National Campaign for Firework Safety

in Parliament 2003 part six
June 13 2003 part 2


June 13 2003


11.45 am
There is one sensible point that we need to sum up in a sentence or two, and which was dealt with very well by the hon. Member for Twickenham. Including in the Bill a reference to there being "no risk" that fireworks will cause death, injury, alarm or distress will give rise to great difficulties. It will never be possible to enforce such a provision, and one would never be able to prove that there is no risk that a firework might cause distress; indeed, any kind of firework can do so. Up until last year, my own young son could not stand the thought of being outside when fireworks were being let off-he is now six and is getting a bit better about this matter-and was really frightened by them. We can never say that there is no risk, and in that regard the Bill's drafting is very wide.
I should point out that the Minister unkindly accused me of wanting to kill the Bill. Perhaps she does not know that I used to hold her position as Minister with responsibility for consumer affairs; indeed, I was the Minister with responsibility for fireworks. In the early 1990s, we had to deal with precisely the same issues that are being dealt with now, and there was precisely the same pressure for such legislation. Like her, we simply tried to strike a balance, and that is all that we are doing today. A Bill that means that any risk that causes people any anxiety could lead to the Secretary of State's introducing draconian regulations is a step too far.
All that the Government are trying to do, and all that previous Conservative Government tried to do, in this very difficult area is to strike a balance: to allow people to enjoy fireworks in a sensible way, while providing some protection for the public. However, I am afraid that there is a small minority of people who absolutely loathe fireworks, and who will use any mechanism to outlaw them altogether, or to corral them into a very few public displays. That said, I know that that is not the Minister's intention, and that in summing up this debate, she can give us the reassurances that we seek.

Miss Melanie Johnson:
I can assure the hon. Member for Gainsborough (Mr. Leigh) that I accept his assurance that he is not in the business of wrecking the Bill; I was merely point out the contrast with his activities in 1998. I am therefore grateful for his reassurance on this occasion.
I shall discuss the various amendments and their effect, as it is important that the House be aware of our understanding of them. Amendment No. 45 would not in fact add anything to the Bill. As drafted, the Bill refers to the
"death of persons or injury, alarm, distress or anxiety to persons".
That gives us a rounded and comprehensive indication of the problems that people face in respect of fireworks. "Unnecessary suffering", the wording in the amendment, is much vaguer. It would leave the Secretary of State a much freer hand-something that the hon. Gentleman has argued against, and which I feel less, not more comfortable with. Therefore I am puzzled as to why the amendment is before the House, in light of all that the Conservatives have said so far.
Amendment No. 46 is similar to the previous amendment in that it waters down the protection requirements of the Bill. The Bill currently states,
"death of animals or injury or distress to animals".
That means all animals, and includes intentional distress or injury to wild animals. Conservative Members do not seem to want that protection afforded to wild animals, and I have some sympathy with where they are coming from, in so far as I think that it is far less likely that injury will occur to wild animals. However, I do not support the amendment, as I think the Bill is better as currently drafted, because there is no doubt in any of our minds that injury or distress to a wild animal or group of wild animals could be as great as it would be to a domestic or captive animal or group of animals.

Mr. Chope:
Does that mean that the Minister, and indeed the Government, are in favour of amending the 1911 Act to widen its application to all wild animals?

Miss Johnson:
That is a matter for my colleagues in the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, as I am sure the hon. Gentleman is aware, because that legislation comes within their remit, so I cannot comment on what would happen to that legislation. All I can say is that this provision is appropriate and I stand by the Bill as drafted and presented to the House today.
In response to amendments Nos. 41 to 44, I agree that clause 2(1) does look a little strange, but in fact it is a well-crafted and sensible provision. The first limb, paragraph (a), is needed for cases when a ban is considered necessary and relevant. I am sure that Conservative Members would support all of us in thinking that there are occasions when a ban is actually necessary. The second limb, paragraph (b), covers regulation short of a ban. Therefore both limbs are needed. "Controlling" the risk, as suggested by the tabled amendment, does not offer the same level of protection as both the existing parts of the Bill.
I point out in that connection that the purpose is to ensure that there is no risk of the consequences specified in subsection (3), which are the death of persons, the death of animals, and the destruction of or damage to property. It is not that there is no risk of something, because I entirely agree with Conservative Members that this is not a risk-free world and we are not living in a world where "no risk" is a sensible objective for any area of life, least of all this one. There will always be risks associated with the use of fireworks and I believe it is the business of the House today to try to ensure that we get the right balance between, on one hand, reducing the dangers and disruption and disorder that are being caused in our communities, which have led so many members of the public, from every constituency, to write to their Member of Parliament, asking us to take more measures to deal with that risk; and on the other, ensuring that people can continue to enjoy fireworks in the way that they always have and in the way that I did as a child in my family when I was growing up and children continue to do today.

Mr. Leigh:
Will the hon. Lady give way?

Miss Johnson:
I have finished.

Mr. Chope:
I am sorry that the Minister is being so short with some hon. Members today, because this is an important proposal. It has won support from a number of other contributors to the debate but the Minister has more or less said, "Because we have produced this particular text, it is correct and it is not worth talking about trying to amend it." That is the spirit of intransigence and inflexibility that leads to trouble with legislation.

