C E N T R A L A S I A N M O N U M E N T S Edited by H. B. Paksoy Table of Contents: H. B. Paksoy "Ibadinov's Kuyas Ham Alav" Peter B. Golden (Rutgers) "Codex Comanicus" Richard Frye (Harvard) "Narshaki's The History of Bukhara" Robert Dankoff (Chicago) "Adab Literature" Uli Schamiloglu (Wisconsin-Madison) "Umdet ul Ahbar" Kevin Krisciunas (Joint Astronomy Centre) "Ulug Beg's Zij" Audrey Altstadt (UMass-Amherst) "Bakikhanli's Nasihatlar" Edward J. Lazzerini (New Orleans) "Gaspirali's Tercuman" David S. Thomas (Rhode Island) "Akcura's Uc Tarz-i Siyaset" ISBN: 975-428-033-9 Library of Congress Card Catalog: DS329.4 .C46 1992 173 Pp. (paperback) US$20 ISIS Press 1992 Isis Press Semsibey Sokak 10 81210 Beylerbeyi Istanbul Turkey Phone: +90 + 216 321 38 51 FAX: +90 + 216 321 86 66 OR Booksellers Please refer to the published version for footnotes. The Umdet ul-ahbar and the Turkic Narrative Sources for the Golden Horde and the Later Golden Horde Uli Schamiloglu in memory of Tibor Halasi-Kun (1914-1991) A series of Turkic narrative sources have come down to us from the Later Golden Horde, the period of the successor states to the Golden Horde including the xanates of the Crimea, Kasimov, Kazan, and other political units in the 15th-18th centuries. These narrative sources, mostly chronicles, are of fundamental importance for the study of the history of Western Eurasia in the 13th-18th centuries. As most of these works are still available only in the original Turkic, they remain inaccessible and sometimes even unknown to the mainstream of modern scholarship. It seems appropriate, therefore, to briefly survey these historical writings together with a closer examination of one particular work, the Umdet l-ahbar. It is hoped that such a survey will encourage the integration of Turkic sources into the study of the history of the states of Western Eurasia. If we consider the various factors which might be seen as contributing towards the development of a major tradition of court historiography in this period, the Golden Horde did, in fact, incorporate some of these. One may argueßcontrary to the view of Schurmannßthat a strong centralized state power did develop. Numerous urban centers, including over time several capitals, also existed. Finally, we know from the famous traveler Ibn Batûtßtûa and other sources that these urban centers served as home to religious institutions and the learned groups usually associated with them. At the same time, certain factors worked against the florescence of a literary culture and its preservation. The Black Death, which struck the territories of the Golden Horde late in the 1340s, must have included a very high proportion of the learned groups in its heavy human toll. The attacks on urban centers in the second half of the 14th century, the final Russian conquest of many cities, and the later history of fires in cities such as Kazan were also devastating in terms of the survival of a literary heritage. This may help explain why much of what survives of the literary culture of the cities of the Golden Horde has come down to us from outside the territories of the Golden Horde. When enumerating the products of the Turkic literary culture in Western Eurasia in this period, the best-known examples are the edicts and diplomatic correspondence collectively known as yarlÔqs. These are not strictly speaking narrative sources and survive in original Turkic versions only from the end of the 14th century. This does not mean, however, that there were no internal documents written before the end of the 14th century. YarlÔqs issued as early as the 13th century are preserved in translations into Russian and other languages from the original "Mongolian" (which could also mean Turkic in the Mongolian script which the Mongols borrowed from the Uy*urs). These translated documents offer the best evidence of an earlier literary culture which has not survived in the original. A small number of bellettristic and religious works are also connected by various scholars with Old Saray or New Saray (the successive capitals of the Golden Horde) or with some of its other cities. These include Qutb's reworked Turkic translation of the romantic poem Xusrev u 3irin (dedicated to the Golden Horde xan TÔnÔbeg, r. 1341-2); Xwarezmi's romantic poem Mahabbetname; and the religious treatise Nehc l-feradis (generally considered to have been written in 1358 or 1360 by one Mahmud b. Ali). Seyf-i Serayi's Glistan bi-t-trki (a reworking of the Persian work by Sa`dß) falls into a somewhat different