.

Meanwhile in a separate incident on Thursday police wounded six members of
the civilian Papua Task Force (Satgas) who had attempted to prevent a boat
carrying refugees from the strife-torn city of Ambon from berthing at Sorong
port.

The boat left Ambon on Wednesday with some 3,000 refugees on board fleeing
fierce Muslim-Christian battles in the region, the state Antara news agency
reported.

Second Sergeant Kaimuddin (eds: one name) told AFP from Sorong that the clash
took place late Thursday afternoon when police tried to disperse the group
blocking the ship from docking.

"Rubber bullets were fired against the Satgas group, they were massing the
port trying to stop the ship from entering the dock, although it was still
some 300 meters (300 yards) from the port," he said by telephone.

"Refugees aboard the ship numbered about 3,000 people, but the Dobonsolo
never made it to the port, and was sent away," he said.

Police also detained some 30 men from the Satgas group, Kaimuddin said,
adding the Sorong regional administration has rejected the refugees.

Independent sources have told AFP that some 18,000 Maluku refugees have
already poured into Irian Jaya.

The Indonesian government has estimated that half a million internal refugees
have been created by the fighting in Ambon since it broke out 18 months ago,
leaving some 4,000 dead.

Irian Jaya has a population of some 2.5 million people, about one quarter of
whom are made up of immigrants shipped by the government from other more
crowded islands.

Formerly Dutch New Guinea, it declared independence in 1961, but under an
interim arrangement with the United Nations was ruled by Indonesia after 1963
and incorporated into the republic in 1969.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
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Subj: [wp] WALHI demands that Freeport inspection team be set up
Date: 7/28/00 12:41:19 PM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
Reply-to: plovers@gn.apc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

sent July 25, 2000 by Down to Earth - The International Campaign for
Ecological Justice in Indonesia

Source: detikcom - Jakarta 28th June 2000 (original in Bahasa Indonesia)

WALHI DEMANDS A FREEPORT INSPECTION TEAM IS SET UP

WALHI is demanding that an independent inspection team be set up for PT
Freeport Indonesia's operations. WALHI's Executive Director Emmy Hafild
said that her organisation would be taking legal action against the
government over the company's negligence in the Lake Wanagon dam burst
incident in West Papua. Ms Hafild was speaking during a break in a hearing
with Parliament's Commission VIII in Jakarta on Tuesday 27th June.

The purpose of this Inspection team should be to examine all aspects of PT
Freeport Indonesia's activities and its impacts on the surrounding
environment and communities. To date, it seems that PT FI is a law unto
itself and negligent about environmental management. This is quite evident
from the incident at Lake Wanagon when a waste dam burst. Ms Hafild said
that team members should be approved by the Papuan people, parliament and
government and non-government organisations, not PT FI.

Ms Hafild also explained that PT FI's Contract of Work needed to be
renegotiated because the first CoW, signed by Gen. Soeharto in 1967, was
illegal and invalid since West Papua had not been incorporated into the
Indonesian Republic. As the first CoW was invalid, the second (1991) CoW
was also invalid. The new government should negotiate a new Contract of Work.

She also said that WALHI would be taking legal action against the
government to renegotiate PT FI's contract immediately because of the
company's negligence which led to the Lake Wanagon incident. "We will be
submitting the case to the courts in the next few days. The draft is at the
final stage." When asked if it would be a criminal or civil action, Ms
Hafild replied that it would probably be a civil case. She is not convinced
that PT FI will limit its production to 200,000 tonnes per day as
instructed by the Minister for Mining and Energy after the waste dam burst.
Apparently production is still 220,000 tonnes per day.

FREEPORT REQUIRED TO SUBMIT NEW PLANS FOR WASTE DAM

Source: satunet.com/WalhiNews 24th June 2000-07-24

Pt Freeport Indonesia was given until Saturday 24th June to submit to the
government its geotechnical design for Lake Wanagon. The plan needed to
incorporate a greater safety factor for the retaining wall, said Director
General for Mining Surna Tjahja Djajadiningrat. The safety factor depended
on the ratio of the strength of ground on the slopes around Lake Wanagon
compared with the load of the over burden. The overburden heap was greater
than the environment could support. This was causing a worrying degree of
cracking which could lead more widespread landslides unless immediate
action was taken. Geotechnical experts from Bandung Institute of Technology
have suggested reducing the slope of the overburden heap as a temporary
measure.

Since the incident in which some of the overburden slid into Lake Wanagon
(when at least 4 people died), the government has asked PT Freeport
Indonesia to reduce production from 300,000 tonnes/day to 200,000 tonnes
per day. Instead of using Lake Wanagon, PT FI is using the Cartenz valley
to dump the overburden but this can only hold about 5% of the total waste
produced.

---------------------------

Down to Earth - The International Campaign for Ecological Justice in
Indonesia

Liz Chidley (dtecampaign@gn.apc.org)

Down to Earth works with Indonesian NGOs and community groups striving for
a socially just and environmentally sound future by increasing
international awareness of their struggles. We speak and read English and
Bahasa Indonesia. Down to Earth produces a quarterly newsletter in English
and updates on International Financial Institutions. For subscription
rates, please contact DtE's Main Office. An rtf version (in English) and
translations of selected articles (dlm BI) are available by email. DtE is a
project of APPEN.

Main Office:

59 Athenlay Rd, London SE15 3EN, England/Inggeris Tel/fax: +44 (0) 207 732
7984 Email: dte@gn.apc.org
Campaigns Office:
Tel/fax: + 44 (0) 1508 471413 Email: dtecampaign@gn.apc.org
Visit our new Website: www.gn.apc.org/dte

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: Refugees from Maluku undergoing military training in WPapua
Date: 7/27/00 4:04:00 PM Central Daylight Time
From: tapol@gn.apc.org (TAPOL)
To: westpapua@topica.com
CC: jonathan.head@bbc.co.uk (Jonathan Head-Singapore), plovers@gn.apc.org, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Refugees from Maluku undergo military training in Sorong
Kompas, 27 July 2000

Nothing is being done to handle the thousands of refugees who have flooded
into West Papua from Maluku since the outbreak of unrest there, and local
people are particularly worried because some of these refugees are
undergoing military training.

Addressing the press at the office of the human rights organisation
ELS-HAM, John Rumbiak said that the refugees had been arriving since the
escalation of the conflict in Maluku in 1999, while the numbers still
continue to rise.

They are arriving in Sorong, Fak-Fak, Manokwari, Biak and Jayapura, aboard
PELNI passenger ships as well as on sailing boats and other privately-owned
vessels. Those coming by boat are being landed anywhere along the coast,
not necessarily in the officially designated harbours.

ELS-HAM has been unable to obtain accurate figures of the number of
refugees who have arrived because many of them go and stay with relatives
or find accommodation in refugee centres or build their own barracks. The
organisation estimates that as many as five thousand have arrived since
October 1999.

‘Many are taken in by relatives even though this represents a strain on
already stretched economic resources,’ said Rumbiak. ‘Some families in
Sorong have taken in as many as 12 families despite the heavy strain this
imposes,’ he said.

Rumbiak said that the local government had regrettably done nothing to
discuss what to do about the arrival of all these refugees. He said that
members of Papuan Satgas in Sorong had come across about one hundred
refugees from Seram, Maluku, who were undergoing military training in the
middle of the night. The men were armed with home-made weapons and molotov
bombs.

In Fak-Fak, there was a red-and-white Satgas unit consisting of thousands
of men, some of whom were refugees from Seram. In advance of a rally which
had been planned by members of Papua Satgas, Red-and-white Satgas members
drove through the city in seven trucks. However, there were no clashes
between the two groups as the Papuan Satgas decided to cancel their
planned rally.

Meanwhile doctors who have just returned to Jakarta from Maluku said that
the condition of thousands of refugee children was alarming; most are
suffering from malnutrition. Respiratory diseases are widespread, with many
of the children suffering from bronchitis, pneumonia, tuberculosis, as well
as malaria.

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign
111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath,
Surrey CR7 8HW, UK
Phone: 020 8771-2904 Fax: 020 8653-0322
email: tapol@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Campaigning to expose human rights violations in
Indonesia, West Papua and Aceh

26 years - and still going strong
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

=======================================================

Subj: [wp] IHT: Autonomy for an Indonesian Land
Date: 7/26/00 3:38:20 AM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
Reply-to: plovers@gn.apc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

International Herald Tribune
Wednesday, July 26, 2000

Opinion

Autonomy for an Indonesian Land

By Arif Havas Oegroseno International Herald Tribune

LISBON - There can be no doubt that Irian Jaya is a legitimate part of
Indonesia. It was part of the Dutch colonial empire that became Indonesia.
Under international law, colonial boundaries constitute the borders of the
newly independent successor state.

The roots of Indonesian nationalism in Irian Jaya go back to 1946, when
Papuan nationalist leaders created a political organization that sought to
reunite the western half of New Guinea island controlled by the Dutch with
Indonesia.

On Aug. 17, 1947, in defiance of the Dutch, Irian nationalists gathered to
celebrate Indonesia's independence. They were arrested and exiled.
Anti-Indonesian sentiment was encouraged, pro-Dutch political organizations
were set up and a promise of independence was offered by The Hague.

The Dutch refusal to hand over West New Guinea to Indonesia created a serious
diplomatic and military standoff between Indonesia and the Netherlands. The
United Nations secretary-general, U Thant, appointed U.S. Ambassador Elsworth
Bunker as mediator in negotiations.

On Aug. 15, 1962, the two parties signed the New York Agreement, which was
later adopted by the UN General Assembly. Administration was transferred from
the Dutch to the United Nations and subsequently to Indonesia.

Some anti-Indonesian Papuans who felt betrayed followed their masters to the
Netherlands; others stayed to carry out an armed insurgency. The time bomb
created by the Dutch has exploded periodically in small-scale violence since
then, triggering counterinsurgency operations by the Indonesian military that
have often led to human rights abuses. Economic inequalities have exacerbated
the situation.

The commitment of Indonesia's current government to redress the situation is
strong and clear. Past human rights abuses are being investigated, and
regional autonomy is on the way.

- Arif Havas Oegroseno, a diplomat at the Indonesian Embassy in Lisbon, in a
personal commentary for the International Herald Tribune.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: [wp] Papuan flags must go down next month: Gus Dur
Date: 7/26/00 3:37:52 AM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
Reply-to: plovers@gn.apc.org
To: indonesia-act@igc.apc.org, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk, jonathan.head@bbc.co.uk, WestPapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Indonesian Observer
July 25, 2000

Papuan flags must go down next month: Gus Dur

JAKARTA (IO) - President Abdurrahman Wahid says the government will
continue its policy of avoiding oppressive measures in dealing with the Free
Papua Movement (OPM) in Irian Jaya (West Papua) and let the separatists
fly their Morning Star flag until the annual People's Consultative Assembly
(MPR) meeting in August.

"The government will continue to negotiate with them and avoid using force
in Irian Jaya, Maluku, North Maluku and Aceh," he was quoted as saying by
Antara yesterday.

He was speaking after addressing battalion commanders of the Army's elite
Special Forces (Kopassus) and Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad) at an
artillery air defense training center in Batu, Malang, East Java.

On the occasion, the president was accompanied by former vice president
Try Sutrisno, Indonesian Defense Forces (TNI) Commander Admiral Widodo
Adisutjipto and Army Chief General Tyasno Sudarto.

Try was allegedly involved in the 1984 Tanjung Priok massacre when he was
Jakarta Military commander.

The president, who often goes by the moniker of Gus Dur, said if the
government uses force in handling the many cases of unrest, the energies
of TNI would be drained.

He said the government's preference for negotiations with dissenting
groups is expected to yield more positive results than resorting to force
would.

Commenting on the fact that many people in West Papua are still flying the
OPM's Morning Star flag, Wahid said there are two choices: lowering the
flag now or allowing it be flown for a while.

"We are negotiating, thus we will let them fly the flag until the
completion of the annual MPR meeting. After that, we will lower the flag."

Gus Dur said the government's stance might not satisfy everybody in the
military establishment but TNI must abide by it because the government is
the people's representative.

A gathering of tribal leaders and separatists on June 4 ended their
congress with the declaration that West Papua was not part of Indonesia.

But Wahid has affirmed that the government does not recognize the
congress' resolutions because the gathering was not inclusive of all
groups in the province.

Local police have questioned five figures for the organization of the
congress. Recently, the Papuan People's Congress figures issued new
statements, saying they would remain part of Indonesia as long as Wahid is
in office, but separate from the nation if he is toppled.

The head of state said the government is now trying to improve TNI's
capability by providing sufficient equipment, expanding its personnel and
increasing its members' welfare.

But at the same time, TNI is required to remain a professional force.

"Frankly speaking, I will not tolerate people in the military who engage
in conspiracies. Such people are not professional," he said.

He also said every serviceman must obey his commander and the commanders,
in turn, must obey the president and the government.

The president further told the 200-odd assembled Army officers that TNI
members should hold their seniors in high respect and they could show this
by seeking their seniors' suggestions on problems at hand.

On the occasion, the president symbolically presented the Army with a
supply of new uniforms.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: [wp] IHT: Still Time for an Irian Jaya Compromise That Saves the Peace
Date: 7/26/00 3:38:49 AM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
Reply-to: plovers@gn.apc.org
To: indonesia-act@igc.apc.org, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk, jonathan.head@bbc.co.uk, WestPapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

International Herald Tribune
Wednesday, July 26, 2000

Opinion

Still Time for an Irian Jaya Compromise That Saves the Peace

By David L. Phillips International Herald Tribune

JAKARTA - Hard-liners in Irian Jaya are provoking violence to justify
Indonesian military intervention. But there is still room for compromise.
For decades Irian Jaya has suffered tyranny while its great natural wealth
(minerals, oil, natural gas and timber) was plundered. Acknowledging that
years of abuse have fueled the Papuan independence movement, President
Abdurrahman Wahid has taken steps to appease separatist sentiment.

But the situation is heating up. A 2,000-strong mobile police brigade has
been sent to the province.

Papuan leaders stand by their pledge to resolve differences with Jakarta
through dialogue and nonviolence, but they threaten a unilateral declaration
of independence if Mr. Wahid is forced from the presidency.

Last year the Indonesian Parliament passed legislation laying out guidelines
for special autonomy arrangements and resource sharing. A Ministry for
Regional Autonomy was established, and constitutional reforms, including
federalism, are being debated.

But requirements in Indonesia vary among regions, whereas federal systems
tend to be the same for all regions in a country. For Irian Jaya, meaningful
self-governance can be achieved via an interim power-sharing agreement which
preserves the unitary Indonesian state, decentralizes authority and defers a
determination of final status. Such an agreement would enable the Papuans to
control their own affairs without abandoning their dream of independence.

Jakarta would retain control over defense and foreign affairs. Irian Jaya
would use Indonesian currency, maintain trade ties, enforce existing laws,
abide by commercial contracts and continue to use the Bahasa Indonesia
language for education.

Foreign governments and organizations providing aid to Indonesia could help
in such a settlement. They could provide more humanitarian assistance, write
off debt or ease repayment terms, aid economic reconstruction and invest in
strengthening civil society.

The stakes are high. Separatist violence in Irian Jaya would probably
precipitate a bloody military crackdown. Conflict could spread and undermine
Mr. Wahid's overall reform agenda. Indonesia's hard-liners would welcome the
opportunity to derail democracy and reassert control.

The writer is a senior fellow at Columbia University's International Conflict
Resolution Program, He contributed this comment to the Herald Tribune.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: [wp] Region urged to support Wahid
Date: 7/26/00 2:59:36 PM Central Daylight Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com, iris@matra.com.au

>From AWPA

Region urged to support Wahid

Date: 27/07/2000

By CRAIG SKEHAN, Herald Correspondent in Bangkok, and agencies

Indonesian military personnel are still trying to destabilise President
Abdurrahman Wahid, partly by encouraging militias along the East Timor
border, the Foreign Minister, Mr Downer, said yesterday.

Warning that the Asia/Pacific region could not afford to see Indonesia
fragmented, Mr Downer said Australia would encourage the more than 20
nations attending the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN)
forum to support its existing borders.

At a press conference, Mr Downer expressed "deep concern" over Monday's
killing by militiamen in East Timor of the New Zealand peacekeeper
Private Leonard Manning.

He called on other nations to give their support for the maintenance of
Indonesia's unity and territorial integrity.

Separatist movements in the staunchly Muslim province of Aceh in
Indonesia's west and in the eastern-most province of Irian Jaya have
been gaining in strength, encouraged by last year's independence ballot
in East Timor.

Mr Downer referred to them as "so-called independence movements" and
said they must not be given any encouragement.

"The last thing we want is equivocation from the international
community, or any indication of support from the international community
for so-called independence movements in different parts of Indonesia,"
he said.

"The international community ... mustn't give any comfort to those
elements in Indonesia who want to break it up."

Mr Downer pledged to press Indonesian authorities to "increase their
efforts" to avoid any further peacekeepers' deaths in East Timor and
conceded there were "clearly some links between some people in TNI [the
Indonesian military] ... and some of the militia there".

Mr Downer said he suspected some people in the TNI opposed Mr Wahid, but
he believed that ultimately such elements would not have sufficient
power or influence to unseat him or abrogate democratic rule.

Earlier, the New Zealand Foreign Minister, Mr Phil Goff, said he did not
believe there was any TNI involvement or support for the militiamen who
shot Private Manning. Mr Goff and Mr Downer will urge Indonesia's
Foreign
Minister, Mr Alwi Shihab, to ensure that the refugee camps in West Timor
are closed and the militias prevented from terrorising the refugees or
going on cross-border forays into East Timor.

Mr Goff said the camps risked becoming "effectively another Gaza Strip -
a permanent encampment of people that are in effect stateless, where
young people become fodder for future militia activity".

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax 61.2. 99601696
_________________________________

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Subj: [wp] VICTIMS OF MALUKU CONFLICTS TO BE MOVED TO IRIAN JAYA
Date: 7/25/00 10:50:12 PM Central Daylight Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com

>From AWPA

VICTIMS OF MALUKU CONFLICTS TO BE MOVED TO IRIAN JAYA
Wednesday, July 26, 2000/9:34:02 AM

Jayapura, Irian Jaya, Jul 26 (ANTARA) - As many as 3,124 victims of the
sectarian conflicts
in the provinces of Maluku and North Maluku who are now being
accomodated at some
security posts in the two regions will be brought to Irian Jaya, a
police officer said on Tuesday.

"They will be brought here on board some PT Pelni ships such as KM
Rinjani and KM Dobonsolo," chief of the Sorong police Lt Col Ch V
Sitorus said. Meanwhile, the number of Maluku unrest victims already in
Sorong, Irian Jaya, has reached 900 , he said, adding that these
refugees had been checked intensively before enterring the region for
security reasons.

"But most of them have been picked up by their relatives, and the rest
are still being accommodated at some churches in Sorong," he said.
Sitorus added his office would also conduct coordination with the Sorong
municipality officials to help the refugees from strife-torn Maluku and
North Maluku.

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax 61.2. 99601696
_________________________________

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Subj: Indonesia's next East Timor?
Date: 7/24/00 5:36:34 AM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: westpapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

[This is the unedited version of an article which appeared in the UK
journal, the New Statesman, on 10 July 2000]

Indonesia's next East Timor?

by
Julian Evans

The bird-shaped island of New Guinea - the third largest in the world - is
a place we seem to wish to know little of. Papua New Guinea, the eastern
half, is most often viewed as Australia's problem child, independent but
not self-reliant, with a sketchy reputation for drunkenness, raskol gangs
and economic catastrophe. In the western half, West Papua, even such scant
outlines are missing. Fifteen years after my first visit to the damp
magnificence of the West Papuan highlands, I've come to the conclusion that
it may be one of the places that we choose to keep dark: an ancient,
Conradian land that, for us, is more a proof of our obscure need for 'the
primitive' than a country struggling to emancipate itself. Even when the
country blipped onto the Western news-map in 1996, as the British media
reported the hostage-taking of four British science graduates by 'Free
Papua' guerrillas, newspapers were apt to designate the Papuans as 'Stone
Age terrorists'. Small wonder that there was barely a murmur in the press
when, earlier this month, on 4th June, the 2nd Papuan People's Congress
unanimously declared West Papua's independence from Indonesia.

