History
Nepal's recorded
history began with the Kiratis, who arrived in the 7th or 8th century
BC from the east. Little is known about them, other than their deftness
as sheep farmers and
fondness for carrying long knives. It was during this period that Buddhism
first came to the country; indeed it is claimed that Buddha and his
disciple Ananda visited the Kathmandu Valley and stayed for a time in
Patan. By 200 AD, Buddhism had waned, and was replaced by Hinduism,
brought by the Licchavis, who invaded from northern India and overthrew
the last Kirati king. The Hindus also introduced the caste system (which
still continues today) and ushered in a classical age of Nepalese art
and architecture.
By 879, the Licchavi
era had petered out and was succeeded by the Thakuri dynasty. A grim
period of instability and invasion often referred to as the 'Dark Ages'
followed, but Kathmandu Valley's strategic location ensured the kingdom's
survival and growth. Several centuries later, the Thakuri king, Arideva,
founded the Malla dynasty, kick-starting another renaissance of Nepali
culture. Despite earthquakes, the odd invasion and feuding between the
independent city-states of Kathmandu, Patan and Bhaktapur, the dynasty
flourished, reaching its zenith in the 15th century under Yaksha Malla.
The rulers of Ghorkha,
the most easterly region, had always coveted the Mallas' wealth. Under
the inspired leadership of Prithvi Narayan Shah, the Ghorkha launched
a campaign to conquer the valley. In 1768 - after 27 years of fighting
- they triumphed and moved their capital to Kathmandu. From this new
base the kingdom's power expanded, borne by a seemingly unstoppable
army, until progress was halted in 1792 by a brief and chastening war
with Tibet.
Further hostilities
followed in 1814, this time with the British over a territorial dispute.
The Nepalese were eventually put to heel and compelled to sign the 1816
Sugauli Treaty, which surrendered Sikkim and most of Terai (some of
the land was eventually restored in return for Nepalese help in quelling
the Indian Mutiny of 1857), established Nepal's present eastern and
western boundaries and, worst of all, installed a British 'resident'
in the country.
The Shah dynasty
continued in power during the first half of the 19th century until the
ghastly Kot Massacre of 1846. Taking advantage of the intrigue and assassinations
that had plagued the ruling family, Jung Bahadur seized control by butchering
several hundred of the most important men while they assembled in the
Kot courtyard. He took the more prestigious title Rana, proclaimed himself
prime minister for life, and later made the office hereditary. For the
next century, the Ranas and their offspring luxuriated in huge Kathmandu
palaces, while the remainder of the population eked out a living in
medieval conditions.
The Rana's antiquated
regime came to an end soon after WW II. In 1948, the British withdrew
from India and with them went the Ranas' chief support. Around the same
time, a host of insurrectional movements, bent on reshaping the country's
polity, emerged. Sporadic fighting spilled onto the streets and the
Ranas, at the behest of India, reluctantly agreed to negotiations. King
Tribhuvan was anointed ruler in 1951 and struck up a government comprised
of Ranas and members of the newly formed Nepali Congress Party.
But the compromise
was shortlived. After toying with democratic elections - and feeling
none too pleased by the result - King Mahendra (Tribhuvan's son and
successor) decided that a 'partyless' panchaayat system would be more
appropriate for Nepal. The king selected the prime minister and cabinet
and appointed a large proportion of the national assembly, which duly
rubber-stamped his policies. Power, of course, remained with only one
party - the king's.
Cronyism, corruption
and the creaming-off of lucrative foreign aid into royal coffers continued
until 1989. The Nepalese, fed up with years of hardship and suffering
under a crippling trade embargo imposed by the Indians, rose up in popular
protest called the Jana Andolan or 'People's Movement'. In the ensuing
months, detention, torture and violent clashes left hundreds of people
dead. It all proved too much for King Birendra, in power since 1972.
He dissolved his cabinet, legalised political parties and invited the
opposition to form an interim government. The panchaayat system was
finally laid to rest.
The changeover to
democracy proceeded in an orderly, if leisurely, fashion, and in May
1991 the Nepali Congress Party and the Communist Party of Nepal shared
most of the votes.
Since then, Nepal
has discovered that establishing a workable democratic system is an
enormously difficult task - especially when it is the country's first
such system. The situation has been further exacerbated by a wafer-thin
economy, massive unemployment, illiteracy and an ethnically and religiously
fragmented population that continues to grow at an alarming rate.
The fractured political
landscape in Nepal was torn apart in June 2001 with the massacre of
most of the royal family - including King Birendra - by Crown Prince
Dipendra. Civil strife erupted again in Kathmandu, with a curfew imposed
to quell street violence.
Prince Gyanendra,
the brother of King Birendra, ascended to the throne, and although three
months on, relative calm has replaced the widespread civil unrest that
immediately followed the massacre, there is still much political uncertainty.
King Gyanendra is
said to be playing a greater behind-the-scenes role than his brother
did, and attempting to make the palace more transparent. However, it
will be an uphill battle for the new king, who has to deal not only
with suspicion around his role in the royal killings and his move to
the throne, but with a range of fiscal and political problems.
Chief of these is
the Maoist rebellion against the government, which has claimed 1700
lives over the past six years. The first round of peace talks between
the rebels and the government took place at the end of August 2001 and
a ceasefire was declared - then abruptly ended. Any talk of détente
is at risk from the government's proposed land reforms and budget decisions,
and major political challenges. In early September 2001 a tentative
alliance comprising 10 left-wing political parties emerged, along with
calls for a united government of representatives from all political
directions, including Mao rebels, and changes to the constitution. Hopes
of a settlement were again dashed with coordinated Maoist bombings in
November 2001.
The 2001 post-monsoon
season, bringing with it a new influx of tourists and an unclear political
landscape, will be a difficult time for both King Gyanendra and the
Nepalese government. It remains to be seen how the tiny kingdom will
deal with these new challenges.
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