category as a work written in Mamlßk Egypt in 1391 by a native of Saray. There is also the oral literary work (destan) Cmcme sultan (also known as the Cmcmename) whose relationship to the Kesikbaß kitabÔ deserves further study. Yet, there is no extant work written in the 13th-14th centuries which can be called a history of the Golden Horde. As just described, a literary culture clearly existed. There was even a pre-13th century historiographical tradition in one or more of the regions of the Golden Horde which could have contributed to the further development of a historiographical tradition in the 13th-14th centuries. In the north, Volga Bulgaria had been a center of literacy, literary traditions, and even historical traditions dating back to the first millenium. The literary culture of this sedentary area continued through the time of the xanate of Kazan (15th-16th centuries) as known from original works produced in the xanate itself. For the southern area, Omeljan Pritsak reminds us that the Crimea had been a center of unbroken literary activity since classical times. Finally, Xwarezm and its rich literary culture also formed an integral part of the territory of the Golden Horde until the second half of the 14th century. An important question, then, is what happened to historiography in the Golden Horde? The absence of an independent work devoted solely to the 13th-14th centuries should not be understood to mean that no historical works or historical traditions existed in this period. Instead, I would like to argue that one should look to the historical traditions of the Later Golden Horde (15th-18th centuries). In many instances, the data for the 13th-14th centuries contained in these later works can be considered the direct continuation of historical traditions from the earlier period of the Golden Horde (even though not all the states of the Later Golden Horde were directly descended from the western half of the earlier Golden Horde). Only when these different extant traditions are fully studied and compared can we have a better notion of the full extent of historical writing and historical traditions in the earlier Golden Horde. Turning to the narrative sources from the 15th-18th centuries, one of the outstanding historical works from the Later Golden Horde is the Cami t-tevarix, written in the xanate of Kasimov by QadÔr Ali Calayir. According to the received interpretation, this unusual political unit in the service of the Russian grand duke was founded in 1452 when Vasiliy II granted QasÔm b. Ulu* Muhammed the town of Gorodets (or Meßßerskiy gorodok) as an appanage. The work itself, produced in 1602, begins with a condensed Tatar translation of portions of Raßßd ad-Dßn's CÄmi` at-tavÄrßx. Familiarity with Raßßd ad-Dßn's universal history is evidence that even a state in the service of Russia could maintain a historical consciousness linking it with the earlier Cingisid states as well as the greater Turkic and Islamic cultural world. Appended to the translation of the earlier source is a series of destans or accounts of personalities and events from the end of the earlier Golden Horde leading up to the time of the xanate of Kasimov. It includes separate sections on the following figures, many of whom date from the 14th century (no doubt based on sources or traditions dating back to the 14th century): Urus Xan, ToqtamÔß Xan, Temr Qutlu Xan and his descendants, Haci Giray Xan, Edigey, Haci Muhammed Xan, Abu l-Xayr Xan, Yadigar Xan, and Uraz Muhammed Xan. This final section, a unique indigenous source for the xanate of Kasimov, provides valuable information on the organization and tribal composition of the xanate of Kasimov. QadÔr Ali Calayir was himself qaraßÔ bey of the Calayir "ruling tribe" in that xanate, and one can therefore be sure that some of the information in the source is cast from the perspective of the tribal establishment of the state (the "land"), rather than from the opposing perspective of the ruling ¿ingisid line. In sharp contrast to Kasimov, the only Turkic narrative source to be connected with the xanate of Kazan is a brief account relating to its conquest discovered by Zeki Velidi Togan. Given the active relations between the various xanates of the Later Golden Horde (one only need recall the many figures that served as ruler in more than one xanate), it is likely they shared many of the same traditions regarding the period up to the foundation of the individual xanates. Written works could also have been shared. Usmanov speculates, for example, that the