The reaction in Jakarta was more forceful, condemning the Congress as
'illegitimate', warning Papuans that independence is 'not an option' and
that security forces will act to maintain order. The United States and
Japan have backed Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid, as has the
European Union; Australia has issued a statement acknowledging Indonesia's
territorial integrity. Indonesian army and police numbers in West Papua
have been reinforced in the past few months from 8000 to 12,000, and
Jakarta has warned that further army and mobile police personnel will be
drafted in. There are reports in the Asian press that, as in East Timor,
pro-Indonesian militias have reappeared - although pro-independence Papuans
have learnt from the East Timorese' experience and assembled their own
militia. On the street, where there have already been regular disturbances,
the sides appear to be evenly matched.

For Indonesia, another proclamation of independence so soon after the loss
of East Timor is hard to swallow. But is that what is really at stake in
the territory? Loss of face of course plays a part, plus the fear of a
domino effect on Aceh and other provinces. There is also the fate of
several hundred thousand Indonesian transmigrants to the island. But the
least talked-about reason, and by far the most important, is West Papua's
extraordinary natural resources.

Hidden at 4000 metres in the blue-black ranges of its interior, West Papua
possesses the largest reserve of gold on the planet. In the British mining
company Rio Tinto plc's annual report for 1998, its gold stocks in New
Guinea are given as just over 19m ounces. Rio Tinto has a 12.5%
shareholding in Papua's Grasberg mine, plus a further 40% share in
Grasberg's expansion. The mine is owned by Freeport-McMoran Copper & Gold,
based in New Orleans, whose gold reserves at Grasberg stand at 85 million
ounces. Grasberg is also not just a gold mine, but the world's third
largest source of copper. It's said that the mine's $21.5bn-worth of gold
exceeds its running costs, so that every one of its 32 million tonnes of
copper is free.

As big as Spain, large parts of West Papua remain such dense jungle and
swamp that they have never been properly mapped. Just over a million
Papuans (the rest are transmigrants) belong to hundreds of tribal clans,
many living deep in the bush, Melanesians with no ethnic or religious ties
to their Muslim rulers. In the highlands, the men hunt cassowary and tree
kangaroos with bows and arrows, while the women labour in the gardens, cook
and nurse: it isn't uncommon to find a nursing mother with a child at one
breast and a piglet at the other. To see these things is to glimpse our
earliest humanity. It was to this wilderness that Freeport-McMoran came in
1967, with the blessing of the Indonesian government. It is not an edifying
story.

To understand Freeport's activities in West Papua, you need to understand
the scale of its operations and their geo-political context. No mine on
Earth moves as much rock every day as Grasberg. When I visited West Papua
in 1986, the company was producing 16,000 tonnes of ore a day from a mine
nearby. Two years later the 14,000-foot Grasberg disclosed its huge plug of
copper-gold ore, that had stood in the rock for 3 million years as
equatorial glaciers advanced and retreated around it. A decade later,
production is 200-300,000 tonnes of ore a day.

Freeport's first contract of work was signed with Indonesia in April 1967.
Four years earlier, in 1963, West Papua had come under interim Indonesian
rule. The Dutch had not wanted to hand it over with the rest of their East
Indies empire, but President Sukarno began to flaunt his new friendship
with the Soviet Union and the United States took fright. The New York
Agreement of 1962, brokered by the UN but choreographed by Washington, paid
lip service to Dutch insistence on self-determination. Under the agreement
Indonesia was allowed a full six years of interim rule before it had to
consult the Papuans as to whether or not they wanted to be annexed. It was
a sign of what was to come that, as in East Timor, Indonesian troops were
entrusted with responsibility for security.

That consultation, know as the 'Act of Free Choice', was held on Saturday 2
August 1969. There was no free vote: the 1025 Papuan council members who
assembled at Army headquarters in the capital, Jayapura, were told by
President Suharto's envoy that anyone who voted against Indonesia would
have his tongue torn out or be shot on the spot. The vote for integration
was unanimous. The province of Irian Jaya was created, and the world was
treated to a geopolitical absurdity: anti-colonialism and neo-colonialism
being used interchangeably in the interests of America's obsession with
Communism. Washington knew what it was doing, as a US Embassy memo to the
Australian government, released last year under Australia's 30-year rule,
shows. 'Personal political views of the UN team are [that]... 95% of
Irianese (West Papuans) support the independence movement and that the Act
of Free Choice is a mockery.' Another Western diplomat wrote: 'It was
eyewash, everyone knew that. Nobody cared about the West Irianese.'

Between 1963 and 1969 there were countless Indonesian 'security operations'
to break Papuan protests against the occupation, including a bloody bush
war by OPM (Organisasi Papua Merdeka, 'Free Papua Movement') resistance
fighters. The precise number of Papuans who have died in the 37 years since
Indonesian troops arrived is unknown, but at least 45,000 are believed to
have killed, mostly in villages bombed and burned and in the systematic
depopulation, rape and extra-judicial murder of the population. In 1967
alone 3500 Papuans were killed. Reports of atrocities by Indonesian
soldiers had become so persistent that on 5 April 1967 in the House of
Lords, Lord Ogmore called for a UN investigation - the same day that
Freeport celebrated the signing of its contract.

The connection between these two events is more than coincidental. Mining
companies exist to pile on value. It is a serious error to believe that
economic or engineering values have anything to do with ethics. But the
Grasberg mine's development - not forgetting the contribution of Rio Tinto,
which incidentally sponsors an annual prize for 'socially committed
journalism' - so closely mirrors Indonesia's career in West Papua that it
is worth considering the two in parallel. There is the question, for
example, of the legality of Freeport's 1967 contract, a contract Indonesia
probably had no legal right to grant as an interim power. There have also
been revelations that, between 1991 and 1997, the company provided loan
guarantees of $673 million for the purpose of buying Freeport stock to
three Indonesians with close ties to President Suharto or his ministers
(one of the businessmen involved, Mohammed 'Bob' Hasan, the Suharto aide
who introduced Freeport's CEO Jim-Bob Moffett into the president's family
circle, was arrested this year on fraud charges). Accusations of grave
environmental damage around the mine area have been increasing, and so has
the conviction among Papuans that the company's easy relationship with
Jakarta has been bought in covert contributions to the military and alleged
connivance in human rights abuses.

On my last visit to West Papua, in July 1999, I visited the Grasberg mine.
I flew from Darwin across the Arafura Sea to Timika, the flapping tin and
concrete mess that is the nearest approach point to the mine. Papuans and
Indonesian migrants, attracted by its economic magnet, are arriving in
Timika at the rate of 300 a week; from a village of 200 twenty-five years
ago, it now has a population approaching 80,000.

It was several days before I got permission to visit. I travelled first to
the Aikwa river, a cement-coloured throat of water several kilometres wide
that receives thousands of tonnes of mine tailings (the rock powder left
from the milling process) per day. I stood on the levee with Freeport's
environmental manager, surveying a desolate spectacle under a thunderous
sky. (It's calculated that the Aikwa's levees will have to be raised to a
height of 75 metres by the time Grasberg is mined out, and that eventually
220 square kilometres of Papuan lowlands will be drowned by tailings. I
pointed to the horizon on the far bank, scarred by kilometres of dead
trees. The manager said cheerfully: 'Oh, those haven't been killed by
pollution, they've just had their root systems suffocated by tailings.
Unsightly, aren't they? But we'll be cutting them down.'

The sight downriver cannot prepare you for the mine. First, there is the
spectacular access road. There are no foothills: the blue peaks of the
Jayawijaya range burst vertically upwards through the freezing silken
mists, so Freeport engineers simply shaved off the crests of a line of
knife-edge ridges until the surface was wide enough for two 40-tonne trucks
to pass. Higher up, the mine's pipeline runs bare by the roadside, carrying
away the ore concentrate to the waiting tankers at the coast. In 1977, in
retaliation for land expropriations and armed only with hacksaw blades, OPM
fighters and villagers cut this pipe. The Army retaliated with Operasi
Tumpas ('Operation Annihilation'), bombing, rocketing and strafing villages
with US-supplied OV-10 Bronco warplanes.

At Mile 68 there is Tembagapura, the mine's dull-looking township; at Mile
74 a cable tramway casually transports you the last kilometre and a half
through the clouds to the Grasberg's summit. Sliced like a boiled egg, the
huge inverted cone at its centre is deepening year by year as the ore is
blasted out and borne to the surface in a never-ending caravan of 200-tonne
trucks. (For the highland Amungme tribe on whose land the mine stands, the
result has been a spiritual cataclysm. The earth they walk on is their
ancestral mother, the mountain her head. Before, whenever someone died they
were taken up to the Grasberg's summit. For the Amungme, the mine is
gouging out their mother's brains before their eyes.)

The mine and its infrastructure are an undoubted engineering masterpiece,
in one of the highest and remotest places on Earth, yet the Papuans
continue to see Freeport as an adversary. Their resentment comes under
several headings: the company's forcible resettlement of highlanders in the
swampy lowlands; the rumours of over-close ties to the Indonesian military;
its environmental record and alleged responsibility for human rights
abuses; and money. Where is the money? By any standard, West Papua should
be the most bankable province in the republic, but it remains economically
backward, its riches siphoned off to Freeport stockholders and to Jakarta.
Yet perhaps the main question is not even about money. Freeport has built
hospitals and schools and initiated community and business development
programmes, but all the Amungme I talked to distrusted these improvements.
The head of the Catholic diocese office, Brother Theo van den Broek,
thought he knew why. 'It is not answering the main question. Which is: my
land. Me. Where am I in this whole story? I am nowhere.'

Possibly because Freeport has smelt political change coming, in the past
year it has been moving rock as fast as it can. A month ago a slide of rock
waste into Lake Wanagon buried four contractors' employees and injured 18
others. Brother Theo believes the massive extraction rate is a prime cause
of environmental problems. Despite the company claiming a clean bill of
health from an independent environmental audit, during my stay the mayor of
the Timika region ordered local people to stop eating tambelo - a water
snail that is a staple of the lowland diet - because of reported illness
from suspected high copper levels. Copper is capable at concentrations of
less than 2ppm of causing intestinal and other damage. The Aikwa's copper
level is around 10ppm; other metals associated with gold-bearing ores
include mercury, arsenic, barium, cadmium and lead. Their impact is hard to
detect until they begin to destroy nervous and respiratory systems and
produce foetal abnormalities. Perhaps a truer view of Freeport's attitude
to ecological issues can be found in its ebullient CEO's dismissal of the
environmental impact of the mine as 'the equivalent of me pissing in the
Arafura Sea'.

But the chief source of anger remains the company's ties with the
Indonesian military. Freeport cannot dissociate itself from the Army, the
Army is there because Freeport is there, but Freeport's most lasting
mistake must be to have recognised the existence of the Papuans only when
forced to - as long as the Army was taking care of business, it asked no
questions. Regular protests against the mine are routinely met by Army
reprisals. A series of Army attacks in 1994-5, part of a 'cleansing
operation' against the OPM, elicited a Catholic church report listing
killings, torture, detention and disappearance of Papuans. The most
notorious case was of five men from the Kwalik family. Arrested and
tortured, they subsequently vanished (they have not been found). Several
months later it was another Kwalik, an ex-teacher named Kelly, who abducted
and held hostage the group of British research scientists.

The day before I left Timka I met Kelly Kwalik's mother. Ibu Josefa is an
old-fashioned figure bound in bright cloth, like a polished and carefully
wrapped antique. She too had found herself in jail in 1995, 'because they
thought I was giving orders. I was in jail for a month and three days. It
was a toilet with water up to my knees.' The 'toilet' Josefa mentioned was
a freezing steel freight container. She and nine others had had to stand in
their own excrement for a month. She was blind in her left eye as a result.

Is there direct evidence to link Freeport to the Army? Brother Theo
confirmed that there are now reckoned to be 2-4000 Army and special forces
troops around Timika, more in the hamlets surrounding the mine. 'They ask
for cars and facilities, and Freeport agree. One senior executive said to
me, "We don't like it either but we feel safe."' During my own visit I was
introduced to a number of Freeport officials including an American called
Tom Green, in charge of the 'community liaison office'. Something
interestingly decisive about Green's manner made me ask around. Later I
found that prior to joining Freeport he had been a military attaché at the
US Embassy in Jakarta. One supposes that the presence of ex-military,
ex-CIA personnel might be viewed as part of the company's desire to talk
the same language to the Army and the local people - but it's not an easy
argument to find convincing.

I carried out further research when I got back to London. After a long
wait, I received some papers from an American lawyer who had represented
the Amungme. Incomplete but revealing, they contained evidence that
Freeport has budgeted to equip the military to perform its violent role. In
the year in question - probably the second half of the 1990s - the company
was budgeting to finance headquarters buildings, guard houses and guard
posts, barracks, parade grounds and ammunition storage facilities. The list
also included expenditure for messrooms, water, power and fuel
installations, tennis and volleyball courts, flagpoles and signwriting.
Another table enumerated office requirements for Freeport project staff -
architects, draughtsmen and engineers - among whom provision had been made
for two ABRI (Army) advisers. The amounts are substantial, given that the
papers weren't complete: for the Army $5,160,770, for the police
$4,060,000.

To return to today, it isn't difficult to foresee the course of West
Papua's independence proclamation. The chairman of the Papuan People's
Congress, Theys Eluay, and his deputy Tom Beanal are due to meet President
Abdurrahman Wahid in Jakarta on 25 June to present the Congress's unanimous
decision. Neither side has room for manoeuvre. If West Papua's fate is
allowed to remain an internal matter, President Wahid is likely to have to
defer to his generals, and Papuan nationalism will continue to be contained
by military repression. It goes almost without saying, of course, that the
country's future should not be allowed to be merely an internal matter.
After the United Nations' traumatic blundering in the Sixties, allowing
itself to be dictated to by US interests, the most sensible, most legal,
most international way to decide the Papuans' right for emancipation must
now be to take the case and the arguments back to the UN.

But the real fear in pushing for a reassessment of West Papua's case, as
every UN diplomat knows, is not that Indonesia has had a recent lesson in
the concept of international justice, in East Timor, and will not tolerate
another - nor that there is a domino effect waiting to happen. The real
fear is that West Papua is far more vital than East Timor to the future of
Jakarta's empire, and thus more potentially destabilising, inside and
outside Indonesia. 4000 metres up in the south-west highlands, Grasberg is
an economic beachhead. Freeport is one of Indonesia's biggest tax and
royalty sources; its licence to prospect in another 2.6 million-hectare
area, as far as the Papua New Guinea border, is likely to show
mineralogical possibilities that Jakarta will not abandon without a fight.

As for the practicalities of mining in West Papua, there is one further
thing to say. In tactical terms it may have been a mistake on Freeport's
part to accept the Army's protection so readily. If political moves to
secure Papuan independence fail or falter too long, OPM commanders have
indicated that their future strategy will concentrate on economic
targeting. The company knows its mine (and any future expansion) is
vulnerable to guerrilla attack: Grasberg workers are aware, since some were
employed there, that to close the profitable Panguna mine on nearby
Bougainville island in the early Nineties, all the Bougainville
Revolutionary Army had to do was blow up a power plant and murder a couple
of expatriates. In such circumstances expatriate enterprise has a low risk
threshold (Panguna has not reopened). It is unarguable that without the
Indonesian Army's presence and readiness to inflict reprisals, the mighty
Grasberg mine would be as exposed as Panguna. And if Grasberg were to go
up, it would make Bougainville look like a picnic. Freeport and Rio Tinto
cannot say they haven't been warned.

(ends)

--

Flat 2, 41 Addison Gardens, London W14 0DP
+44 (0)207 602 6920
Mailto:jevans@ukonline.co.uk

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

=======================================================

Subj: [wp] Irianese leader seeks special autonomy
Date: 7/24/00 3:18:51 PM Central Daylight Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com

From AWPA
Jakarta Post 25/7/00

Irianese leader seeks special autonomy

JAKARTA (JP): The sooner the central government gives Irian Jaya special
autonomy, the better Jakarta's chance of silencing the demands for
independence emanating from the province, a political leader in Irian
Jaya said.

The deputy speaker of the Irian Jaya provincial legislature, John Ibo,
blames the increasing support for secession among the Papuans, as the
province's natives refer to themselves, on the central government's
failure to address the demand for autonomy.

"The central government should know that the Papuans do not need or
expect special autonomy at the level of discussion. They want to see and
experience this status materialize in the province," Ibo told The
Jakarta Post on Sunday. He said the speedy implementation of autonomy in
the province would convince Papuans to remain a part of the republic.

Irian Jaya is home to one of the world's largest gold mines. Alleged
human rights violations and unfair revenue sharing from mining
activities have cause many in the province to demand independence. The
700-member People's Consultative Assembly, in its General Session last
October, endorsed the proposal to grant the natural resource-rich
provinces of Aceh and Irian Jaya special autonomy.

Ibo said the government's failure to follow up the Assembly's decision
and draft a law and operational regulations to implement the special
autonomy showed it was not serious in resolving the issue. The
government's recalcitrance is also manifested in other matters,
according to Ibo.

First, based on the unique nature of Irian Jaya, the provincial
legislative council proposed to the central government that four deputy
governors be appointed to the province. "But as of today, there has been
no response," Ibo said.

Second, he said, the legislative council requested the central
government to provide Irian Jaya Rp 350 billion of the Rp 2 trillion of
financial aid set aside in the state budget for the country's provinces.
"However, the central government never replied."

He said Papuans hailed President Abdurrahman Wahid's approval of Irian
Jaya being renamed Papua. "But there have been no steps taken by the
government or the House of Representatives to officially adopt the
name." Ibo warned that if Jakarta continued to procrastinate, Papuans
would lose their trust in the government. "Further delays in
implementing the special autonomy in Papua will only fuel the already
strong demand for establishing an independent state in the territory.

"The government has the obligation to carry out development in Irian
Jaya. If it fails to fulfill the needs of the Papuans, the people's
demand for independence will grow." (eba)

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax 61.2. 99601696
_________________________________

___________________________________________________________
T O P I C A The Email You Want. http://www.topica.com/t/16
Newsletters, Tips and Discussions on Your Favorite Topics

=======================================================

Subj: [wp] Jihad warriors reportedly move into West Papua
Date: 7/24/00 3:01:53 PM Central Daylight Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com

>From AWPA

Radio Australia 25/7/00

Jihad warriors reportedly move into West Papua

One hundred Muslim militants from Indonesia's strife torn Maluku Islands
have reportedly been found training in West Papua

John Rumbiak from the human rights group, ELSHAM, says the fighters,
armed with both guns and grenades, had come across from the island of
Halmahera, to the north western town of Sorong.

He says the discovery indicates that the religious violence in the
Malukus could be spreading into West Papua, with the support of elements
of the Indonesian military.

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax 61.2. 99601696
_________________________________

=======================================================

Subj: [wp] *Business Week report from W. Papua on Freeport's Troubles
Date: 7/24/00 5:36:25 AM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
Reply-to: plovers@gn.apc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Includes: Freeport's Checkered Record

Business Week
July 31, 2000

Freeport-McMoRan: A Pit of Trouble

Can the miners make peace with critics of its West Papua operation?

Gabrielle K. McDonald is the first African American woman to serve as a U.S.
District Court judge. For six years, she served on the Bosnia war-crimes
tribunal at The Hague. She's the last person you would expect to meet on a
jungle airstrip in West Papua--Indonesia's half of the island of New Guinea.
But on a steamy June day, here is McDonald, in one of the remotest spots on
earth. And she's here on official business. In November, McDonald was named
special counsel on human rights by Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc., the
New Orleans company mining the world's largest deposits of recoverable gold
in this mountainous region. She has landed in West Papua to figure out how
Freeport can make its peace with the 150,000 Papuans who live and work around
the mine, Freeport's most valuable asset.

McDonald's presence speaks volumes about all the changes that have come to
Indonesia--and to Freeport itself. James R. ``Jim Bob'' Moffett, Freeport's
combative chairman and CEO, knew how to protect the lucrative Freeport
concession during the long years when Suharto ruled Indonesia. But Suharto no
longer rules Indonesia: He's a disgraced old man fighting a government
investigation into allegations that he pilfered billions from the country. An
unstable democracy clings to power in Jakarta, while much of the rest of the
archipelago is being rocked by secessionist movements and ethnic unrest.
Suddenly, foreign companies that had negotiated cozy contracts decades ago
are finding themselves subject to new financial demands, public scrutiny, and
calls for drastic change.

The shifting climate is threatening Freeport's $4 billion investment in
West Papua, formerly Irian Jaya. Freeport has 15 years left in its contract
to recover gold from its mammoth Grasberg mine. But it stands accused by
tribal leaders and Western activists of polluting the environment, of not
sharing enough wealth with the indigenous people, and of abetting the
Indonesian military's suppression of a campaign for Papuan independence.
Foreign investors are watching to see how Freeport will fare as it negotiates
its future in Indonesia. ``Freeport is definitely considered a bellwether for
foreign investment prospects,'' says James Castle, president of the American
Chamber of Commerce in Indonesia.

No wonder Freeport is campaigning hard to improve its image. The energetic
Moffett has staked his reputation on it. Freeport's strategy is to convince
local residents and Western activists that it is addressing their concerns.
Moffett even vows to cut the Papuans a bigger piece of Freeport's $1.9
billion in annual revenues. ``It's our responsibility to ensure that the
local people benefit from our presence,'' said Moffett, who agreed only to
provide written answers to questions. ``Our aspirations are to develop
relationships based on honesty, equality, and justice.''

But many Papuans say Freeport's attempts so far to rectify past wrongs are
too little, too late. Tribal leaders say they want more financial
compensation, more protection of their rights, and more environmental
guarantees. Leaders of the Papuan separatist movement even want Freeport's
backing for their attempt to create an independent nation. These leaders
accuse Freeport of merely making policy without implementing it. ``What's
going on in conversations and what's happening in the field are two different
things,'' said Janes Natkime, one of four recognized leaders of the locally
dominant Amungme tribe, during a recent BUSINESS WEEK visit to Papua at the
invitation of Freeport. The Amungme have rights to the land where Freeport
operates. Natkime says the company should split 50-50 with ``the people of
Papua'' the 3 million ounces of gold it produces annually. Freeport, however,
just reported a second-quarter loss of $18.6 million on lower gold and copper
shipments.

By the end of this year, local leaders will get more say than ever. That's
when a new law giving greater power to regional governments is to go into
effect. It's unclear how Freeport's old agreement with Jakarta will be
affected. Freeport never had a contract with the government in the provincial
capital Jayapura, located 450 mountainous kilometers away from the mine. Also
unclear is the status of Freeport's 1974 pact with the Amungme, which granted
the company rights to mine on its land in exchange for community-development
programs. According to Moffett, Freeport is not considering any renegotiation
of its contract. But ahead of that date, Freeport is discussing with local
leaders ``an agreement for significant additional compensation,'' says
Moffett.

TRUST FUND. Papuans say Freeport's development efforts so far have been
insufficient. After Papuans rioted against a military crackdown in 1996,
Freeport increased its spending on such projects to 1% of annual net
revenues--$16 million last year. So far, it has built a hospital, extended an
existing school, built a relocation camp for tribespeople displaced in a
local conflict, and constructed houses to replace those destroyed in a May
accident that also killed four Freeport contractors. Freeport also set aside
an equity stake in its local subsidiary, Freeport Indonesia. The dividends
from those shares are supposed to go into a trust fund for Amungme elders.
But so far, the dividends have not been invested, admits Leroy Hollenbeck,
Freeport's community-development manager in West Papua.

In addition, the Free Papua Movement, known by its Indonesian acronym OPM,
wants Freeport's support. ``We lost the gold from our land,'' says OPM Major
General Viktus Wangmang, who goes by ``Semal,'' his nom de guerre. ``To repay
the debt, Freeport and America should support our struggle for
independence.'' In an interview at a secret location outside Timika, he
admitted that the OPM was responsible for the murder of a Papuan Freeport
employee by a sniper in 1994--and defended it on grounds that the victim was
``a spy of Indonesia.''

With so many years of fractiousness, Freeport has a lot of animosity to
overcome. In February, 1999, it instituted a human rights policy requiring
Freeport's 6,000 employees in Papua to refrain from participating in human
rights abuses and to report any violations they might witness. Then in
November, Moffett appointed McDonald, a seven-year member of Freeport's board
of directors, to be his human rights troubleshooter in Indonesia. Moffett
said he told her: ``Gaby, you have full rein. You make recommendations, and
I'll take them.''

Seven months later, McDonald flew to Indonesia for a two-week visit. She
met with human rights groups in Jakarta, and held nearly a dozen meetings
with local leaders in West Papua. She also met with Freeport's local
managers, to impress upon them that the company's 15-month-old human rights
policy wasn't just a piece of paper issued from headquarters. ``They are told
that they must not violate a person's human rights and to report any
violation,'' says McDonald.

DEPORTED. But the human rights violations that taint Freeport involve the
Indonesian military's suppression of the Amungme-led secessionist campaign,
not Freeport's employees. Freeport's contract with Jakarta requires it to
``provide infrastructure'' for Indonesian government officials, including the
military. So Freeport has provided the Indonesian army with helicopters and
vehicles to transport troops and with funds to construct barracks and office
buildings. ``The concern has been the relationship between the company and
the military,'' says Abigail Abrush, a visiting fellow at Harvard Law School
who was asked by Freeport's board in 1998 to make an independent human rights
assessment, in conjunction with the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for
Human Rights. Her first attempt to investigate was thwarted by local police,
who ordered her deported soon after she arrived. Freeport says it is
cooperating fully with the center to complete the audit.

Interviews with Freeport employees also indicate that the human rights
policy is being only partially implemented. Freeport's designated Papuan-born
compliance officer, Daniel C. Ajamiseba, says that he doesn't have enough
time even to count the bundles of forms that pour into his office, much less
study them, because he has more important duties. ``This is 10% of my time,''
says Ajamiseba. ``All of us are stretched so thin.'' Two Papuan employees,
one a truck driver at the Grasberg mine who says he is illiterate and the
other a civil engineer educated at the University of New Orleans by the
company, say they are unaware that Freeport had a human rights policy. The
truck driver, Masmus Tipagau, 19, says he once witnessed Freeport security
guards beat a man severely for playing cards in the street of the
high-altitude mining town of Tembagapura. But he says he did not report it
because he wasn't aware he was supposed to. Moffett responds that ``those
employees most directly in contact with local people have had human rights
training.'' All employees also have been given publications explaining the
policy, he adds.

The policy has resulted in at least one concrete action, following an
incident in which Indonesian security forces opened fire on civilians within
Freeport's project area. Sixteen were injured by gunshots, and a further 80
were beaten on Dec. 2 when secessionists tried to raise their flag of
independence, according to a Human Rights Watch report. After a Papuan
employee was beaten by soldiers for attempting to assist the victims of the
attack, Freeport filed a complaint with Indonesia's National Commission on
Human Rights. It's the first time Freeport has complained about abuses on
behalf of the people who populate its area of operations. ``It's the
beginning of Freeport trying to do the right thing,'' says Arvind Ganesan, a
program director at Human Rights Watch. ``But it's only a first step,'' he
adds. ``It's way too early to say Freeport has turned over a new leaf.''

GRAY, GRAY. Another obstacle Freeport faces in mending fences is
environmental degradation. Five years ago, the Grasberg mine was a
4,100-meter mountain with the top shaved off and a corkscrew-like road
wrapped around it. Today, Grasberg is the opposite: a deep hole in the ground
with a spiral road down the inside. The mine produces 220,000 tons of ore per
day--97% of which is the gray silt, or ``tailings,'' dumped into the nearby
river system. The tailings have turned a 230-square-kilometer lowland delta
into a gray desert of dead trees. The company is replanting only 75
hectares--less than 1 square kilometer--per year. Freeport says it will turn
the remaining treeless area into ``the most productive agricultural land'' in
West Papua, producing up to $100 million worth of crops a year.

Freeport also has tried to address Amungme concerns that its people have no
voice in the company and that only 3% of employees come from the tribe. This
year, Freeport put an Amungme chief, Tom Beanal, on the board of Freeport
Indonesia, the subsidiary operating the mine. Beanal had earlier brought an
unsuccessful $6 billion class action against Freeport on behalf of the
Amungme in a U.S. court. Now, other Amungme tribal leaders complain they no
longer trust Beanal. Beanal declined to be interviewed for this story.

If Freeport does negotiate a new deal in West Papua, it would have
difficulty deciding who the parties to any agreement would be. It's unclear
whether the local government consists of the bureaucrats in far away Jayapura
or the fractious tribal councils where Freeport operates. ``There is no
cohesive local elite to negotiate with,'' says Bruce Gale, a Singapore
political-risk consultant who recently conducted a survey in the province for
a multinational client. ``You could easily get into a situation where you
have a deal with the elders of a tribe, only to find that other tribes don't
respect it or the next generation won't respect it.'' Indeed, local tribes
honor deals only as long as the person who made them is alive.

Even after Indonesia's new local autonomy rules go into effect, the
quarrels between the tribes and Freeport are likely to go on. The wounds run
too deep to heal soon. And multinationals operating in Indonesia will
experience more such tumult as the archipelago lurches through its painful
transition.

By Michael Shari in West Papua, Indonesia, with Sheri Prasso in New York

-------------

Freeport's Checkered Record

HUMAN RIGHTS

PROBLEM

Human rights groups and local inhabitants accuse Freeport of complicity with
the Indonesian military's detention, torture, and murder of civilians.

RESPONSE

Freeport requires employees to report any abuses and to state in writing that
they have not seen or participated in any violations. Freeport has
commissioned an outside audit and appointed a human rights expert as special
counsel. But the audit was delayed, and local Freeport officials don't have
time to assure compliance.

ENVIRONMENT

PROBLEM

Freeport dumps 200,000 tons of silt into local rivers every day, turning a
230-square-kilometer lowland delta into a gray, treeless desert.

RESPONSE

Freeport built levees to prevent spills and pledged to replant 75 hectares a
year through 2015, when the mine will be depleted. Environmentalists assert
that the company isn't doing enough and that vast areas will remain
contaminated. But Freeport says that remaining land can be used for farming.

DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH

PROBLEM

The Amungme, who have traditional claim to the mine area, say that Freeport
doesn't share enough revenues for use of their land and employs too few
locals.

RESPONSE

In 1996, Freeport began spending 1% of net revenues a year, about $16
million, on community development projects. In addition, it named a tribal
chief to the board of its Indonesia subsidiary. In response to Amungme
demands for a 50-50 split of revenues, Freeport is negotiating with tribal
leaders to provide more compensation.

Graphic: Map of West Papua highlighting Freeport's operations

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

___________________________________________________________
T O P I C A The Email You Want. http://www.topica.com/t/16

=======================================================

Subj: *Business Week report from W. Papua on Freeport's Troubles
Date: 7/24/00 5:36:27 AM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: westpapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Includes: Freeport's Checkered Record

Business Week
July 31, 2000

Freeport-McMoRan: A Pit of Trouble

Can the miners make peace with critics of its West Papua operation?

Gabrielle K. McDonald is the first African American woman to serve as a U.S.
District Court judge. For six years, she served on the Bosnia war-crimes
tribunal at The Hague. She's the last person you would expect to meet on a
jungle airstrip in West Papua--Indonesia's half of the island of New Guinea.
But on a steamy June day, here is McDonald, in one of the remotest spots on
earth. And she's here on official business. In November, McDonald was named
special counsel on human rights by Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc., the
New Orleans company mining the world's largest deposits of recoverable gold
in this mountainous region. She has landed in West Papua to figure out how
Freeport can make its peace with the 150,000 Papuans who live and work around
the mine, Freeport's most valuable asset.

McDonald's presence speaks volumes about all the changes that have come to
Indonesia--and to Freeport itself. James R. ``Jim Bob'' Moffett, Freeport's
combative chairman and CEO, knew how to protect the lucrative Freeport
concession during the long years when Suharto ruled Indonesia. But Suharto no
longer rules Indonesia: He's a disgraced old man fighting a government
investigation into allegations that he pilfered billions from the country. An
unstable democracy clings to power in Jakarta, while much of the rest of the
archipelago is being rocked by secessionist movements and ethnic unrest.
Suddenly, foreign companies that had negotiated cozy contracts decades ago
are finding themselves subject to new financial demands, public scrutiny, and
calls for drastic change.

The shifting climate is threatening Freeport's $4 billion investment in
West Papua, formerly Irian Jaya. Freeport has 15 years left in its contract
to recover gold from its mammoth Grasberg mine. But it stands accused by
tribal leaders and Western activists of polluting the environment, of not
sharing enough wealth with the indigenous people, and of abetting the
Indonesian military's suppression of a campaign for Papuan independence.
Foreign investors are watching to see how Freeport will fare as it negotiates
its future in Indonesia. ``Freeport is definitely considered a bellwether for
foreign investment prospects,'' says James Castle, president of the American
Chamber of Commerce in Indonesia.

No wonder Freeport is campaigning hard to improve its image. The energetic
Moffett has staked his reputation on it. Freeport's strategy is to convince
local residents and Western activists that it is addressing their concerns.
Moffett even vows to cut the Papuans a bigger piece of Freeport's $1.9
billion in annual revenues. ``It's our responsibility to ensure that the
local people benefit from our presence,'' said Moffett, who agreed only to
provide written answers to questions. ``Our aspirations are to develop
relationships based on honesty, equality, and justice.''

But many Papuans say Freeport's attempts so far to rectify past wrongs are
too little, too late. Tribal leaders say they want more financial
compensation, more protection of their rights, and more environmental
guarantees. Leaders of the Papuan separatist movement even want Freeport's
backing for their attempt to create an independent nation. These leaders
accuse Freeport of merely making policy without implementing it. ``What's
going on in conversations and what's happening in the field are two different
things,'' said Janes Natkime, one of four recognized leaders of the locally
dominant Amungme tribe, during a recent BUSINESS WEEK visit to Papua at the
invitation of Freeport. The Amungme have rights to the land where Freeport
operates. Natkime says the company should split 50-50 with ``the people of
Papua'' the 3 million ounces of gold it produces annually. Freeport, however,
just reported a second-quarter loss of $18.6 million on lower gold and copper
shipments.

By the end of this year, local leaders will get more say than ever. That's
when a new law giving greater power to regional governments is to go into
effect. It's unclear how Freeport's old agreement with Jakarta will be
affected. Freeport never had a contract with the government in the provincial
capital Jayapura, located 450 mountainous kilometers away from the mine. Also
unclear is the status of Freeport's 1974 pact with the Amungme, which granted
the company rights to mine on its land in exchange for community-development
programs. According to Moffett, Freeport is not considering any renegotiation
of its contract. But ahead of that date, Freeport is discussing with local
leaders ``an agreement for significant additional compensation,'' says
Moffett.

TRUST FUND. Papuans say Freeport's development efforts so far have been
insufficient. After Papuans rioted against a military crackdown in 1996,
Freeport increased its spending on such projects to 1% of annual net
revenues--$16 million last year. So far, it has built a hospital, extended an
existing school, built a relocation camp for tribespeople displaced in a
local conflict, and constructed houses to replace those destroyed in a May
accident that also killed four Freeport contractors. Freeport also set aside
an equity stake in its local subsidiary, Freeport Indonesia. The dividends
from those shares are supposed to go into a trust fund for Amungme elders.
But so far, the dividends have not been invested, admits Leroy Hollenbeck,
Freeport's community-development manager in West Papua.

In addition, the Free Papua Movement, known by its Indonesian acronym OPM,
wants Freeport's support. ``We lost the gold from our land,'' says OPM Major
General Viktus Wangmang, who goes by ``Semal,'' his nom de guerre. ``To repay
the debt, Freeport and America should support our struggle for
independence.'' In an interview at a secret location outside Timika, he
admitted that the OPM was responsible for the murder of a Papuan Freeport
employee by a sniper in 1994--and defended it on grounds that the victim was
``a spy of Indonesia.''

With so many years of fractiousness, Freeport has a lot of animosity to
overcome. In February, 1999, it instituted a human rights policy requiring
Freeport's 6,000 employees in Papua to refrain from participating in human
rights abuses and to report any violations they might witness. Then in
November, Moffett appointed McDonald, a seven-year member of Freeport's board
of directors, to be his human rights troubleshooter in Indonesia. Moffett
said he told her: ``Gaby, you have full rein. You make recommendations, and
I'll take them.''

Seven months later, McDonald flew to Indonesia for a two-week visit. She
met with human rights groups in Jakarta, and held nearly a dozen meetings
with local leaders in West Papua. She also met with Freeport's local
managers, to impress upon them that the company's 15-month-old human rights
policy wasn't just a piece of paper issued from headquarters. ``They are told
that they must not violate a person's human rights and to report any
violation,'' says McDonald.

DEPORTED. But the human rights violations that taint Freeport involve the
Indonesian military's suppression of the Amungme-led secessionist campaign,
not Freeport's employees. Freeport's contract with Jakarta requires it to
``provide infrastructure'' for Indonesian government officials, including the
military. So Freeport has provided the Indonesian army with helicopters and
vehicles to transport troops and with funds to construct barracks and office
buildings. ``The concern has been the relationship between the company and
the military,'' says Abigail Abrush, a visiting fellow at Harvard Law School
who was asked by Freeport's board in 1998 to make an independent human rights
assessment, in conjunction with the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for
Human Rights. Her first attempt to investigate was thwarted by local police,
who ordered her deported soon after she arrived. Freeport says it is
cooperating fully with the center to complete the audit.

Interviews with Freeport employees also indicate that the human rights
policy is being only partially implemented. Freeport's designated Papuan-born
compliance officer, Daniel C. Ajamiseba, says that he doesn't have enough
time even to count the bundles of forms that pour into his office, much less
study them, because he has more important duties. ``This is 10% of my time,''
says Ajamiseba. ``All of us are stretched so thin.'' Two Papuan employees,
one a truck driver at the Grasberg mine who says he is illiterate and the
other a civil engineer educated at the University of New Orleans by the
company, say they are unaware that Freeport had a human rights policy. The
truck driver, Masmus Tipagau, 19, says he once witnessed Freeport security
guards beat a man severely for playing cards in the street of the
high-altitude mining town of Tembagapura. But he says he did not report it
because he wasn't aware he was supposed to. Moffett responds that ``those
employees most directly in contact with local people have had human rights
training.'' All employees also have been given publications explaining the
policy, he adds.

The policy has resulted in at least one concrete action, following an
incident in which Indonesian security forces opened fire on civilians within
Freeport's project area. Sixteen were injured by gunshots, and a further 80
were beaten on Dec. 2 when secessionists tried to raise their flag of
independence, according to a Human Rights Watch report. After a Papuan
employee was beaten by soldiers for attempting to assist the victims of the
attack, Freeport filed a complaint with Indonesia's National Commission on
Human Rights. It's the first time Freeport has complained about abuses on
behalf of the people who populate its area of operations. ``It's the
beginning of Freeport trying to do the right thing,'' says Arvind Ganesan, a
program director at Human Rights Watch. ``But it's only a first step,'' he
adds. ``It's way too early to say Freeport has turned over a new leaf.''

GRAY, GRAY. Another obstacle Freeport faces in mending fences is
environmental degradation. Five years ago, the Grasberg mine was a
4,100-meter mountain with the top shaved off and a corkscrew-like road
wrapped around it. Today, Grasberg is the opposite: a deep hole in the ground
with a spiral road down the inside. The mine produces 220,000 tons of ore per
day--97% of which is the gray silt, or ``tailings,'' dumped into the nearby
river system. The tailings have turned a 230-square-kilometer lowland delta
into a gray desert of dead trees. The company is replanting only 75
hectares--less than 1 square kilometer--per year. Freeport says it will turn
the remaining treeless area into ``the most productive agricultural land'' in
West Papua, producing up to $100 million worth of crops a year.