work of Raßßd ad-Dßn might have found its way to Kasimov through the xanate of Kazan. It has also been suggested that Cmcme sultan, which the Crimean xan Sahib Giray ordered translated into Turkish, may have found its way to the Crimea from Kazan. Given the limited number of narrative sources available for the xanates of Kasimov and Kazan, historians interested in these states should pay special attention to the Crimean xanate. The most dramatic reason for this is the rather large number of Turkic narrative sources which survive from this xanate. In addition to the Umdet l-ahbar, which will be described in greater detail below, there is a series of other important works which have also been published: The Es-seb s-seyyar was written by Seyyid Muhammed RÔza (a member of the Crimean aristocracy, d. 1756). It was edited by Mirza Kazembek in the first half of the 19th century and used by V.D. Smirnov in his history of the Crimean xanate. The Glbn-i hanan was composed in 1811 by Halim Giray Sultan (d. 1823), a ¿ingisid descended from Mengli Giray. The Tarih-i ðslam Giray Han was written by Haci Mehmed Senai, who flourished in the 1640s. This work was edited and translated into Polish by Z. Abrahamowicz as the History of Islam Giray Han III. The Tarih-i Sahib Giray Han was written by Remmal Hoca, a physician to Sahib Giray who later entered the service of Sultan Selim II. This work, which has been made available by ß. Gßkbilgin in a transcription accompanied by a French translation, pays particular attention to the upheaval in the system of "ruling tribes" in the early Crimean xanate. The Tarih-i Said Giray Han, a work from the 17th century which has been studied by B. Kellner-Heinkele. The Tevarih-i Deßt-i KÔpßak, composed ca. 1638, includes a brief survey of the earlier Golden Horde as well as the later period until the early 17th century. It has been made available by A. Zajaßczkowski together with its 18th-century French translation. Other sources include the Telhis l-beyan fi kavanin al-Ô Osman, which was utilized by Smirnov in his history of the Crimean xanate, and the Tarih-i Muhammed Giray Han, which covers the period 1684-1703. Although this listing is not exhaustive, it is clear that the Crimean xanate offers a wealth of narrative historical sources to a degree simply not available for the other states of the Later Golden Horde. Let us turn now to a closer look at one of these sources, the Umdet l-ahbar, and some examples of the kind of information it can offer. This work, which covers the rise of the Mongol empire and the history of the Crimean xanate, was written in Ottoman Turkish (but with some Crimean Tatar elements) by Abdlgaffar b. el-Hac Hasan b. el-Hac Mahmud b. el-Hac Abdlvehhab el-KÔrÔmi, a member of the Crimean ulema banished from his home in A.H. 1157/1744-5 A.D. One partial edition of this work, published by Necib AsÔm earlier this century under the title Umdet t-tevarih (Istanbul, A.H. 1343/1924-5 A.D.), appeared as a supplement to the Trk tarih encmeni mecmuasÔ. This edition was prepared on the basis of the manuscript of about 166 folia preserved in Istanbul in the Sleymaniye Library (Esad Efendi no. 2331). Though the manuscript begins with a substantial section surveying the history of the earlier Islamic states, the printed edition includes only the final portion of the original work covering in detail the rise of the Mongol world empire, the Golden Horde, and the Crimean xanate. The work has not been made available in any other language. The Umdet l-ahbar is based on a wide range of Arabic, Persian, and Turkic sources for the different periods it covers. One of Abdlgaffar KÔrÔmi's most important sources for the 13th-14th centuries was the Tarih-i Dost Sultan. This work, supposed to have been written in Xwarezm in the 16th century, survives in the library of Zeki Velidi Togan. (Another copy of this work is the incomplete Tashkent manuscript known as the ßtemiß Haci tarihi or as the "¿ingizname of ßtemiß Haci b. Mevlana Muhammed DostÔ"). For the later periods, Abdlgaffar KÔrÔmi draws on various Crimean and Ottoman sources as well as on his own first-hand knowledge. The Umdet l-ahbar has been utilized as a historical source by only a handful of scholars. For the earlier period, Berthold Spuler made use of the edition by Necib AsÔm in his history of the Golden Horde, though he concludes that many of the accounts in this work pertaining to the 13th-14th centuries are legendary. More recently, Mustafa KafalÔ has relied on the data contained in the the Umdet l-ahbar