Freeport also has tried to address Amungme concerns that its people have no
voice in the company and that only 3% of employees come from the tribe. This
year, Freeport put an Amungme chief, Tom Beanal, on the board of Freeport
Indonesia, the subsidiary operating the mine. Beanal had earlier brought an
unsuccessful $6 billion class action against Freeport on behalf of the
Amungme in a U.S. court. Now, other Amungme tribal leaders complain they no
longer trust Beanal. Beanal declined to be interviewed for this story.

If Freeport does negotiate a new deal in West Papua, it would have
difficulty deciding who the parties to any agreement would be. It's unclear
whether the local government consists of the bureaucrats in far away Jayapura
or the fractious tribal councils where Freeport operates. ``There is no
cohesive local elite to negotiate with,'' says Bruce Gale, a Singapore
political-risk consultant who recently conducted a survey in the province for
a multinational client. ``You could easily get into a situation where you
have a deal with the elders of a tribe, only to find that other tribes don't
respect it or the next generation won't respect it.'' Indeed, local tribes
honor deals only as long as the person who made them is alive.

Even after Indonesia's new local autonomy rules go into effect, the
quarrels between the tribes and Freeport are likely to go on. The wounds run
too deep to heal soon. And multinationals operating in Indonesia will
experience more such tumult as the archipelago lurches through its painful
transition.

By Michael Shari in West Papua, Indonesia, with Sheri Prasso in New York

-------------

Freeport's Checkered Record

HUMAN RIGHTS

PROBLEM

Human rights groups and local inhabitants accuse Freeport of complicity with
the Indonesian military's detention, torture, and murder of civilians.

RESPONSE

Freeport requires employees to report any abuses and to state in writing that
they have not seen or participated in any violations. Freeport has
commissioned an outside audit and appointed a human rights expert as special
counsel. But the audit was delayed, and local Freeport officials don't have
time to assure compliance.

ENVIRONMENT

PROBLEM

Freeport dumps 200,000 tons of silt into local rivers every day, turning a
230-square-kilometer lowland delta into a gray, treeless desert.

RESPONSE

Freeport built levees to prevent spills and pledged to replant 75 hectares a
year through 2015, when the mine will be depleted. Environmentalists assert
that the company isn't doing enough and that vast areas will remain
contaminated. But Freeport says that remaining land can be used for farming.

DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH

PROBLEM

The Amungme, who have traditional claim to the mine area, say that Freeport
doesn't share enough revenues for use of their land and employs too few
locals.

RESPONSE

In 1996, Freeport began spending 1% of net revenues a year, about $16
million, on community development projects. In addition, it named a tribal
chief to the board of its Indonesia subsidiary. In response to Amungme
demands for a 50-50 split of revenues, Freeport is negotiating with tribal
leaders to provide more compensation.

Graphic: Map of West Papua highlighting Freeport's operations

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

=======================================================

Subj: Irian Jaya is part of Indonesia, says Downer
Date: 7/18/00 5:00:41 AM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: indonesia-act@igc.apc.org, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk, jonathan.head@bbc.co.uk, cscheiner@igc.apc.org

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Irian Jaya is part of Indonesia, says Downer

By Peter Allport

SYDNEY, July 17 AAP - Australia will not support Irian Jayan
independence because any impetus towards secession could lead to
the bloody breakup of Indonesia, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer
said today.

However, Mr Downer urged Jakarta to proceed "with full regard to
human rights" in dealing with secessionist and sectarian strife in
the Indonesian provinces of Irian Jaya, Aceh and the Maluku
Islands.

Mr Downer told the Sydney Institute tonight that Indonesia lost
East Timor during last year's independence referendum because of
human rights abuses.

"Let me make this very clear: we accept that West Papua, or
Irian Jaya, is a part of Indonesia," Mr Downer said.

"For Australia to reflect on this ... and in the interest of
humanitarianism, the breakup of Indonesia would be an absolute
catastrophe.

"The number of lives that would be lost in that process would be
simply appalling," he said.

He said it was too late to redraw old colonial boundaries around
the world, instead advocating the development of multiracial,
tolerant societies within them.

"To try to redraw in 2000 the colonial boundaries in Asia, in
Africa, in Latin America, in the South Pacific, it just can't be
done," Mr Downer said.

"The second thing is we naturally enough urge on the
Indonesians, the Indonesian government, the Indonesian military,
the Indonesian authorities, that they manage the difficulties they
have in West Papua (Irian Jaya), in the Malukus, in Aceh, with full
regard for the human rights of those people.

"I have this theory about East Timor that if the Indonesians had
handled East Timor with sensitivity and full regard for the human
rights of the people of East Timor, they may have been able to win
the East Timorese over to the cause of becoming integrated with
Indonesia."

Mr Downer rejected rumours given currency in some quarters in
Jakarta that Australia sought to undermine Indonesian sovereignty
by supporting Irian Jaya's secessionist movement.

"Those breaches of human rights built and built and built
opposition to Indonesian rule in East Timor," Mr Downer said.

"Now East Timor is a very different proposition; it was never
part of the Dutch East Indies which made up Indonesia and did not
get incorporated into Indonesia until 1975.

"West Papua was part of the Dutch East Indies, the Malukus,
Aceh, and we certainly don't want to see any breaking up there, but
we do want to see those issues that President Wahid is trying to do
addressed with full regards to human rights," he said.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

=======================================================

Subj: Papuan separatists look for foreign support
Date: 7/24/00 5:36:59 AM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: indonesia-act@igc.apc.org, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk, jonathan.head@bbc.co.uk, westpapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Jakarta Post
July 24, 2000

Editorial and Opinion

Papuan separatists look for foreign support

The Papuan People's Congress held in Jayapura, Irian Jaya, from May 29 to
June 4 declared that the Irianese want to separate from Indonesia. Agus Alue
Alua, the congress chairman and deputy secretary of the Papuan Presidium
formed to follow up the congress, shares developments with The Jakarta Post's
correspondent Neles Tebay. The following is an excerpt of an interview in
Jakarta:

Question: What are the duties of the Papuan Presidium after the Papuan
People's Congress?

Answer: The Papuan Presidium is to carry out the mandate of the congress
which gave us full support to hold activities in struggling for West Papua's
(local name for Irian Jaya) independence.

The presidium will use peaceful ways, such as dialog and negotiations with
all parties involved.

What has the presidium done, and what does it plan to do?

Firstly, we determined our working guidelines ... Secondly, the presidium met
with President Abdurrahman Wahid in Jakarta in the first week of July. We
reported what had been discussed in the congress and submitted a written
report of the results.

What was the response of the President?

We got a positive response. He welcomed the decision to settle the West Papua
case by holding dialog. The President is to form an ad hoc team ... to study
the results of the congress. They will also visit West Papua to verify the
contents of our report. They will then report to the President, and their
task ends there.

After that, the President will invite the presidium to a discussion. Another
team will possibly be established to work out the terms of reference for a
national dialog on West Papua.

If the terms of reference are agreed on by the government and the presidium,
a political dialog on the Papuans' aspiration could be held based on openness
... equality and respect for human rights.

What has been the response of the presidium to the planned ad hoc team?

We fully appreciate and welcome the idea. We will be supporting the team in
the task. We think the team will be very helpful in moving toward a national
dialog.

Is the presidium also seeking the possibility of an international dialog on
Irian Jaya by involving the United Nations and some countries, such as the
Netherlands and the United States?

So far, we have no plan for an international dialog; we're just focusing on
the necessity of a national dialog.

Which other parties have received the congress results?

They include the speakers of the People's Consultative Assembly and the House
of Representatives, the Indonesian Military Commander, the Indonesian Police
chief, some ministers, non-governmental organizations and some ambassadors in
Jakarta.

Was the distribution of the congress results to ambassadors aimed at gaining
attention and support for Irian Jaya's independence?

We deliberately submitted the congress report to them so that they can also
understand the things going on in Indonesia, including in Papua ... they
would then be able to explain it to their respective leaders.

Is the presidium also planning to introduce the congress results in foreign
countries?

The congress has entrusted the presidium to report and submit the results to
the United Nations, the Netherlands and the United States, for instance.
However we lack the funds to do so.

We are grateful to the government for helping us to distribute and announce
the congress results to Indonesians, the international community and UN
Secretary-General Kofi Annan.

The government has sought international support for Indonesia's territorial
integrity. How can you say the government helped introduce the congress
results?

We heard that when the Papuans declared their desire to separate from
Indonesia, Minister of Foreign Affairs Alwi Shihab rushed to meet with
ambassadors in Jakarta ... The President also met with leaders of the
countries he visited and even with Kofi Annan.

We suppose they had surely informed these parties of the congress results
before asking for their support.

Alwi announced that foreign countries support Indonesia's territorial
integrity, including that of Irian Jaya, and that they do not support Irian
Jaya's independence.

The foreign minister was expressing either facts or his personal hope. If the
foreign leaders indeed said that, it is their right to do so ... But support
from a country's leader is not always identical to that of their parliament.

We have yet to be informed that there are no countries supporting West
Papua's freedom.

We think a change toward political support could happen any time, as in the
case of East Timor. Papuans have yet to lobby any foreign parliament or
government.

What has the presidium done in Irian Jaya?

The presidium will explain the results of the congress and of the meeting
with the President in each (of 13 regencies) beginning on July 14 (five
regencies were visited as of last week -- Ed). The presidium will call on
Papuans to maintain peace and order in respective regencies while we conduct
dialogs.

Papuans must be aware that the Papuan movement for independence is a
nonviolent movement.

What is your personal impression of the President in his response to the
congress results?

President Abdurrahman has shown himself to be a democratic man who fully
respects human rights, who lets people express themselves and who prioritizes
dialog and peaceful ways in resolving matters. All these reveal that he is
not only a leader of a country, but a man with a big soul and noble heart.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

=======================================================

Subj: Freeport shares tumble on report of loss, uncertainty in Indonesia
Date: 7/20/00 5:19:53 AM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: westpapua@topica.com, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

The Times-Picayune [New Orleans, US]
July 19, 2000

Freeport shares tumble again

Mining firm reports $19 million loss

By Stewart Yerton
Business writer/The Times-Picayune

Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc. shares dipped to a 52-week low Tuesday as
the New Orleans mining company announced a $19 million net loss for the
second quarter.

The earnings report reflected lower sales of copper and gold because of a
decrease of production and delayed shipments of copper and gold concentrate,
the company said. The company's shares fell to $8.50 during moderate trading
Tuesday before rebounding slightly to close at $8.63, down 3 cents for the
day. It was the second straight day Freeport shares had fallen to a yearly
low.

Freeport shares traded as high as $21.44 in January.

The mining company operates one of the world's largest open-pit copper and
gold mines, in Papua, Indonesia, a remote province that makes up the western
half of the island of New Guinea. The company's share price has been battered
lately by weak metals prices and fear of political uncertainty in Indonesia,
where mining companies have come under increasing pressure from regulators as
Indonesia makes the transition from an authoritarian government to a more
open democracy.

After an accident in May, Freeport announced it would decrease mine
production by 5 percent. On May 4, rock waste slid from a pile into a
mountaintop lake, causing the lake to overflow its banks and sweep away four
employees of a Freeport subcontractor who were camped near the lake. The
workers have not been found and are presumed dead.

Freeport announced Tuesday it has received Indonesian government approval to
implement a plan to stabilize the waste piles at the mountaintop lake, called
Lake Wanagon.

Net income fell from $19 million on $470.3 million in revenue in the second
quarter of 1999 to a net loss of $19 million on $397.3 million in revenue for
the same period this year. Quarterly income per share dropped from 12 cents
in 1999 to a loss of 12 cents in 2000.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

=======================================================

Subj: [wp] Three ways to answer outraged cries of 'do something'
Date: 7/18/00 1:31:16 AM Central Daylight Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com

from AWPA

SMH 18/7/00

This is an extract of a speech the Minister for Foreign Affairs
delivered in Sydney last night.

Three ways to answer outraged cries of 'do something'

Few injustices can now be kept indefinitely away from the attention of
the international media. When brought to light they inevitably fuel
demands for international intervention in some form. This is a new type
of interaction between the public and foreign policy makers - ignored by
democratic governments at their peril.

When the demand to "do something" is heard, governments are
understandably expected to respond.

Last year the NATO allies acted to deal with human rights abuses in
Kosovo. Regardless of whether you supported NATO's bombing of
Yugoslavia, what is interesting is that public opinion, driven by
television images, demanded "something be done".

Equally, had Australia and its partners done nothing about the violence
in East Timor in September last year, the global community - including
Australians - would have been appalled. On the contrary, the degree of
public outrage
encouraged the UN Security Council to adopt a mandate for Interfet and
made it easier for Australia to assemble a
coalition of countries to participate in Interfet.

Some people argue that in the interest of good relations with Indonesia
we should never have sent Interfet to East Timor; others say the slow
civil war in East Timor which had killed about 200,000 people between
1975 and 1998
should have been allowed to continue without busybodies from Australia
and elsewhere urging it to be drawn to a conclusion.

That sort of amoral approach to foreign policy is finished: in 2000,
with mass communications, the global public simply won't cop cruelty and
inhumanity being ignored in the interests of realpolitik. And rightly
so.

If globalisation means people won't cop injustice and inhumanity
anymore, how is the world going to stop it?

There are three types of measures the international community can take.
First, there is direct intervention, such as occurred in East Timor.
Second, there are the carrots and sticks of sanctions and incentives.
Third, it may be increasingly possible to resort to the international
legal system.

Direct military intervention ideally should require four criteria to be
met. The host nation should accede to it; the force should have the
authority of the UN Security Council; it should enforce or uphold a
peace settlement or final outcome already designed; there must be an
exit strategy for the force.

All four of these "ideal" criteria applied in East Timor and, in the
early '90s in the Gulf War. They did not in Kosovo.The point is, though,
that if all four criteria do not apply then the consequences of direct
intervention will be considerably greater and may even preclude that
option, as they did, for example, in Chechnya.

I do not regard my four criteria as an iron law of international
intervention, only as prerequisites for a straightforward and successful
intervention.

One of the most popular cries that accompany outrage is the call for
sanctions. Sanctions as an instrument of persuasion have a mixed record.
Blanket economic sanctions can simply exacerbate a humanitarian crisis
and harm
third countries.

If Australia were to apply full economic sanctions against Fiji we would
decimate its economy; tens of thousands of people would lose their
livelihoods, businesses would be lost forever and, given Fiji's
political position in the Pacific, countries like Kiribati, Samoa,
Tuvalu and Tonga would be sucked down with Fiji.

I am just not prepared to be that cruel. My judgment is this would breed
regional hatred towards Australia which would last for a generation.
Would such measures restore democracy to Fiji any faster? I am certain
they wouldn't. They could have the reverse effect.

There is evidence however, that "smart" or targeted sanctions, which aim
at those responsible for unacceptable behaviour, can have a more
beneficial political impact without causing widespread economic
devastation. In Fiji's case, the Government will consider a range of
targeted measures designed to place pressure on Fiji's decision-makers
to return to democracy.

I announced on May 29 a range of measures which the Australian
Government will put in place if there is an unacceptable political
outcome to the crisis in Fiji. These include suspension of
government-to-government co-operation; downgrading the aid relationship,
in particular suspension of projects involving the Fiji public sector
and the award of new scholarships; downgrading the defence co-operation
relationship, including suspension of forthcoming naval visits and joint
military exercises; a thorough review of sporting contacts.

These measures will be supplemented by bans on visits to Australia by
all those involved in the coup.

My thesis is that the world should increasingly look at targeted or
smart sanctions focusing on decision-makers, rather than blunt
comprehensive sanctions that harm those who are already victims of human
rights abuses. In addition to the sticks represented by sanctions,
governments should look at incentives, or carrots.

Such incentives should be designed to bring change without
confrontation. This mutually agreed approach to bring about change is
most evident in the Government's aid program.

The third form of international intervention is through the
international legal system. This type of intervention is only in an
embryonic phase. The international criminal tribunals for the former
Yugoslavia and Rwanda have started to have some impact.

But most importantly, 97 countries, including Australia, have now signed
the Statute for the International Crim- inal Court. This court will not
only be able to prosecute and convict perpetrators of egregious human
rights abuses but it will act as a serious disincentive to commit such
acts.

Globalisation has created new pressures on governments to respond to
international crises. It is a new complexity within the foreign policy
environment and requires more, not less, sophistication when examining
calls for international intervention.

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax 61.2. 99601696
_________________________________

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Subj: [wp] ABC: Indon military finances pro-Jakarta militias in West Papua -report
Date: 7/18/00 9:51:02 AM Central Standard Time
From: cscheiner@igc.org (Charles Scheiner)
Reply-to: cscheiner@igc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

[note: transcripts of the programs below are not available unfortunately, but
one can listen to the reports at the http sites provided]

Australian Broadcasting Corporation
Asia-Pacific report
Monday 17th July, 2000.

Indonesian military finances pro-Jakarta militias in West Papua

In the eastern province of West Papua, new claims have emerged that Jakarta
is using local militia to undermine the independence movement. West Papuans
have declared Indonesia's 30-year rule illegal, but President Wahid says he
won't allow the province to secede. And as journalist Mark Worth discovers,
Jakarta is using its East Timor tactics to suppress West Papua's push for
independence.

to listen to full report go to: http://www.abc.net.au/ra/asiapac/record.htm

-------------------

earlier ABC reports:

Separatist rebels debate whether to continue ceasefire.

Six weeks after a ceasefire deal to end 20-years of violence in Indonesia's
Aceh province, there are fresh warnings of a dangerous slide back into
bloodshed. Separatists rebels and Indonesian troops have continued to clash
despite the three month agreement to stop the fighting. Now the
pro-independence Free Aceh Movement or GAM has supported a proposal by
Jakarta to extend the deadline for the truce. But not all Acehnese believe
that's the best way to move the peace process forward. Doctor Husaini Hasan,
the European chairman of GAM, spoke to Linda Lopresti from his home in
Sweden.

to listen go to: http://www.abc.net.au/ra/asiapac/summaries/2000/jul00.htm

---------------------

East Timor communities apply their own justice to former militia members.

Almost a year after the independence vote in East Timor, some communities are
finding their own solutions to pro-Jakarta militia members, now wanting to
return home from West Timor. One of the most vicious groups, known as Mahidi,
destroyed their own village of Casa, and the nearby south west centre of
Ainaro. Indonesian activist Hilmar Farid told Di Martin how the people of
Casa are dealing with the returning militia members.

to listen go to: http://www.abc.net.au/ra/asiapac/summaries/2000/jul00.htm

----------------------

Indonesia's second-largest party scraps secular state ideology.

In a shift away from Indonesia's disgraced Suharto regime, the country's
second largest Muslim group has scrapped its secular state ideology. The
Muhammadiyah, with 30-million followers, has voted to replace its founding
statute with Islam. Fifteen years ago, Suharto introduced a law requiring all
political, social and religious groups to adopt the Pancasila ideology, which
includes a belief in one God and a vow to safeguard national unity. Islam
analyst, Dr Greg Barton, told Linda Lopresti the decision by the Muhammadiyah
is symbolic of the current changes within Indonesia

to listen go to: http://www.abc.net.au/ra/asiapac/summaries/2000/jul00.htm

----------------------

Jakarta's former spies in new roles.

In Indonesia, former spies used by the old autocratic regime are going
freelance, offering their tools of psychological warfare to the highest
bidder. It's one of the unwelcome results of reforming an intelligence
network that was all too pervasive and underpinned former President Suharto
for more than 32 years. Professor Richard Tanter has studied Indonesia's spy
network, or "Intel" as it's known, and says some spy elements of the old
regime have yet to be dismantled. He's speaking to Di Martin.

to listen go to: http://www.abc.net.au/ra/asiapac/summaries/2000/jul00.htm

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: [wp] AAP: Irian Jaya is part of Indonesia, says Downer
Date: 7/18/00 9:49:25 AM Central Standard Time
From: cscheiner@igc.org (Charles Scheiner)
Reply-to: cscheiner@igc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Irian Jaya is part of Indonesia, says Downer

By Peter Allport

SYDNEY, July 17 AAP - Australia will not support Irian Jayan
independence because any impetus towards secession could lead to
the bloody breakup of Indonesia, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer
said today.

However, Mr Downer urged Jakarta to proceed "with full regard to
human rights" in dealing with secessionist and sectarian strife in
the Indonesian provinces of Irian Jaya, Aceh and the Maluku
Islands.

Mr Downer told the Sydney Institute tonight that Indonesia lost
East Timor during last year's independence referendum because of
human rights abuses.

"Let me make this very clear: we accept that West Papua, or
Irian Jaya, is a part of Indonesia," Mr Downer said.

"For Australia to reflect on this ... and in the interest of
humanitarianism, the breakup of Indonesia would be an absolute
catastrophe.

"The number of lives that would be lost in that process would be
simply appalling," he said.

He said it was too late to redraw old colonial boundaries around
the world, instead advocating the development of multiracial,
tolerant societies within them.

"To try to redraw in 2000 the colonial boundaries in Asia, in
Africa, in Latin America, in the South Pacific, it just can't be
done," Mr Downer said.

"The second thing is we naturally enough urge on the
Indonesians, the Indonesian government, the Indonesian military,
the Indonesian authorities, that they manage the difficulties they
have in West Papua (Irian Jaya), in the Malukus, in Aceh, with full
regard for the human rights of those people.

"I have this theory about East Timor that if the Indonesians had
handled East Timor with sensitivity and full regard for the human
rights of the people of East Timor, they may have been able to win
the East Timorese over to the cause of becoming integrated with
Indonesia."

Mr Downer rejected rumours given currency in some quarters in
Jakarta that Australia sought to undermine Indonesian sovereignty
by supporting Irian Jaya's secessionist movement.

"Those breaches of human rights built and built and built
opposition to Indonesian rule in East Timor," Mr Downer said.

"Now East Timor is a very different proposition; it was never
part of the Dutch East Indies which made up Indonesia and did not
get incorporated into Indonesia until 1975.

"West Papua was part of the Dutch East Indies, the Malukus,
Aceh, and we certainly don't want to see any breaking up there, but
we do want to see those issues that President Wahid is trying to do
addressed with full regards to human rights," he said.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: [wp] Copper prices jump after Freeport news [drop in Indon production]
Date: 7/17/00 10:44:43 AM Central Daylight Time
From: cscheiner@igc.org (Charles Scheiner)
Reply-to: cscheiner@igc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com

From: Tapol
Subject: Copper prices jump after Freeport news [drop in Indon
production]

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Copper prices jump after Freeport news

LONDON, July 12 (Reuters) - Copper prices broke through resistance at $1,800
a tonne in London Metal Exchange (LME) trade on Wednesday afternoon after
news of lower than expected production by PT Freeport Indonesia, traders said.

Three months copper ended the first afternoon ring at $1,805, up $11 from the
morning kerb close, and then made further gains to end the second ring at
$1,813. The drive behind the upward move was an announcement by Freeport
McMoran Copper & Gold Inc (NYSE:FCX - news) that copper production at PT
Freeport Indonesia (PT-FI) was below expectations in the second quarter.

``They had flagged earlier that they were having problems, but this may have
been the impetus for copper to break through $1,800,'' said Robin Bhar,
analyst at Standard Bank London.

PT-FI's copper sales reached 256 million pounds in the quarter, compared with
earlier estimates of 320 million. The company attributed the shortfall to
delayed shipments of concentrates because of weather and sea conditions and
lower production caused by changes in the sequence of mining material and
lower ore throughput rates.

The Indonesian government ordered PT-FI to cut daily mill output at its
Grasberg mine to 200,000 tonnes from around 230,000 tonnes after a flood of
waste water killed four workers on May 4. Freeport said on Wednesday it
expected to report a loss of approximately $19 million, or 12 cents a share,
in the second quarter compared with net income of 12 cents a share in the
second quarter of 1999.

The Freeport news marks the latest in a series of potentially bullish factors
for copper, following shortly after the temporary closure of the Continental
open-pit mining operation in Montana and figures from the International
Copper Study Group showing the world refined copper market in deficit in
April.

``It's all grist to the mill. People may be coming round to the fact that
maybe they've underestimated these markets,'' said Bhar.

The Freeport news, however, may be more significant psychologically in the
short term rather than fundamentally in the long term. The company said its
copper sales estimate for 2000 as a whole remained unchanged at 1.4 billion
pounds.

The second-quarter sales shortfall of 64 million pounds (around 30,000
tonnes) ``is the sort of loss that will have been factored into forecasts,''
said another analyst, although he added that ``people will have wanted to see
it quantified.''

``There's a lot of concentrate available in the market, so none of this is
going to be seen quickly in terms of lost metal production,'' said Kevin
Norrish, analyst at Barclays Capital.

Although LME copper prices have moved above $1,800, the market is seen
needing to close above $1,820 to make a definitive break out of its current
range.

``I'm withholding judgment. We've been up here before and gone back down
again,'' said Norrish.

Copper's previous rally up to $1,810 in late June stalled in the face of
producer selling and the market subsided back into its recent fairly narrow
range.

``A lot of funds have moved to close out their short positions but they're
not willing to go all that long until they get some fresh signals,'' said
Standard Bank's Bhar.

``If the market can close above $1,820 it would probably suck in some more
CTA-type and institutional buying,'' he added.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: Ginandjar Under Scrutiny For Shady Dealings [4 articles]
Date: 7/17/00 12:46:35 PM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: indonesia-act@igc.apc.org, u.braun@xcc.de, slliem@xs4all.nl, taylorjb@vax.sbu.ac.uk, jonathan.head@bbc.co.uk

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

also: Ginandjar Under Scrutiny: Former Mining Minister Central Figure In
Dodgy Coal Deals; Paiton Power Project and the Minister; and Gigantic Oil &
Gas Scandal Further Taints Ginandjar

Detikworld.com 13 July 2000

Freeport Inquiry: "How Much Did You Get Pak Ginandjar?"

Reporter: Suwarjono/ SWA & LM

(Jakarta) Unraveling the intricacies of the mining business during the
New Order era of former President Soeharto is as difficult as
unearthing raw ore miles under the ground. Nevertheless, Ginandjar
Kartasasmita will be central to corruption inquiries into the giant
Freeport mine now underway in Commission VIII of the House.

Commission VIII of the House, which deals with mining and energy, is
currently delving into the deals done for the massive Freeport mine in
Papua. Ginandjar Kartasasmita is currently Golkar's deputy speaker in the
Peoples' Consultative Assembly and a former Minister for Mining and Energy.
The Commission has found strong evidence of corruption in that he not only
negotiated a deal for PT Freeport Indonesia which went straight to one of
former President Suharto's most notorious cronies but involved his younger
brother and another Minister in supplying the mine.

PT Freeport Indonesia is the Indonesian partner of Freeport McMoran Copper
& Gold Inc (FMCG), a giant US-based mining company which owned 90% of the
famous Freeport mine in the heart of Papua province prior to 1991.

With an estimated annual income of US$3 billion, the enterprise it seems
spared no expense. "Not only Tom Beanal (an outspoken leader of the Papua
community) who has gotten tired of fighting, even Suharto and all his
officials have been bought," said one member of Commission VIII of the
House to detikworld today, Wednesday 12/7/2000.

Ginandjar Kartasasmita is a name that has been frequently heard in the
Commission's attempts to uncover the internal workings of Freeport
Indonesia and Freeport McMoran Copper & Gold Inc (FMCG). Several Ministers
and former Ministers of Mining and Energy appearing before the Commission
have suggested they check with Ginandjar.

A member of Commission VIII, Erman Suparno, said that many things need to
be clarified regarding the signing of a second contract between FMCG and
the Indonesian government because at the end of the first contract all of
Freeport's assets were to be acquired by the Indonesian government. "The
agreement resulting in this second contract is not clear, so it raises the
suspicion that there must have been a conspiracy between Freeport and
government officials," Erman said.

The conspiracy started in 1988, fifteen years before the expiry date of the
first contract, when Freeport Indonesia found the Grasberg deposit
containing at least 72 million ounces of pure gold, silver and copper worth
an estimated US$ 60 billion easily mined because it lay close to the surface.

Not wanting to lose the treasure, the boss of PT Freeport Indonesia, Bob
Muffet made several strategic maneuvers to approach high-ranking officials
in the Indonesian government. One of those targeted was Ginandjar, then
Minister of Mining and Energy. Muffet and Ginandjar became close allies, as
reported in The Asian Wall Street Journal in early October 1988. The two
visited each other often, played golf together and dined in luxurious
restaurants.

Freeport Indonesia proposed an extension of their contract in 1989, with an
extension of the mining area to include the Grasberg site. Ginandjar
negotiated for an increase in taxes and a bigger cut for the Indonesian
government. Their share was raised from 10% to 20%.

The agreement was signed on 30 December 1991. But the additional 10% was
allocated to a private company named Bakrie Investindo. "What was going on?
Is the Bakrie group more privileged than the Indonesian government? How
much did you get Pak Ginandjar?" asked a member of Commission VIII, Nur Hasan.

The Bakrie group bought 10% of the shares in Freeport Indonesia for US$
212.5 million. US$ 49 million was paid in cash but the remainder was
pledged through syndicated credit from international banks. To cover for
the doubt about Bakrie's financial condition, Freeport Indonesia guaranteed
the credit. One year later, Freeport McMoran Copper & Gold Inc. reimbursed
half of Bakrie's shares at quadruple the price.

Other allegations focus on the fact that PT Catur Yasa, owned by
Ginandjar's brother Agus Kartasasmita, was brought in to establish and
maintain the electrical power plant for the mine.

Commission VIII also questioned the involvement of the A Latief Corporation
(ALC) owned by former Minister of Man Power Abdul Latief, which supplied
peripheral facilities to support the mine, including hotels, housing
complexes, soldiers barracks and even golf courses.

Astrid S Susanto, a House members who is also a professor at the Faculty of
Social and Political Sciences at the University of Indonesia, told
detikworld that the second contract between Freeport and the Indonesian
government was legally defective.

He claimed the agreement, known as Kontrak Karya II, was lex specialis,
beyond Indonesian law. "Lex specialis is only supposed to be applied to
several articles. But the whole Kontrak Karya II agreement was lex
specialis," explained Astrid. In this matter, the lex specialis agreement
should be agreed by the House. "Now it depends whether the House agrees
with that agreement," said Astrid.

In an interesting development which cause much excitement at the Attorney
General's offices today, a photocopiy of a warrant to detain Ginandjar in
connection to alleged corruption, collusion and nepotism cases during
former president Suharto's regime was widely circulated. Signed on
Thursday, 6 July 2000, the warrant ordered the Deputy Attorney General for
Special Crimes, Ramelan SH, to detain Suharto's cronies, listed among them,
Ginandjar. Other notable names on the list are former Vice President
Soedarmono, former State Secretary Sa'adilah Mursyid and two infamous
tycoons, namely Soedono Salim and Prajogo Pangestu.

The Attorney General, however, flatly denied that the warrant existed.
"What there is is a letter calling certain people to give evidence," a
flustered Marzuki Darusman told the press after meeting with Commission II.

A media hoax or an unplanned leak? In any case, the fate of those detained
may not be so bad afterall. Take Syahril Sabirin, currently detained in
connection with the embezzlement of millions of dollars from the Central
Bank which he heads. Syahril has apparently again put himself forward to
become an Indonesian Ambassador. A move which Marzuki today claimed was
solely at Syahril's instigation, not denying that the government had
considered the idea.

-----------------

Ginandjar Under Scrutiny (2):

Former Mining Minister Central Figure In Dodgy Coal Deals

Reporter: Rusdi Mathari/ Lyndal Meehan

Jakarta -- Numerous political commentators and even President Abdurrahman
Wahid have pointed out that the forces behind efforts to stir up trouble and
destabilise the government are none other than the ones with the most to lose
if the truth about the bad old days comes out. One man with a lot to loose
and a lot to answer for is Ginandjar Kartasamita. Below we take a brief look
at his dealings in the coal industry while still Minister for Mines and
Energy.

Ginandjar Kartasasmita is currently Golkar's deputy speaker in the Peoples'
Consultative Assembly and is a career politician, perhaps best known for his
prominent role as Coordinating Minister for Economy, Finance and Industry
when the economic crisis hit in 1997 under former President Suharto. He has
also been in the headlines lately for alledgedly playing a key role in
promoting Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri for President... if Wahid
should fall in the upcoming August session of the parliament. As a central
figure in the Golkar Party which dominated Indonesian politics under Suharto
it is hardly surprising that Ginandjar's name just keeps popping up as
Commission VIII of the House, which deals with Mining and Energy, delves into
the Ministry's past.

Our story begins in 1985, when Ginandjar, at the time a Junior Minister for
Domestic Production Upgrading Affairs (UP2DN), had 3 close associates placed
in key positions in various state-owned enterprises, namely Kuntoro
Mangkusubroto, Ibnu Sunanto, and Ambyo Mangunwidjaja. In March 1988,
Ginandjar was promoted to Minister for Mines and Energy and immediately
shared his good fortune with the three. Kuntoro became Principal Director of
PT Tambang Batubara Bukit Asam, Ibnu Sunarto became General Director of the
company in the Logistics Division while Ambyo served in the Ministry's staff
under Ginandjar in the General Mining Division. The lineup changed somewhat
in 1989, when Kuntoro was replaced by Sapari Sutisnawinata and moved on to
another coal company, PT Timah.

While the placements in themselves may not violate any standard business
practices or laws, the deals done between the Ministry and these figures in
coming years is now the focus of much confusion and speculation. In 1990,
another state-owned coal company, Perusahaan Umum (Perum) Tambang Batubara
was merged with PT Tambang Batubara Bukit Asam. Ambyo was installed as
Director while Ibnu remained as General Director of the enlarged enterprise.
It is here that Ginandjar's grand design is seen coming to fruition and the
allegations of corruption, collusion and nepotism begin.

A deal done with the Philippines government in 1990 is coming under scrutiny
in the House and it is still unclear if the Ministry and company delivered at
all. It goes like this, explained one House Commission VIII member, in 1990
Ginandjar traveled to the Philippines and met with then President Corry
Aquino. The President expressed a desire to purchase 1 million tons of coal
from Indonesia and upon returning, Ginandjar involved a firm owned by his
younger brother, Agus Kartasasmita, PT Catur Yasa, in arranging the delivery.
"It's from here the fate of the transactions gets increasingly unclear,
whether the deal was all followed through, cancelled or what happened,"
explained the Commission member.

Then there is the small matter of the taxes on numerous transactions that are
known. Nearing the end of 1991, for example, Director of PT Tambang Batubara
Bukit Asam, Ambyo, cut a deal with 3 companies to buy and sell in the
domestic market. The companies involved were extremely 'well connected': PT
Baraperwita Indonesia (Baraperwita), PT Genindo Citra Perkasa (GCP) owned by
former President Suharto's eldest son Bambang Trihatmojo, and PT Ensicon
Indonesia (Ensicon) owned by Kuntoro, the former Principal Director of his
new business partner.

The deal was for Baraperwita and GCP to sell a certain amount of coal to
Ensicon tax- free. The coal, as much as 500,000 tons per year, would then be
sold by Ensicon to PT Indocement Tunggal Perkasa, a state-owned cement
producer with 10% tax paid on this transaction. Amboyo then cut a deal to
sell coal to PT Bakrie Brothers over 5 years, also tax-free. 13.5% of the
coal was obtained by PT Tambang Batubara Bukit Asam through another deal
worked out with PT Kaltim Prima Coal in East Kalimantan province. The strange
thing was, explained the detikworld source, no money was paid into the
government coffers but went back into PT Tambang Batubara Bukit Asam,
ostensibly to help another company, PLTU Suralaya I, finance the purchase of
coal. Turns out though, PLTU purchased cheaper coal from China and Australia.

Later, in 1992, Ginandjar O.K.ed the development of a coal briquette factory
with the money kept by his old friend Amboyo's PT Tambang Batubara Bukit
Asam. In this deal too there were several highly suspicious deals done
between the Minister and his business associates. First, Ginandjar sent a
delegation of 10 engineers to China in February 1993, led by Ibnu Sunarto. At
that time, a German firm had already presented a package to supply machinery
for the new factory cheaper than anything the Chinese could come up with.
Nevertheless, Ginandjar personally wrote to the Agency for the Assessment and
Application of Technology (BPPT), requesting the Chinese get the green light.

Besides the fact that the German bid was cheaper, the Chinese machinery, as
the Minister knew, was not suitable for processing Indonesian coal.
Indonesian coal's volatile metter rating is around 34-35% while Chinese coal
rates at around 16-18%.

It's worth noting that the deal to build the PT Tambang Batubara Bukit Asam
factory was done in collaboration with ARISTO, a private company owned by
President Suharto's oldest grandchild, Ari Sigit Suharto. Various questions
are also being asked about the possibility that the costs involved were
somewhat bloated 'on paper' considering the size and capacity of the factory
eventually built in Gresik, East Java. 'Mark ups' have been a favourite means
of siphoning funds from development projects by the Suharto clique for many
years.

On the subject of the Suharto clan, PT Tambang Batubara Bukit also cut a deal
with a company owned by Suharto's youngest son, 'Tommy' Suharto, to
distribute the coal in the domestic market, at least. The distribution deal
was handed over by no other than then Minister for Cooperatives and Small
Business Development, Subiakto Tjakrawerdaya, in 1997. After Suharto stood
down in 1998, it was revealed that GORO, Tommy's wholesale company, had Rp 53
billion in funds to distribute the coal briquettes. Rp 50 billion of which
had been deposited by PT Tambang Batubara Bukit, before the company had been
legally registered.

Ginandjar will have to clear up some of the speculation about these dubious
business practices mentioned above before the Commission or various media
across the country could all be charged with slander. "I will explain it
all," said Ginandjar to detikworld Wednesday 12/7/2000.

-----------------

Detikworld.com 13 July 2000

Ginandjar Under Scrutiny (3): Paiton Power Project and the Minister

Reporter: Suwarjono/FW & LM

detikworld - Jakarta,In the third part of our 'Ginandjar Under Scrutiny',
the venerable former Minister of Mining and Energy's role in the grossly
inefficient electricity industry is considered, particulalrly his involvement
in the development of the massive Paiton I private power plant. A report
produced by the Development Finance Controller (BPKP) recently lists
Ginandjar as 1 of 14 high government officials alledgedly involved in the
debacle.

The Paiton Private Power Project I was built in 1994 near Bhinor village,
Paiton subdistrict, Pasuruan, East Java. It started operations in 1998 at a
capacity of 2 x 615 megawatts burning hundreds of thousands of tons of coal
annually. The US$ 2.5 billion needed to fund the power plant was provided by
an international consortium comprised of Mitsui & Co Ltd, General Electric
Capital Corporation, Mission Energy and PT Batu Hitam Perkasa. The last
company notably owned by Hasyim Djojohadikusumah, the brother of President
Suharto's son-in-law and onetime Commander of the Army's Special Forces
(Kopassus), Prabowo.

The report prepared by the Development Finance Controller (BPKP) names at
least 14 government officials allegedly involved in corrupt practices in
relation to the power plant development. At the top of the list is the former
President, particularly in regards to Presidential Instruction no. 37/1992
and his function as the sales price controller. Not far behind him is then
Minister for Mining and Energy, Ginanjar Kartasasmita, followed by IB Sudjana
(who determined final sales prices), JB Sumarlin, Sanyoto Sastrowardoyo and
DR. Zuhal.

The Paiton Private Power Project I has intrigued House Commission VIII and
the BPKP report has been used as the depature point for their inquiries. "We
have summoned former ministers and government officials linked to Paiton.
They singled out Mr. Ginandjar because he knows more about the project," Nur
Hasan, a member of the Commission, told detikworld.

According to Nur Hasan, who is also a member of Crescent and Star Party, the
problems with the Paiton Private Power Project I may be traced back to Decree
no.0666.K/702/M.PE/1990 issued by the Ministry of Mines and Energy (Ginanjar
Kartasasmita) on "The Establishment of a Preparation Team for Power
Privatization".