as the basis of his recent work on the the Golden Horde. (Both Spuler and Mustafa KafalÔ were also able to consult the Togan manuscript of the Tarih-i Dost Sultan.) Coming to the later period, the foremost modern scholar of the various Turkic chronicles for the history of the Crimean xanate has been Halil Inalcik. He has incorporated the Umdet l-ahbar and other Crimean sources in his now-classic articles on the history of the Crimean xanate, which may serve as a model for research based on the Turkic narrative histories and diplomatic correspondence preserved for this period. Otherwise, the Umdet l-ahbar has been neglected in most studies of the Golden Horde and the Later Golden Horde. In its survey of the history of the 13th-14th centuries, the Umdet l-ahbar offers accounts of the reign of each of the rulers of the Golden Horde, sometimes in great detail. It includes descriptions of the role of the tribal nobility in the selection and elevation of the various ¿ingisid xans of the Golden Horde. For example, it refers to negotiations of the Golden Horde emirs with Hleg prior to the accession of Berke Xan (r. 1255- 1266): His two princes [the sons of Batu] SarÔtak and Togan were left, but SarÔtak then died. Since Togan was a small child, the consultation of the celebrated emirs decided at this point to inform Hleg, one of the sons of Toluy from the party of the xan (zmre-i kaan). They sent him according to the habit of Mongol custom a lock of hair and a sword without a scabbard, and a shirt without a collar as though the ulus of Coci had no ruler. At the beginning of the reign of Tde Meng (r. 1280-1287), it is described that the emirs of the Deßt-i QÔpßaq had to swear an oath of fealty to him, after which they participated in the installation ceremony of ritual elevation. Similar statements are made for other rulers as well, including the accession to the throne of ßzbek Xan (r. 1313-1341): Then two notable emirs seated the xan on a (rug of) white felt according to cingisid custom and, raising him, installed him on the throne. All the tribes came and gave the oath of fealty in groups one after the other. The Umdet l-ahbar relates other information on the rulers as well, including major source traditions on the piety of Berke and the conversions to Islam of ßzbek Xan and CanÔbek. The Umdet l-ahbar is notable for offering information on individuals connected with the major socio-political units ("ruling tribes") of the Golden Horde on which the traditional sources for the earlier period are usually silent. One account relating to the first half of the 13th century describes how Batu sent 3iban with 30,000 soldiers and Bor Altay of the TaraqlÔ QÔyat as his atalÔq against Mankup in the Crimea: In the province of the Crimea there were all sorts of different peoples, but most of them were Genoese infidels, and from among the Tatars there were also some people called the As. These soldiers attacked the fortress called Mankup, but the aforementioned fortress was very strong. Since it was (situated) on very steep mountains and its conquest was not an easy matter, they entered it by ruse. He ordered that each of the soldiers should take two stirrups in his hands apiece and begin beating them together. Such a frightful clamor issued forth that those who heard it were amazed. They did not cease this tumult for a whole month and they refrained from fighting. The infidels of the fortress heard this melodic noise and they were ready to neglect the defense and protection of the ramparts of the fortress. Following this manner of deception, with the rest of his troops not stopping their clamor, he selected four-five thousand brave and courageous young men and appointed Bor Altay bey as commander-in-chief. In the middle of the night they advanced well concealed. The As infidels were surprised and did not find a place of refuge, and the fortress was captured, they say. This is just one example in which an individual is described as having a specific tribal affiliation, and there are other references to individuals connected with the QanglÔ, the Sicivut, and especially the QÔyat. In another example, the 14th-century figure Mamay is called the nephew of QÔyat Astay bey of the right flank. The most important of the socio-political units functioning as a "ruling tribe" in the various xanates of the Later Golden Horde was the 3irin. The 3irin remained throughout the history of the Crimea the dominant among the four (later five) "ruling tribes" of the xanate up until the Russian annexation of the Crimea