When the team was established in 1991, the government invited 2 consortiums
as tenders for the project; Bayu Nusa Intercon Electric (BNIE) as well as
Mission Energy Co., Mitsui & Co and General Electronic Power Funding (BMMG).
However, without any explanation, the BNIE proposal was dropped and the
government only negotiated with BMMG. "An appointment like that with no
transparency must be explained to the public. If not, we get suspicious about
what is the relation with Mr Ginandjar," said Nur Hasan.

Even if the selection process was all above board, Ginandjar had better think
fast on his feet to explain his dubious Ministerial decisions and the
exorbitant costs of the electricity finally produced by the plant.

On 18 January 1993, for example, Ginandjar issued Decree No.
601/45/M.DJL/1993. The Decree essentially outlined the agreement reached
between the government and BMMG in the negotiations. Only problem was, when
the Decree was issued, certain issues had not been fixed, including
investment costs, the problem of coal supply, insurance, taxes or even the
small matter of working out the final sales price of the electricity.

While no actual agreement had been clarified, it wasn't for lack of
submitting reports on the costs involved. Detailed data from reports produced
in July 1992 and April 1993 reveals that BMMG had double-counted certain
expenses in their construction costs budgets. Comparing the 2 shows that
start-up fluids & coal stock, construction facilities, engineering and
permanent housing costs were accounted for twice.

"As a result, the electricity was too expensive and burdened the performance
of the state-owned electricity company. The people also suffered," said Nur
Hasan.

The impact on the cost of the power plant's electricity can be clearly seen
through a brief comparison with other ventures. Paiton I electricity was
produced at a cost of US 8.2 cents/KWh while the state-owned PLN sold at US
3.5 cents/KWh. The Tanjung Bati B Power Plant now sells at US 2.3 cents/KWh.

In turn, the costs are exorbitant compared to neighbouring countries, as seen
in a World Bank report dated 13 June 1996. In the report, Paiton 1
electricity sales prices are as follows: during 1989/1989 to 1993/1994 the
average sales price was US 7.67 cents/KWh, 1989/1990 to 2014/2015 the average
sales price was 7,3 cents/KWh. In 1994, electricity sales prices from the
private sector were much lower in other countries: Thailand 4.2 cents/KWh,
Pakistan 6.5 cents/KWh, and Philipines 5.7 cents/KWh.

Ginanjar has repeatedly denied allegations that he was involved in any
corruption practices in relation to the Paiton I project. "Where did I do
wrong?. I merely introduced the regulation," Ginandjar said before
Parliamentary Commission VIII, Wednesday 12/7/2000.

Nevertheless, former Minister of Mines and Energy, Kuntoro Mangkusubroto, has
filed a suit in the Central Jakarta Court on 7 October 1999 claiming massive
corruption in relation to ownership of PT Paiton Energy shares and coal
supplier companies owned by former President Suharto's cronies. The point of
departure is once again the BPKP report which lists Ginandjar.

Besides the unknown fate of the funds allocated under the double accounting
system and possible markup on those prices, Ginandjar must account for
presiding over an industry with exorbitant costs ultimately passed onto the
people. Nur Hasan reasoned, "If the problems are clear, then if he's quilty,
he will be investigated, but if not, Ginandjar will be cleared." He added
that it is highly imposible that there's nothing wrong in this case.

---------------

Detikworld.com 13 July 2000

Gigantic Oil & Gas Scandal Further Taints Gin.

Reporter: Rusdi Mathari/ SWA & LM

Jakarta -- The Exor I Balongan Project is widely recognised as the biggest
corruption scandal linked to the state-owned oil and gas company Pertamina.
Below, we take a look at the figures, the deals done over two years looking
for funds for the project and the role of Ginandjar Kartasasmita in the whole
affair.

Balongan is located in the Balongan Subprecinct, Indramayu, West Java. The
Export Oriented (Exor) oil mining and drilling enterprise at the site is
known as the Exor I Balongan Project.

Corruption, collusion and nepotism in relation to the case have been making
headlines for sometime. During the Habibie presidency, the government asked
the Supreme Auditing Council (BPK) to audit suspected mark-ups in this
oil-mining project. The Attorney General's office also investigated the case.
Both ended back at square one.

The latest round of inquiry took place in March 2000 when Commission VIII,
dealing with mines and energy, questioned several people in relation to the
case. One of those called was Erry Putra Oudang, the director of PT Mitra
Trans Balongan (MTB) and also the nephew of former first lady, the late Tien
Suharto. MTB is the Indonesian partner of the Foster Wheller consortium who
built the facility.

Commission VIII also questioned Suharto's son Sigit Hardjojudanto, former
Commander of the Presidential Security Detail, Major Gen. (ret) Pranowo, and
Prof Andreas Kho, a member of the expert staff of the Ministry of Research
and Technology, now Chief of the Agency for the Assessment and Application of
Technology (BPPT).

The Commission recommended the Attorney General, Marzuki Darusman, continue
the investigations into suspected massive corruption, collusion and nepotism.
"But we have not yet seen any concrete action from the Attorney General,"
said Irwan Prayitno, Chairman of Commission VIII. They are currently
continuing to probe the issue and called Ginandjar Kartasasmita in a hearing
on Wednesday (12/7/2000) to clarify the matter.

The case was set in motion on 7 March 1988 when AR Ramly, then Chief Director
of Pertamina, the state-owned oil and gas company, sent a letter to the
government proposing a budget for the Exor I Balongan Project. Pertamina
proposed to raise the US$ 938.6 million from the United Kingdom in the form
of a grant to the value of US$ 60 million and a soft loan valued at ECGD US$
140 million and an International Syndicate loan of US$ 738.6 million.

Ginandjar, as Minister of Mines and Energy, agreed with the proposal and sent
a letter to the Chairman of the National Development Planning Board in
September 1988 to obtain permission for the grant from the UK as planned.
However, at the same time, the cost of the project somehow blew out by a
staggering 238.83% to US$ 2.7 billion and the negotiations between Pertamina
and the United Kingdom in March-June 1989 progressed with great difficulty.
The UK authorities felt the blow out was irrational.

As a result, Foster Wheeler, the English partner of the Indonesian company PT
Mitra Trans Balongan (MTB), revised the proposal to US$ 1,996,410,000 on 26
July 1989. Pertamina Director of Processing, H Tabrani, sent a letter
agreeing with the revised amount dated 1 September 1989 to then Coordinating
Minister of Economy, Finance and Industry, Radius Prawiro. On 6 October 1989
Radius eventually agreed to launch the Exor I Balongan project and valued the
enterprise at US$ 1,999,000,000.

But Ginandjar did not back down and brought in Lum Sum Contractors who valued
the enterprise at US$ 2.049 billion, following the replacement of Ramly,
Pertamina's Managing Director. This deal was agreed by Ginandjar and the new
Managing Director of Pertamina, Faisal Abda'oe, in a letter dated 2 August
1989.

In March 1990, the US$ 70 million grant from the United Kingdom was
cancelled. On 14 August 1990, then Minister of Finance JB Sumarlin agreed
with an advanced payment worth US$ 2.711 billion for the Exor I Balongan
Project.

So where did the new funds come from? Hadn't the UK government withdrawn?

The truth was that the Indonesian government obtained a loan from JAPIC
through The Industrial Bank of Japan Tokyo. In a letter from Pertamina
Managing Director, Faisal Abda'oe, to then Minister of Mines and Energy, IB
Sudjana, dated on 7 January 1997, the Director claimed US$ 1.163 billion had
already been paid on the JAPIC loan as of 30 December 1996.

Therefore, besides the fact that the English government agreed to come in on
the project when valued at US$ 938.6 million but refused to provide funds
when valued at US$ 2.049 billion, Pertamina received a whopping US$ 2.711
billion, of which only US$ 1.163 billion has been paid.

The question is, whether Ginandjar and others involved in this US$ 700
million mark up and US$ 1.548 billion outstanding debt can satisfactorily
account for themselves. House Commission VIII will hopefully delve further
into the matter than former President Habibie and the current Attorney
General, both of whom are members of the Golkar party, which Ginandjar
currently serves as Deputy Speaker in the Peoples' Consultative Assembly.

"What I did has not violated my conscience or the law as many people have
charged," said Ginandjar to detikworld. "I think now is the time to focus on
economic recovery now, not persist in bringing up old matter and quarrel
incessantly. Pity the people of Indonesia who continue to suffer because of
perpetual conflict within the elite," he said.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

=======================================================

Subj: [wp] Transcript: Briefing by Shihab to Foreign Ambassadors in Jakarta
Date: 7/17/00 10:51:00 AM Central Daylight Time
From: cscheiner@igc.org (Charles Scheiner)
Reply-to: cscheiner@igc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com

Briefing by Foreign Minister to Foreign Ambassadors July 7, 2000
transcript available July 12, 2000

BRIEFING BY THE FOREIGN MINISTER H.E. ALWI SHIHAB TO FOREIGN AMBASSADORS IN
JAKARTA ON ACEH, MALUKU AND IRIAN JAYA

Jakarta, 7 July 2000

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me begin by expressing, my sincere appreciation to all of you for
coming to this meeting.

This morning, I would like to share with you the position of the Indonesian
Government on certain issues of concern to us, namely the situation in
Aceh, Maluku and Papua, and the measures that my Government has taken to
find the best solution to those problems. I would certainly welcome our
questions or comments.

ACEH

As you are aware, the problems in Aceh are multidimensional, caused by
injustices, economic exploitation and grave violations of human rights
perpetrated in the past, that have in turn provoked certain aspirations for
independence. Aceh province is an integral part of the territory of the
Republic of Indonesia, and the Government is determined to defend
Indonesia's territorial integrity. On behalf of my Government, I would
like to take this opportunity to sincerely express our gratitude to
Governments - individually or collectively - that have expressed their
support to the Indonesian position on this matter.

In dealing with the these problems in Aceh, the Government of the Republic
of Indonesia strongly believes that' a solution could only be found through
dialogue and not through the use of force. The Government and the
Parliament are in the process of giving special autonomy to the Province
which will grant wide-ranging rights in local governance and greater share
in revenue accrued from the exploitation of the natural resources in Aceh.
Perpetrators of violations of human rights are being brought to
justice. In the meantime the President himself and those who he
specifically designated are very much involved in a multi-pronged dialogue
with different factions in Aceh, including religious leaders, community
leaders, scholars, students and also armed groups, as well as prominent
figures in the provincial government.

As a part of our comprehensive approach, the Indonesian Government and the
Free Aceh Movement signed a Joint Understanding on Humanitarian Pause for
Aceh on 12 May 2000. The main goal of the understanding are to deliver
humanitarian assistance to those affected by the conflict situation; to
formulate security modalities with a view to supporting the delivery of
humanitarian assistance and to reducing tension and violence which may
cause further suffering; and to promote confidence-building measures
towards a peaceful solution to the conflict situation in Aceh. Indeed, most
of the Acehnese welcome the signing of the Joint Understanding on
Humanitarian Pause and expect that it will help bring about the return of
peace to the Province.

As a follow-up to the signing of the Joint Understanding, two Committees
have been setup, namely the Joint Committee on Humanitarian Action and the
Joint Committee on Security Modalities. Each Committee consists of 5
representatives each from the Indonesian Government and the Free Aceh
Movement. Their main task is to formulate ''the ground rules" for the
implementation of the Joint Understanding in the field. It is encouraging
to note that the two Joint Committees on Humanitarian Action and Security
Modalities have accepted the basic ground rules and standing procedures.

On 2 June 2000, the Joint Committees issued a Joint Statement confirming
their readiness to take all necessary steps to honor the Understanding;
express commitment to find way to stop the violence; reiterate their desire
to work together in a spirit of co-operation and goodwill to provide
humanitarian assistance to those in need and to improve the security in
Aceh; inform the public of the proceedings of the Joint Committees and
encourage all the People of Aceh to support the Humanitarian Pause.

It is to be noted that the situation in the field has slowly returned to
normalcy. It is of course a source of concern that on many occasions, the
GAM continue to engage in killings, burning, attacks on police outposts,
extortion, distribution of threatening letters and intimidation of local
village officials so that they would abandon their work. All these
activities are undoubtedly in violation of and Contrary to the spirit of
the Joint Understanding. Efforts are being made through the Joint
Committee on Security Modalities in Aceh to address those incidents.

On 23-24 June 2000, the Joint Forum, the highest organ of the Joint
Understanding, met for the first time in Geneva. Its main mandate is to
formulate and oversee basic policy, to review the progress of the
implementation of the Joint Understanding, and to generate the necessary
support for successful implementation.

Overall, the first meeting of the Joint Forum was conducted in an
atmosphere cordiality. Both parties reiterated their commitment to ensure
the successful implementation of the Joint Understanding. At the same time,
both parties recognized the challenges that lie ahead in implementing the
Joint Understanding.

Indonesia remains committed to implementing the Joint Understanding. In
this regard, the Indonesian Government would highly appreciate the support
of friendly countries for the successful implementation of the Joint
Understanding and thereby contributing to Indonesia's effort in
safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of
Indonesia and alleviating the suffering of the people in the Aceh province.

MALUKU

The conflict in Maluku is basically not a religious conflict. It is more
of an inter communal conflict driven by local economic disparities,
instigated by certain forces bent on destabilizing the country.

The Indonesian Government is determined to address the problem and continue
to take the necessary measures. While supporting the heads and local
communities in achieving reconciliation between their communities, the
Government is doing its best to enforce the law. At the same time, all
military and police personnel in Maluku who are considered to be unable to
show impartiality have been withdrawn from the islands and replaced by
fresh personnel. The Police have also confiscated weapons from individuals.

In order to put an end to the clashes which have heightened in intensity
and ferocity in the Province of Maluku and the Province of North Maluku, on
26 June 2000, the President adopted Presidential Decree No. 88/2000
imposing a state of civil emergency in both province. The decision was
taken after a number of Ministers met with leaders of the House of
Representatives and concluded that a state of civil emergency should
immediately be imposed in Maluku and North Maluku.

According to the 1959 Law on State Emergency, a state of civil emergency is
not a state of military emergency. One notable difference is that in the
latter, regional emergency authority would be in the hands of the military.
In a state of civil emergency, the Governor is the authority responsible
for the enforcement of law and order. The police and the security apparatus
may take all necessary steps to restore order, including the conduct of a
naval blockade in the Moluccan seas; preventing the entry of suspicious
elements into the territory; conducting sweeping operations to confiscate
illegal weapons; imposing a curfew on the resident; replacing the military
and police command in the area; imposing media black out; house to house
searches for Weapons and the wiretapping of telephone and radio
communications.

Although under the state of civil emergency in the Provinces of Maluku and
North Maluku, the Government may take firm and effective measures to
restore order and stability in the Provinces of Maluku and North Maluku,
the Indonesian police and the security apparatus on duty are under strict
order to respect and protect human rights. They have been instructed to
avoid any excessive use of force. The Office of the State Minister for
Human Rights Affairs is preparing a simple manual which will be distributed
to every member of the police and the security apparatus in the field so
that they will know how to do their duty without violating human rights.

As another measure to cope with the problems in Maluku, on Monday, 26 June
2000, the Commander of the Pattimura Military Command, Brigadier-General
Max Tamaela was replaced by Colonel I Made Yasa.

On 27 June 2000, the Governor of the Province of Maluku, as the authority
in charge of the state of civil emergency in Maluku, declared that all
conflicting parties should cease their exchange of fire and
hostilities. Curfew was imposed on Tuesday, 27 June 2000 from 22.00 until
06.00. Public gatherings (of more than 10 persons and with no clear
objective) are banned and people have to surrender their weapons to the
authorities by 30 June 2000.

The Indonesian Government strongly opposes any kind of foreign interference
in Maluku.

It is hoped that the international community show their understanding and
support the efforts by the Indonesian Government to restore law and order
in the Provinces of Maluku and North Maluku and promote reconciliation
among the people in these two provinces.

The Government of the Republic of Indonesia welcomes all international
humanitarian assistance extended to the people of Maluku.

IRIAN JAYA

The "Congress of the People of Papua" early last month adopted a resolution
declaring that the "people" of Papua had in fact become a sovereign nation
since 1 December 1961. The resolution of the Congress declared further
that "Papuans" rejected the New York Agreement of 1962 which they deemed
legally morally flawed since it did not involve the representatives of
Papua. They also rejected the result of the 1969 Act of Free Choice and
demanded that the United Nations revoked General Assembly resolution 2504
of 19 December 1969. Furthermore, the participants of the congress called
on the United Nations, the United States and the Netherlands to review
their involvement in the process of Indonesia's "annexation" of West Papua,
and to convey the result of the review to the people of Papua on 1 December
2000.

The Government of Indonesia categorically rejects the result f the
Congress. It deeply regrets that the leaders of the Presidium of Papuans
have broken their pledge and commitment to the Government that the Congress
was merely aimed at providing for the participants an opportunity to
express their aspirations and review the history of Papua in a context that
fully respects the national unity and territorial integrity of the Republic
of Indonesia.

The resolution adopted by the Papuan Congress is in fact a declaration of
independence and therefore in violation of the Constitution of the Republic
of Indonesia. We will not in any way tolerate separatist movement. The
resolution is also incompatible with the purposes and principles of the
Charter of the United Nations which prohibits any act aimed at the partial
or total disruption of the national unity and territorial integrity of a
country as reaffirmed in General Assembly resolution 1514 of 14 December
1960 on the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial
Countries and Peoples. Any action undertaken to implement the result of the
Congress will be met by firm measures by the Government of the Republic of
Indonesia. However the Government remains committed to maintain a process
of dialogue with the people of the Province of lrian Jaya in addressing
issues of concern within the context of the Unitary State of the Republic
of Indonesia. We are fully aware of the fact that the problems that we are
facing in lrian Jaya are basically also the result of injustices, economic
exploitation and violation of human rights.

The Government of Indonesia deems it necessary to underscore the historical
fact that the method by which the people of Papua expressed their will
through an Act of Free Choice as well as the result of the Act of Free
Choice have been endorsed by the United Nations in the General Assembly
resolution No. 2504 (XXIV). Any attempt to revise the history and "to turn
back the clock" will certainly set a very dangerous precedent. Any effort
to subvert our sovereignty over lrian Jaya and to instigate separatism in
that province will face a stern reaction from the Indonesian Government. It
is essential that the International community reaffirm their support for
the territorial integrity of the Republic of Indonesia, and in particular
to reaffirm their commitment to and support for the New York Agreement of
l962 as well as UN as UN General Assembly resolution No. 2504 (XXIV) which
recognizes that West Papua Constitutes an Integral part of the Republic of
Indonesia.

The-Government of Indonesia strongly opposes any form of interference by
foreign countries in Irian Jaya which constitute an integral part of the
Republic Indonesia.

President Abdurrahman Wahid already received the "Presidium of Papuan
Council" to listen to the report of "the Congress of Papuan People". The
President reiterated his determination to find a solution to the concern of
Papuan People through dialogue.

-END-

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

___________________________________________________________
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Subj: [wp] nvestors urged to seek military help
Date: 7/17/00 10:44:33 AM Central Daylight Time
From: cscheiner@igc.org (Charles Scheiner)
Reply-to: cscheiner@igc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com

From: Tapol
Subject: Investors urged to seek military help

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

[Note: today's JP was very late coming online due to problems at website]

[TAPOL note: It is extremely disturbing that local people exercising their
right to protest against the activities of investors is seen purely as a
security issue and a threat to foreign investment and not as an issue
concerning the rights of local people]

[Extract: Juwono said that such cooperation might take different forms,
depending on
the various security situations and conditions. He cited the example of giant
gold mining company PT Freeport Indonesia, which was cooperating with the
army in transporting security personnel in areas surrounding its mining site
in Irian Jaya.]

The Jakarta Post
July 12, 2000

Investors urged to seek military help

JAKARTA (JP): Minister of Defense Juwono Sudarsono encouraged mining
investors on Tuesday to cooperate with the military and the police in
ensuring the safety of their businesses amid widespread security instability
in the country.

Juwono said that the cooperation between security forces and investors was
necessary because the government could not work alone to deal with the
growing security problem in the country, due to the lack of funds.

"At present, I cannot guarantee the safety of investors," he told reporters
in a press meeting following his presentation at the Jakarta International
Energy Conference 2000.