at the end of the 18th century. Even when 3ahin Giray intended to streamline and centralize his administration in the 1770s by downgrading the role of the qaraßÔ beys (whose role in electing the ¿ingisid xan is identical with that of the qurÔltays in the earlier period) by usurping for himself the power of designating his successor, he could not fully ignore the importance of the 3irin and the Mansurs (earlier known as the MangÔts). Abdlgaffar KÔrÔmi, who was a strong partisan of the 3irin "ruling tribe", depicts the 3irin "ruling tribe" defending the interests of the "land" against the interests of the ¿ingisid Giray dynasty throughout the history of the Crimean xanate. As such, the Umdet l-ahbar is the history of the 3irin in the Crimea, offering information which is particularly valuable for the origins and later history of the leadership of the 3irin "ruling tribe". It states, for example, that the 3irin are descended from a particular branch of the As with a *ßßmß brand or tam*a. This is a unique statement in the sources regarding the origin of this most important socio-political unit in the states of the Later Golden Horde. By the expression As kabilesi it is not clear, however, whether it is meant that they are therefore descended from the Iranian Alans of the medieval Pontic steppe (there is certainly no other "ruling tribe" with a similar origin) or that the name has a geographical connotation. The Umdet l-ahbar describes the leaders of the 3irin, BarÔn, Ar*Ôn and QÔpßaq as joining ToqtamÔß as his has nßkers or "special companions". From this period on it is a rich source for following the earliest leaders of the 3irin in the Crimea. The first 3irin leader to cooperate with ToqtamÔß was ßrek Temr b. DangÔ bey, whose son Tegine was just as important in the Deßt- i QÔpßaq (or Kipchak steppe) as his rival, the MangÔt leader Edig. Beyond the genealogical information contained in the narrative itself, there is a separate genealogical appendix at the end of this work. Thus, the Umdet l-ahbar is indispensable for understanding the greater socio-political and cultural unity beginning with the Golden Horde itself and continuing through the time of the component states constituting the Later Golden Horde. It is only with the help of the Umdet l-ahbar that it is possible to understand that these later states continued certain earlier ¿ingisid traditions, the most outstanding of which was the ¿ingisid system of state organization. In this pattern of state organization which I have termed the "four-bey system", four socio-political units shared fully in the governing of the state. The leaders of these four "ruling tribes" were collectively known as the four qaraßÔ beys; their direct predecessors in the earlier Golden Horde were known as the ulus beys. Another well-known passage in the Umdet l-ahbar describes the functioning of this system of government. I have published a translation of this passage elsewhere and have argued that this description is, in fact, the key which allows us to piece together and reinterpret partial accounts of state organization found in diverse sources for the 13th-14th centuries as well. There are many questions regarding the history of both the earlier Golden Horde, the Crimean xanate itself, and even the other xanates of the Later Golden Horde to whose discussion the Umdet l-ahbar makes a contribution beyond these few illustrative examples. Of course, I do not insist that all of the information in this work is to be corroborated by information in other sources. Nevertheless, this work and the other Turkic narrative sources from the later period represent a contribution to the preservation of historical traditions from the 13th-14th centuries about which sometimes very little else is known. Some of these traditions survive exclusively through works written in Xwarezm, others survive through works written in the xanates of the Later Golden Horde, and some survive as oral traditions, a topic which I have not even considered in this essay. Taken together, however, they represent what survives of the indigenous historical traditions of the Golden Horde. It may be premature to offer a bold new hypothesis on the state of historiography in the Golden Horde. It is not too soon, however, to insist that the study of the Turkic narrative sources mentioned in this essay is essential for any study of the history of Western Eurasia in the period of the Golden Horde as well as in the period of the Later Golden Horde.
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