Juwono said that such cooperation might take different forms, depending on
the various security situations and conditions. He cited the example of giant
gold mining company PT Freeport Indonesia, which was cooperating with the
army in transporting security personnel in areas surrounding its mining site
in Irian Jaya.

However, he warned that the use of security personnel against civilians
should be kept at minimum and should be avoided when possible.

Disputes between mining companies and local residents and workers are
escalating. The mining firms have often been forced to close their operations
due the lack of security guarantees from the local government.

Juwono said he understood the need to provide an immediate solution to handle
the security problem. But he said that it would take years to regain
stability in Indonesia which has been racked for the past two years by
political turmoil and communal bloodshed.

At present, he said, the country's police force was lacking in modern
equipment and personnel to adequately protect companies' plants.

According to him, it would take about 10 to 15 years to bring the ratio of
police personnel to civilians to the ideal level of one police officer to
every 400 civilians as commonly adopted by developed nations.

On the other hand, he said, the government must also improve the welfare of
the Army and the police.

He said that current members of the Army or the police force were prone to
join illegal activities, which sometimes offered higher earnings than their
salaries.

Juwono was commenting on reports of army officers who backed illegal coal
mining activities, thereby becoming part of the security problem foreign
investors are facing in East and South Kalimantan.

Since the downfall of former president Soeharto in May 1998, law enforcement
has deteriorated, causing many mining companies to face security problems
with locals or company workers.

Locals often feel that the presence of foreign mining companies, exploiting
their natural resources, are of little benefit to them.

They increasingly resort to extreme measures such as blocking roads to the
companies' mining sites.

The latest example being PT Kaltim Prima Coal (KPC), which stopped operating
after about 60 striking workers occupied important mining facilities.

The company has faced losses of about US$1.4 million a day since the closure
of its operations on June 15, and has declared force majeure to its coal
customers.

Faced with this trend, President Abdurrahman Wahid earlier ordered the
military to protect mining operations.

"I have ordered the mines and energy minister to provide mining investors
with protection," he said in his opening speech at the conference on Monday
evening.

He said that security was a vital factor for continued investment in this
country.

But Minister of Mines and Energy Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono gave a cautious
note, saying that investors should prioritize negotiations and not rely on
the military.

"Negotiations would prevent locals or workers from forcing a mining company
to shut down its operation," Bambang told reporters on the sidelines of the
conference.

He said that the use of force should be the last option, and only aimed at
upholding law enforcement.

Bambang said earlier in a speech to the conference that the mining and energy
sector last year accounted for around 14 percent of Indonesia's gross
domestic product and generated about $10.5 billion or 20 percent of total
export earnings.

"In the last fiscal year (1999/2000), tax revenues from the mine and energy
sector accounted for almost 27 percent of total government receipts," he
added.

Bambang said the contribution of the mining and energy sector to the state
budget could be even higher in the current fiscal year in view of the higher
international oil prices. (bkm)

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

___________________________________________________________
T O P I C A The Email You Want. http://www.topica.com/t/16
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Subj: [wp] Jakarta's first call for help as island violence rages
Date: 7/17/00 4:02:45 PM Central Daylight Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com

From AWPA

SMH 18/7/00

Jakarta's first call for help as island violence rages

By LINDSAY MURDOCH, Herald Correspondent in Jakarta

Indonesia has conceded that limited international assistance may be
required to help end fighting in Ambon which is
spiralling out of control as Indonesian troops take sides with Muslim
militants.

The President, Mr Abdurrahman Wahid, said yesterday that if Indonesian
authorities cannot control the situation "we
may ask for international help in the form of equipment and logistics".

Until now Mr Wahid's Government has rejected calls by Christian leaders
in the Ambon island chain for international
assistance in ending the religious war that has claimed more than 4,000
lives. The fighting has left
at least 20 dead in the past two days despite the imposition of a state
of emergency last month.

In Sydney yesterday the United States Secretary of Defence, Mr William
Cohen, said the US would look to Australia
for "leadership" on whether there should be international intervention
in Indonesia's war-ravaged Maluku Islands.

"We believe that Australia is closer to the situation, that we will look
for some leadership on the part of Australia in
terms of formulating our own policies in the region," he said after
talks with the Minister for Defence, Mr Moore.

Mr Moore said there would have to be an invitation from the Indonesian
Government before Australian assistance in the
Maluku Islands could be considered. The Foreign Minister, Mr Downer,
said the Federal Government had not been
approached by Indonesia to offer military help in Ambon, and he did "not
deal in hypotheticals".

He said Australia had offered medical and humanitarian aid to Ambon. "We
had a lot of difficulty in being able to
implement that assistance," Mr Downer said.

Indonesia had insisted until now that its security forces could end the
fighting and had prevented foreign diplomats
visiting violence-hit areas.

Speaking in Jakarta, Mr Wahid said the United Nations Secretary-General,
Mr Kofi Annan, had telephoned him several
days ago to ask about the security situation in the 1,000-island group.

"We are working it all out," Mr Wahid said. "If we are overwhelmed then
we will cry out for logistics and equipment
assistance."

Analysts in Jakarta say that Mr Wahid's administration is frustrated by
the inability or refusal of its armed forces to end
the fighting.

Mr Wahid's order to stop thousands of Muslim militants from Java
travelling to Ambon and receiving high-powered
weapons was ignored.

But analysts said the Government would only allow foreign help as a last
resort because of fears of encouraging outside
intervention in the country's problems, particularly given lingering
animosity over Australian-led international forces
going to East Timor last year.

Jakarta's Defence Minister, Mr Juwono Sudarsono, has admitted there were
"some or even many" army members who
have become "a major cause of clashes" in Ambon.

Indonesia's Foreign Minister, Mr Alwi Shihab, said that for the moment
foreign assistance was not needed in Ambon.
"We'll see how it goes, perhaps we can borrow aeroplanes, but there is
no need for foreign troops there," he said.

Mr Shihab said Mr Wahid had told diplomats that he would allow foreign
non-governmental organisations to visit
Ambon next week "if the situation has become slightly calmer".

For months Christian leaders in Ambon have warned that elements of the
Indonesian Army were siding with Muslim
fighters.

Bishop Joseph Tethool, the Roman Catholic auxiliary bishop in Ambon,
told Associated Press: "I think this latest
violence was orchestrated by the army troops. We appeal again for
neutral forces from overseas to mediate between
warring groups."

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax 61.2. 99601696
_________________________________

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Subj: [wp] RT: Indonesia to pump extra $50 mln into Irian Jaya
Date: 7/17/00 10:50:56 AM Central Daylight Time
From: cscheiner@igc.org (Charles Scheiner)
Reply-to: cscheiner@igc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com

Sorry for the deluge of material today. We're catching
up from some list problems caused by the server transition
over the past week.
--------------

From: Tapol
Subject: Indonesia to pump extra $50 mln into Irian Jaya

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Indonesia to pump extra $50 mln into Irian Jaya

JAKARTA, July 13 (Reuters) - Indonesia, stung by growing separatism in Irian
Jaya and accusations of neglect, said on Thursday it will pump an extra $50
million into the resource-rich but underdeveloped province.

Finance Minister Bambang Sudibyo said the 450 billion rupiah ($48 million),
which is on top of one trillion rupiah allocated to the province in the
national budget, would be used to build infrastructure, and on health and
education services.

``A total of about 1.45 trillion rupiah can be used immediately, as the
budget only has five months left,'' he told reporters.

This year's budget runs from April to December, truncated because it is being
aligned with the calendar year from April-March previously.

The extra money comes from the government's so-called crash fund, used to
direct spending to needy areas quickly.

Coordinating Minister For Political Affairs Surjadi Sudirdja said the
government was responding to criticism of unfair treatment and neglect in
Irian Jaya, also known as Papua.

``The government's strategy is for dialogue and humanitarian action in
Irian,'' he told reporters. ``The government is very serious about overcoming
problems in the country.''

Irian Jaya is home to one of the world's largest copper and gold mines and
also has rich timber resources.

A low-level separatist insurgency has simmered in the province, which covers
the western half of New Guinea island, for decades.

Indonesia fears mounting pressure for independence in provinces such as Irian
Jaya, and Aceh at the far west of the Indonesian archipelago, could trigger
the country's break-up.

Around the country, calls for independence have mounted since East Timor
voted to break from Indonesia rule last year.

In Irian Jaya, separatist demands are also fuelled by abuses by the military
and resentment at what some locals see as Jakarta's siphoning off of the
province's vast natural resources.

Last month, a congress of Irian community leaders and independence activists
declared Irian Jaya independent in a move Jakarta dismissed as
unrepresentative of the wishes of the majority of the approximately two
million people there.

($1-9,420 Rupiah)

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: [wp] Gus Dur vows Tangguh LNG project to benefit Irianese
Date: 7/17/00 10:44:28 AM Central Daylight Time
From: cscheiner@igc.org (Charles Scheiner)
Reply-to: cscheiner@igc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com

From: Tapol
Subject: Gus Dur vows Tangguh LNG project to benefit Irianese

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

The Jakarta Post
July 12, 2000

Gus Dur vows Tangguh LNG project to benefit Irianese

JAKARTA (JP): President Abdurrahman Wahid has promised that the planned
Tangguh LNG plant in Berau Bay, Irian Jaya, would benefit the people of Irian
Jaya.

The President also said he hoped the LNG megaproject would help speed up the
government's efforts to improve the country's economy.

"The President ordered the minister of mines and energy to speed up the
developmental process of the Tangguh LNG plant in Irian Jaya to boost the
government's income, help accelerate the economic recovery and improve the
welfare of the Irianese," presidential expert staff member Rizal Ramli said
in a statement on Tuesday, referring to the meeting of the Cabinet's economic
team on Monday.

Abdurrahman said, however, that the environment should be protected during
the development of the project.

The gas fields around the planned Tangguh LNG plant have a proven reserve of
14.4 trillion cubic feet (tcf) or a proven and probable reserve of 23.7 tcf,
of which the plant could produce between 3 million to 18 million tons of LNG
per year for 20 years.

Abdurrahman said he expects the project to yield a total potential revenue of
US$60 billion.

The Tangguh LNG project is owned by state oil and gas company Pertamina and a
consortium led by American oil and gas company BP Amoco.

An Indonesian delegation led by Minister of Mines and Energy Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono visited China for several days to market the Tangguh LNG project.

Director General of Oil and Natural Gas Rachmat Sudibyo, who took part in the
visit, said the Chinese government told the Indonesian delegation it would
submit its LNG demand of three million tons per year in the tender in August
this year. The LNG will be supplied to Guang Dong province.

Abdurrahman said he appreciated the visit to China, ordering the minister to
take all efforts necessary to follow up on the negotiations with the Chinese
government to win the LNG tender.

"The President underlined that it was very important to win the Chinese LNG
tender," Rizal said.

Aside from China, Indonesia is also trying to sell its LNG products to India.

During the Cabinet meeting, the President also received reports on a total of
Rp 310 billion (US$33.6 million) in unpaid forestry funds and fines owed by
concessionaires to the government to March 2000.

Abdurrahman ordered the Ministry of Forestry and Plantations to be more
proactive and tougher in recovering the funds.

The President also ordered State Minister of Investment and State Enterprises
Development Rozy Munir to perform an organizational and financial
restructuring soon on state construction companies, given their poor
performances.

The construction companies had preformed poorly even prior to the economic
crisis, Rizal said.

The President also voiced support to the Ministry of Industry and Trade's
efforts to help send Indonesian workers abroad amid the economic crisis,
which had caused rampant layoffs at home.

The President asked the ministry to provide workers before they are sent
abroad with training from funds from the tax revenue collected from
expatriate workers.

Abdurrahman also ordered state electricity company PT PLN to be flexible in
imposing electricity rate increases in the industrial sector, given the
cashflow problems experienced by most of the country's industries.

The President ordered PLN to impose high rates on power users during the peak
period and provide incentives for users during the off-peak period.

The President also ordered Minister of Maritime Exploration Sarwono
Kusumaatmadja to prepare concrete programs for boosting the government's
revenue through maritime explorations. (jsk)

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: [wp] Kompas: Ginandjar Denies KKN Allegations
Date: 7/17/00 10:44:19 AM Central Daylight Time
From: cscheiner@igc.org (Charles Scheiner)
Reply-to: cscheiner@igc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com

From: Tapol
Subject: Kompas: Ginandjar Denies KKN Allegations

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

Kompas
Thursday, 13 July 2000

Ginandjar Denies KKN Allegations

Former Mining and energy Minister, Ginandjar Kartasasmita, strongly denied
allegations of KKN (coruuption, collusion, and nepotism) in relation to
several Pertamina projects, private power project, and PT Freeport Indonesia.

Ginandjar also said that he will be really responsible as long as the issues
were related to his duties and authority during his tenure as Mining
Minister, and not before or thereafter.

Ginandjar said his piece at a General Opinion Hearing (PDPU) with Commission
VIII of Parliament Wednesday (12/7).

"We have executed various strategies with good intentions in the interest of
the nation and the state.. We had no intentions at all to make a profit from
it all," he said.

"We fully support corrective efforts of past errors including KKN. The law
should have its way, regardless of anything. Those at fault should be taken
to account according to the type of error, but those who are not guilty
should not be blamed of any wrongdoings. The law does not act against
offenders of the law only, it also protects those who are right," Ginandjar
added.

The RDPU was chaired by the Commission VIII Chairman, Irwan Prayito and
Deputy Chairman, Th. Haryono. Ginandjar was in company of former PLN (state
power coy.) General Director, Dr. Zuhal, former Pertamina Director, Faisal
Abda'oe, former Director General General Mining Department, Kosim
Gandataruna, and former Pertamina Exploration and Processing Director,
Thabrani Ismail.

During the RDPU, Ginandjar oozed self confidence, he appeared ready to handle
all questions of Parliament members. Quite the contrary, members of the
counsel admitted that they had not enough data and appeared, therefore,
rather unprepared at the hearing.

Commission VIII members appeared to be outdone by Ginandjar who had obviously
done his homework, neatly bound in a folder which contained 28 answers on
written questions from the Commission with hundreds of attachments concerning
KKN charges of the Balongan processing plant, private power project of
paiton, and PT Freeport Indonesia.

At last conclusion, Commission VIII made it known that they needed to delve
deeper in the written answers of Ginandjar. A difference in data of both
parties has become obvious. Commission VIII needs to clarify this with the
Attorney General (AG).

PT Freeport

About the sale of PT Freeport shares to the Bakrie group, Bakrie did not
aquire the shares through him. "I did not mediate the Freeport shares deal
for Bakrie. When the deal was in process, Freeport asked me if we had sold
shares to Bakrie. I told them, that is your problem, since Bakrie also got
offers from other parties."

"If there is someone else in Freeport's implementation project, I will have
no part of it. If another company has been given a job to do, they did not
get it through me or the department. That is a separate deal altogether," he
added again.

"I also have a son in business.. He joined in both tenders of Freeport and he
lost in both biddings. So, if I had been such an important factor to
Freeport, I should say.... At the time, it would have been easy for children
of officials to get a project. But, he did not get it and I did not help him
in his efforts," Ginandjar said.

Private power project

About the private power project, there was a period in which he was
responsible for the project and a time when his responsibility for the
project ceased.

"There were two periods in which I was responsible for the project, and
another one in which I was not responsible. I was responsible for the project
until March 1993. At the time investment for a private power system seemed
necessary. It was discussed in cabinet meetings," he said.

"There were power blackouts all over Java at the time, power was rationed in
some places, it crippled industry and our own investments. Solar imports
increased because we do not produce solar locally. There was no way out
except for having additional power in the country. And this was offered to
the private sector," he said.

The purpose of getting the private sector to handle the additional power
network, was in fact to boost private investment with the understanding that
government and power consumers would suffer no harm from the deal.

"If KKN did happen along the way, it did not appear because of those
policies," he said.

About increased power pricing and KKN reeking contracts, Ginandjar admitted
that he had no answers to those questions. "That happened when I was no
longer Mining and Energy Minister. I can only be held responsible for matters
that happened in my period. I refuse to become involved in matters outside my
responsibilities. That is not fair to me," he said.

About the Paiton power project, Paiton I, the former Mining and Energy
Minister also evaded responsibility which had been his share.

"About contracts and power pricing, the tariff structure was established when
I was no longer Mining and Energy Minister. I had only drafted the basics of
it," he said.

As to the Exor Balongan oil processing plant in Cirebon, Ginandjar only
remarked that the project is operating today and turned out to be quite
profitable.

"Balongan is running well. In 2001 loans will be settled, four years sooner
than planned. Also, one cannot generalize an investment structure. It depends
on the configurations of each project. every project has different
characteristics," he said.

Local businessmen

Answering questions of Commission VIII members in relation with an approach
to a number of local businessmen and relatives of former President Soeharto,
Ginandjar does not view these issues as unusual.

"My relationship with local businessmen has me marked as someone who
established a group. I only came in touch with Ical Bakrie, Arifin Panigoro,
and others, when they filed in their proposals for local products which,
before, were only imported. I know Jusuf Kalla, Achmad Kalla, Aksa Machmud,
from my relations with Solichin GP. He was at the time the Supra-cabinet
-level coordinator of development operations (Sesdalopbang)," Ginandjar said.

Local businessmen were not doing much when they could have taken the
initiative to introduce their abilities and their own productions, according
to Ginandjar.

"I have been encouraging them so they would not stop midways, I helped them
in their efforts. I help anyone who wants help. I was swimming against the
stream at the time. How could I help out hundreds of local businessmen, while
I only have two hands? If all ministers would help out local businessmen, we
might have a different story now," Ginandjar said.

About his relationship with Soeharto and his family, Ginanjar answered: "My
relationship with Soeharto's sons can be likened as a regular relationship,
there is nothing outstanding in it. They have never asked me for help."

After the RDPU, Commission VIII member of the PDI-Struggle faction, Pramono
Anung Wibowo, admitted that Ginandjar's explanations were all quite plausible.

"I have to admit that the decisions of the Mining and Energy Minister at the
time are all justified. But, the after effects which have only become
apparent now, show that the wrong strategies were followed. I have to admit
too that Ginandjar is not a faint hearted man since he accounted for every
question before a parliament counsel," Anung said.

Meanwhile, other Commission VIII members, Priyo Budi Santoso of the Golkar
faction, admitted that the Commission was not quite prepared for the hearing
of Ginandjar.

"I have to admit, Ginandjar's data were perfectly in order. But, that does
not mean that we will accept these information right away. We jhave to look
into them and will call him up if this should be necessary," Priyo said. (*)

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: [wp] IbonWEB: Jeffrey Winters: Get Serious on the Freeport Case
Date: 7/17/00 5:05:46 PM Central Daylight Time
From: cscheiner@igc.org (Charles Scheiner)
Reply-to: cscheiner@igc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

IBonWEB.com
July 14, 2000

- The Freeport case should be investigated fully, fairly, and quickly. There
are too many troubling questions that remain unanswered. Because these
questions have not been answered satisfactorily, suspicions of corruption
still hang over the company, its contract with the people of West Papua and
Indonesia, and over the heads of key people involved. Once again, for
example, we see former minister Ginandjar Kartasasmita being questioned in
yet another cycle of suspicion about Freeport. The best way to settle the
matter is to launch a full-scale investigation that opens up all the records
of Freeport and the Ministry of Mines and Energy.

When people from ECONIT were called to the Attorney General's office at the
end of 1998, they provided a mountain of useful information for starting an
investigation. When I was called to the Attorney General's office in March of
1999, I also outlined the many troubling questions and issues that must be
resolved, and I supplied useful data that contradicted many of the arguments
made by those associated with the new contract of work for Freeport.

The Attorney General has this information and should move forward with a
credible investigation. The Indonesian government should get serious about
the Freeport case or simply drop it and quit complaining. It is
counterproductive to Indonesia's investment climate to constantly raise
allegations of corruption against foreign firms and then consistently fail to
follow up with credible investigations and legal proceedings. Also, it is
frankly unfair to people like Mr. Ginandjar, Mr. Bakrie, and Mr. Moffett to
keep suspicions of corruption hanging over their heads without any
resolution. It is evident from their public statements that all three of
these key figures support a speedy and fair investigation to bring final
closure to this matter.

On the Freeport case, it's time for Indonesia to put up or shut up.

Jeffrey Winters

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************
***********************************************************
Charles Scheiner
National Coordinator, East Timor Action Network/US
P.O. Box 1182, White Plains, New York 10602 USA
Telephone:1-914-428-7299; fax:1-914-428-7383 cell:1-914-720-9205
charlie@etan.org PGP key available on request.
Check out ETAN's web site: http://www.etan.org
For information on East Timor write info@etan.org

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Subj: [wp] The Age/Editorial: Indonesia's shadow play on West Papua
Date: 7/17/00 10:44:28 AM Central Daylight Time
From: cscheiner@igc.org (Charles Scheiner)
Reply-to: cscheiner@igc.org
To: WestPapua@topica.com

From: Tapol
Subject: The Age/Editorial: Indonesia's shadow play on West Papua

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

The Age
July 10, 2000

EDITORIAL OPINION

Indonesia's shadow play on West Papua

Monday 10 July 2000

In diplomacy, even more than in other kinds of politics, the nominal
recipient of a warning is not always the intended recipient. Thus when
Indonesia's Defence Ministry declares that any future operation in the
archipelago similar to that carried out by InterFET in East Timor will be
resisted, the message is not only, or even primarily, intended to be heard in
Canberra. It is not surprising that Australia's defence review, which may
result in the ADF acquiring a greater capability to dispatch amphibious
expeditionary forces, might be viewed with concern by senior Indonesian
officers - but that is because they fear the disintegration of Indonesia, and
of their power along with it. The Defence Ministry's statement, which
referred to possible "invitation" military forces, was intended to warn
Indonesia's struggling President, Abdurrahman Wahid, who invited InterFET to
East Timor [Correction: Habibie, not Wahid, was President when InterFET
were 'invited' into East Timor. TAPOL]. If there were a similar Australian
military expedition to West Papua, the warning implied, not only would it
be opposed by Indonesian
troops, but any Indonesian leader who invited it would quickly be deprived of
office.

There is no real prospect of Australian troops being sent to West Papua,
which, as a former Dutch territory, is regarded by Indonesian elites as much
more an integral part of their country than East Timor could ever have been.
There is a remote possibility of Australian and Indonesian troops facing each
other across the Papua New Guinea-West Papua border, but only if the Papua
New Guinea Government requests help in securing that border, to avoid
involvement in any conflict between Indonesia and West Papuan secessionists.
If the ADF becomes involved in foreign interventions at all, it is much more
likely to be as part of Commonwealth or South Pacific Forum-sponsored
peacekeeping operations in the Solomons or Bougainville. If the Indonesian
armed forces commanders do not understand all this, it is perhaps because at
the height of the tensions generated by the East Timor crisis there was glib
talk in Australia - some of it apparently encouraged by Prime Minister John
Howard - about Australia adopting a more active role in regional conflicts,
in support of liberal-democratic outcomes. But the glib talk died quickly, as
the Indonesian commanders ought to know.

Their alarm now is most likely to have been aroused by the revival of
secessionist demands in West Papua and Aceh, and the escalating religious
conflict in Maluku. Indonesia's fledgling democracy under President Wahid
appears to have no solution to any of these problems, or to the continued
feeble state of the country's economy. It is a measure of the President's
weakness that his own Defence Ministry can issue him with a public, though
veiled, threat. As always, Australia cannot ignore what is happening in its
biggest neighbor. But we should not be dissuaded from continuing our defence
review, either.

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

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Subj: [wp] Papuans claim Jakarta is funding anti-independence militias
Date: 7/17/00 4:03:11 PM Central Daylight Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com

from AWPA

Radio Australia 18/7/00

Papuans claim Jakarta is funding anti-independence militias

Independence activists in West Papua say the Indonesian military is
funding anti-independence militias in the territory, in the same way it
did in East Timor.

The claim has been made by Lewis Kambaya, the former deputy leader of
the ruling Golkar Party in West Papua under former President Suharto:

"The key person working here now is the Governor-general, Musirana, a
known intelligence man from the airforce. This governor is from East
Timor. Usually they like to have a conference in Jakarta, the
pro-Indonesian groups. There wold be tickets supplied for transprtsation
and hotel payments. They give out money locally in Jakarta. The
department came to power two months before the (West Papua) congress.
Money is paid direct to contact men, then leaders of the group."

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
Tele/fax 61.2. 99601696
_________________________________

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Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Self-governance plans usher hope for provinces
Date: 7/16/00 6:37:18 PM Central Standard Time
From: admin@irja.org
Sender: owner-kabar-irian@irja.org
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The Straits Times Interactive
JUL 17, 2000
Self-governance plans usher hope for provinces
-- Indonesia's regional governments believe they can govern their
regions effectively when decentralisation programmes takes effect
next year
By Robert Go - Straits Times Indonesia Bureau

DENPASAR (Bali) -- Indonesia's regional governments are enthusiastic
about Jakarta's decentralisation plans and believe they can govern
the regions effectively on their own when the programme takes effect
next year.

Meeting for a seminar on regional autonomy in Bali, district
officials say power at the local level allows tailored governance of
their constituencies.

""District officials know what the people want. They can directly
serve local needs,'' said Mr Tatong Hariyanto, a legislator from
East Java province.

""Decentralisation will also encourage grassroots political
activity,'' he added.

Mr Tatong's enthusiasm for regional autonomy is echoed by many of
his colleagues from other parts of the country and perhaps reflects
disenchantment with Jakarta's past domination over almost every
aspect of Indonesian life.

One concern shared by these representatives, however, is that
extreme disparities in living standards enjoyed by Indonesians
across the archipelago require different levels of central
government involvement if decentralisation is to work.

While as much as 20 per cent of Indonesians depend on subsistence
farming for their living, others are professionals enjoying
middle-class lifestyles.

Mr Bulgan, an official with the mayor's office in Bandung, West
Java, indicates his constituency already exhibits greater interests
in socio-political developments compared to those Indonesians living
in poorer regions.

""Bandung has several developing industries, electronics,
information technology, agriculture and tourism to name a few.

""Political activity is a characteristic of the city and public
officials are aware that they need to perform if they want to retain
their offices,'' Mr Bulgan said.

With Decentralisation Day merely five months away, another worry for
both central and regional governments revolves around whether some
districts can marshal enough people with the right kind of
background to provide successful administration.

Corruption is still a crucial issue to address and it is commonly
alleged that concentrated power in Jakarta fail to serve the
interests of the rest of the nation.

But some observers say simply transferring authority to local
governments may not be a credible solution to central abuses of
power.

Some district representatives admit that decentralisation would take
years to complete and local voters will need to get involved to
maintain clean governments.

""At the bottom line, local people and the press should to take
active interests and watch their politicians' conducts,'' said Mr
Sofyan Arpan, Mayor of Banjarmasin in South Kalimantan province.

Others, however, indicate that with more economic empowerment, local
people will automatically be more involved in politics of how money
should be spent.

""Regional revenues, which in the past are taken directly to
Jakarta, should benefit local hands,'' said Mr John Wanare,
representing the Soro region of West Papua.

But the big question facing the decentralisation programme now is
whether regional bureaucracies will abuse their new powers.

KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
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Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Papuan independence leader backs President Wahid (2
Date: 7/16/00 6:36:51 PM Central Standard Time
From: admin@irja.org
To: kabar-irian@irja.org

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Radio Australia
Monday 17 July 2000 - 07:44:38
Papuan independence leader backs President Wahid:report

In Indonesia, a leading member of the Papuan independence movement
is reported to have expressed support for the government of
President Abdurrahman Wahid.

Theys Eluay has been quoted as saying that his people back the
president's leadership, describing him as a man who "rules with
conscience."

His reported comments were carried by the Jakarta-based newspaper
Kompas.

Correspondents say there's been speculation President Wahid could be
toppled from the presidency in the August session of the People's
Consultative Assembly, the country's highest constitutional body.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Papuan independence leader says his people support Wahid
News Provided by : Comtex News Network
JAKARTA, July 16 (Kyodo)

Papuan independence leader Theys Eluay has said his people support
Indonesia's government under President Abdurrahman Wahid, a leader
whom he stated ''rules with conscience,'' the Jakarta-based Kompas
daily reported Sunday.

His statement apparently backtracked from a stance Papuans declared
in a congress last month, in which they demanded separation from
Indonesia.

The Papuan people's support stems from their having learned that
Wahid has truly struggled to develop democracy in Indonesia over the
past eight months of his rule, Eluay said, according to the report.

''Based on that, the people of Irian Jaya (Papua) support the
leadership of Gus Dur and hope that the struggle to uphold democracy
and justice for all parts of the country will succeed in accordance
with what the people have wanted,'' he said.

Gus Dur is Wahid's nickname.

Eluay, a 62-year-old former provincial legislator and leader of the
''West Papuans,'' has recently said his people would be the first to
declare independence from Jakarta should Wahid be toppled from the
presidency in the August general session of the People's
Consultative Assembly, the country's highest constitutional body.

Papua, which covers about half the New Guinea Island, was called
Irian Jaya until earlier this year.

On the basis of a United Nations-sponsored agreement between the
Netherlands and Indonesia, West Papua, which borders Papua New
Guinea, became part of Indonesia in May 1963.

Indonesia integrated West Papua as its 26th province in August 1969,
with then President Suharto later naming the whole area Irian Jaya.

Demands for independence in the province have been on the rise over
the past two years in response to alleged human rights violations
and the unfair division of revenues earned from its natural
resources.

KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
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Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Indonesia needs to expand local share of gas reserves
Date: 7/16/00 6:36:56 PM Central Standard Time
From: admin@irja.org
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The Jakarta Post.com
Business News
July 17, 2000
Indonesia needs to expand local share of gas reserves
By Berni K. Moestafa

JAKARTA (JP): Indonesia is the first country to export liquefied
natural gas (LNG) and is currently the biggest LNG exporter, making
up 30 percent of the world's LNG trade.

According to data issued by state oil and gas company Pertamina,
Indonesia exported 26.35 million tons of LNG in 1988, followed by
Algeria with 18.2 million tons and Malaysia with 14.2 million tons.

With proven natural gas reserves of over 130 trillion cubic feet
(tcf), Indonesia will likely maintain its presence as a major player
in the world's LNG trade.

Chairman of the Indonesian Petroleum Association William T. Fanagan
said that during 1994 to 1999 alone, Indonesia discovered
hydrocarbon reserves equivalent to 5 billion barrels of oil, 80
percent of which was natural gas.

Despite the vast reserves and the recent discoveries, many of them
remain undeveloped because the reserves had no markets, Fanagan
said.

He was referring to the undeveloped small gas reserves scattered
across the country. The few larger reserves, such as the Natuna gas
fields located in the Southeast China sea, are being developed for
the export market.

They include the Arun gas fields in Aceh, the Bontang fields in East
Kalimantan and the Tangguh field in Irian Jaya.

Most gas discoveries, however, contained reserves that were too
small to provide the basis for a stand-alone LNG operation for
export markets.

But while Indonesia leads the world's gas market with almost 60
percent of its gas production in 1999 shipped out in the form of
LNG, domestic consumption accounted for only 20 percent.

"We need a workable domestic gas policy that promotes the widespread
use of gas and invests in expanded gas infrastructure," Fanagan
said.

He said a workable gas policy would reduce the use of subsidized
fuels and expand the exploration and development of new fields.

Energy policy
Pertamina's exploration and production director, Gatot K. Wiroyudo,
said the government's new energy policy gave more attention to the
use of gas as an alternative fuel.

To encourage the development of gas fields, the government was
offering incentives to Pertamina's gas production sharing partners,
Gatot said.

He said these incentives aimed at making upstream gas development
projects more feasible.

He said that under gas production sharing contracts, investors would
receive 30 percent and Pertamina 70 percent from the gas revenue.

This doubles the share from an oil production sharing contract,
which splits revenue by 15 percent to 85 percent for Pertamina.

"Investors in remote area can even get a 40 percent share, and other
incentives can be offered on individual bases," Gatot explained.

However, he agreed that a domestic gas policy must confront the
problem that subsidized fuel was causing.

"What is hampering the growth of local gas demand is the presence of
subsidized fuel," Gatot explained. He said that gas prices could not
compete against the low prices of the subsidized fuel.

According to Gatot, in order to boost the gas market, the government
must either abolish the fuel subsidy or subsidize gas for local
consumers.

The government is planning to cut the fuel subsidy by an average 12
percent in October, after having delayed the move in April due to
mounting public opposition.

Gatot added that cheap gas sold to some industries was also
discouraging to investors.

He said the government offered low gas prices to the fertilizer
industry, which was the largest domestic gas consumer.

Last year, the fertilizer industry accounted for 35 percent of total
domestic gas consumption.

He said that in order to make fertilizer affordable to local
farmers, the government demanded that Pertamina sell gas at a low
price.

Gatot added that at present the domestic market was unable to
purchase the gas at a feasible price.

"However, the cheap price of gas does not encourage investors from
developing gas fields," he further said.

But Gatot warned that applying a standard gas price might also harm
investors, as they faced different levels of costs depending on the
locations of the gas discoveries.

"The closer the gas discoveries are to the presence of
infrastructure, the cheaper investors can sell their gas," he said.

President of state gas distribution company PT PGN Qoyum
Tjandranegara has another view on why the development of many gas
discoveries is slow.

He said an inadequate gas pipeline network was hampering the
distribution of gas to its main market in Java, hence making the
development of many reserves unfeasible.

"The presence of a gas transmission line will dictate the
marketability of the gas," Qoyum said.

While the central market for gas was located in Java, he said, most
gas reserves were scattered in Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi and
Irian Jaya.

Less then 10 percent of the country's total proven natural gas
reserve is located in Java, data from PGN reveal.

"The problem is how to transport the gas from the sources to the
central market area. It needs a gas pipeline infrastructure," Qoyum
said.

He said that linking scattered gas reserves with the market would,
among other things, absorb small and marginal fields nearby, create
new gas markets close to passing pipelines and reduce the
transportation costs of gas.

The presence of such infrastructure would also make the development
of smaller gas reserves more attractive to investors, he added.

Qoyum suggested that government develop a comprehensive gas pipeline
network, instead of the previous "piecemeal developments".

He proposed the Indonesian Gas Transmission System (IGT) link East
Kalimantan, Java, Sumatra, Batam, Singapore, Johor (Malaysia),
Brunei and the Natuna reserves with the market.

"There is likely large potential for additional gas markets in
Indonesia, and it will surely materialize with the introduction of
advanced gas utilization systems and gas supply infrastructure," he
said.

However, as domestic markets remain undeveloped, Indonesia will
continue to expand its LNG exports.

Pertamina last week signed an memorandum of understanding (MOU) with
India to supply the country with LNG; most likely from the Bontang
gas fields.

Although both countries still need to discuss a final agreement, But
Pertamina is upbeat that India will name it as its gas supplier.

Pertamina has also expressed optimism that it would win an upcoming
tender next month to supply China with three million tons of LNG gas
annually.

The LNG will come from the Tangguh gas fields, which Pertamina
jointly develops with oil and gas company BP Amoco Indonesia.

KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
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Subj: KABAR-IRIAN: [EN] Irian Jaya hit by air strike
Date: 7/16/00 6:36:42 PM Central Standard Time
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The Jakarta Post.com
Across the Archipelago
July 17, 2000
Irian Jaya hit by air strike

WAMENA, Irian Jaya: Social and economic activities in remote parts
of the Irian Jaya province have been paralyzed due to a week-long
strike by pilots of missionary flights protesting a lack of airport
safety.

Antara reported on Saturday that the Mission Aviation Fellowship
(MAF) had ceased operations out of its base airport here while
airplanes of the Association Mission Aviation (AMA) have been
grounded at the provincial capital of Jayapura.

The MAF office here remained deserted on Saturday after it withdrew
its Cessna airplanes to Jayapura and halted flights to and from
Wamena airport since July 7.

According to the news agency, among the worse hit were the
transportation of ill people in the Ninia subdistrict, Jayawijaya
district, who needed to be airlifted to the public hospital in
Wamena.

An MAF official, Audi, said here on Saturday, "The call from Ninia
was sent by radio to Wamena but we could do nothing to help them
because there was no airplane."

The flights serve as shuttles due to the difficult terrain in the
province.

Nearly 100 metric tons of rice due to be distributed to civil
servants and elementary school teachers in remote areas in
Jayawijaya have also been left waiting at the MAF warehouse in
Wamena.

Audi said MAF would like to see safety measures at airports in the
province improved.

He said locals could often been seen wandering across the runway,
endangering incoming and outgoing flights. (mds)

KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
NOTE: "All items are posted for their news/information content. They are
not necessarily the views of IRJA.org or subscribers. "

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Subj: [wp] for Sydneysiders
Date: 7/16/00 3:32:06 AM Central Standard Time
From: iris@matra.com.au (Anne Noonan)
Reply-to: iris@matra.com.au
To: WestPapua@topica.com, iris@matra.com.au

from AWPA

For Sydneysiders

A report on West Papua by Mark Worth can be heard on Radio Nationals
Asia Pacific Program. Monday 17th at 8Pm

Also,

AWPA FUND RAISER

Date Sunday 23 July

Time 4.30 pm- 8.30pm

RSPV 9969 0922 for details

________________________________
Australia West Papua Association
PO BOX 65
Millers Point
Australia 2000
_________________________________

___________________________________________________________
T O P I C A The Email You Want. http://www.topica.com/t/16
Newsletters, Tips and Discussions on Your Favorite Topics

=======================================================

Subj: Jeffrey Winters: Get Serious on the Freeport Case
Date: 7/17/00 12:46:51 PM Central Daylight Time
From: plovers@gn.apc.org (Tapol)
To: cscheiner@igc.apc.org

Received from Joyo Indonesian News

IBonWEB.com
July 14, 2000

- The Freeport case should be investigated fully, fairly, and quickly. There
are too many troubling questions that remain unanswered. Because these
questions have not been answered satisfactorily, suspicions of corruption
still hang over the company, its contract with the people of West Papua and
Indonesia, and over the heads of key people involved. Once again, for
example, we see former minister Ginandjar Kartasasmita being questioned in
yet another cycle of suspicion about Freeport. The best way to settle the
matter is to launch a full-scale investigation that opens up all the records
of Freeport and the Ministry of Mines and Energy.

When people from ECONIT were called to the Attorney General's office at the
end of 1998, they provided a mountain of useful information for starting an
investigation. When I was called to the Attorney General's office in March of
1999, I also outlined the many troubling questions and issues that must be
resolved, and I supplied useful data that contradicted many of the arguments
made by those associated with the new contract of work for Freeport.

The Attorney General has this information and should move forward with a
credible investigation. The Indonesian government should get serious about
the Freeport case or simply drop it and quit complaining. It is
counterproductive to Indonesia's investment climate to constantly raise
allegations of corruption against foreign firms and then consistently fail to
follow up with credible investigations and legal proceedings. Also, it is
frankly unfair to people like Mr. Ginandjar, Mr. Bakrie, and Mr. Moffett to
keep suspicions of corruption hanging over their heads without any
resolution. It is evident from their public statements that all three of
these key figures support a speedy and fair investigation to bring final
closure to this matter.

On the Freeport case, it's time for Indonesia to put up or shut up.

Jeffrey Winters

**************************************************
Paul Barber
TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign,
25 Plovers Way, Alton Hampshire GU34 2JJ
Tel/Fax: 01420 80153
Email: plovers@gn.apc.org
Internet: www.gn.apc.org/tapol
Defending victims of oppression in Indonesia and
East Timor, 1973-2000
**************************************************

=======================================================

E-Mail:
isssues@lykos.com

=======================================================

IRIAN JAYA (WEST PAPUA, NEW GUINEA): THE QUEST FOR INDEPENDENCE-JULY 16, 2000 ----JULY 29, 2000

THE RECORD JULY 16, 2000 to July 29, 2000

E-Mail:isssues@lykos.com

THE RECORD
JULY 16, 2000 to July 29, 2000

E-Mail:
isssues@lykos.com