Miss Johnson:
I am very happy to hear what hon. Members have to say on this point. I am simply seeking to reassure the hon. Gentleman as to the interpretation of the Bill before us today, and of the intentions of the subsections that we are discussing. It is important that people understand why the Government have drafted them as they have, and why we still think that is right, even in light of the points that the hon. Gentleman has made.

Mr. Chope:
The Minister has not really addressed the issue of how she thinks it is reasonable that a Minister should have the legal responsibility to secure that there is no risk that the use of fireworks will cause distress to wild animals. How can the Government take upon themselves responsibility for securing, to use the exact words, that there is "no risk" whatever that the use of fireworks will cause distress to wild animals? Are we a madhouse? Do we really think the Government should take that role for themselves? Are we really legislating to give them such a role? I think not. Therefore I, with other hon. Members-many of my party, but others too- cautioned the Minister that what was contained in clause 2-

Mr. Leigh:
I wish that the Minister would reply to that point about animals. It is a very good point.
The Minister made some progress in the summing up. I wanted to intervene on her but she sat down rather quickly. She seemed to accept that we do not live in a risk-free society and that there will always be some sort of risk, even a minimal risk, that fireworks might cause death or distress to people. The words that a Minister utters at the Dispatch Box are important, and the hon. Lady seemed to accept that entirely sensible point of view; but for some consequential reason or some drafting reason, she maintains that the words "no risk" must appear in the Bill. That is why I am slightly confused. I hope that my hon. Friend will try to help me on this point.

Mr. Chope:
My hon. Friend asks me to help! I cannot understand why the Government are not prepared to accept the points that we are making about what may be described as a contradiction at the very beginning of clause 2(1), but the notion of trying to eliminate all risk from fireworks is of course the agenda of those who wish to ban fireworks outright. It was encapsulated quite well in the words of the hon. Member for Bury, North (Mr. Chaytor) on Second Reading, when he asked:
"Can he assure the House that the restrictions on sales to which he refers will ensure that fireworks that can maim and kill children and young people will not be available for use at private parties?"-[Official Report, 28 February 2003; Vol. 400, c. 484.]
Any firework could maim or kill a young child, and the hon. Gentleman was asking for an absolute assurance.

Miss Johnson:
I will try to explain again to the hon. Gentleman. Paragraphs (a) and (b) are alternatives. It is not the case that (a) will always apply, because (b) says,
"or for securing that the risk that the use of fireworks will have those consequences is the minimum that is compatible with their being used."
Therefore there is an option (a) which is related to the need to ban and an option (b) which is related to the need to make regulation; that is the reason. We are not talking about a statement about how much risk there is in the world. I entirely agree with the hon. Gentleman about what the risks are and I agree that we must strike a balance.

Mr. Chope:
I think we are reaching a clear position on this now. The Minister has openly said that paragraph (a) enables the Government and the Secretary of State to ban. My hon. Friends and I are concerned about that, so we wish to introduce wording that is less absolutist. We are disappointed.

Mr. George Osborne
: My hon. Friend is on to a very important point. Perhaps the Minister would intervene again to explain in what circumstances the Government could seek to ban all fireworks. Why does the Minister feel that the Government need that option?

Mr. Chope:
I give way to the Minister.

Miss Melanie Johnson:
The point is that the purpose of the measure is not to ban all fireworks at all. I am not aware of any Labour or Opposition Member who has any desire to ban all fireworks-quite the contrary. The Bill is crucial if fireworks are to remain available to the general public under the right conditions. Without it, there is a danger that those who support a ban will get the upper hand. I entirely agree that there are people who want a full ban, but they are not represented in the Chamber today or among hon. Members. We want to be able to implement bans under certain circumstances, and I am sure that Conservative Members would agree with that. We have already taken steps by using existing powers to ban fireworks that were considered dangerous. Bangers have been banned, and we need to be able to continue to do such things.

12 noon
Mr. Chope: I am grateful to the Minister for that long intervention. I hope that it provided clarification, although I am not convinced.

Dr. Murrison:
I wonder whether the Minister's dilemma would be sorted neatly by the deletion of subsection (1)(a). She could then rely on subsection (1)(b), and any talk of banning things would be eliminated.

Mr. Chope:
My hon. Friend is on to a good point. I have been kicking myself quietly for not tabling such an amendment because it would have encapsulated our case more clearly, given the Minister's understanding of the more convoluted amendments. No one wants to prevent the Bill from making progress but we want to protect ourselves against the possibility of a future Secretary of State being keen to ban fireworks outright and using the Bill to justify that. As the Minister will appreciate, no Government can bind their successors. The powers in the Bill-we shall address clause 2(2), which the Minister wishes to remove, in a minute-go to the root of what a future Government might be able to do, which is why I am keen to circumscribe them.

Miss Johnson:
Let me make it absolutely plain that the provisions relate to a category of firework or situation for which a ban might be necessary. They would not ban fireworks. We used powers to ban bangers-they are no longer on the market-because they were identified as dangerous fireworks that caused many injuries and much distress. The Bill contains an equivalent provision to allow us to make a ban when that is considered necessary under the objectives in subsection (3). I hope that I am explaining myself sufficiently clearly to the hon. Gentleman because I think he misunderstands the intention behind the provisions. I assure Conservative Members that the drafting was primarily a job for the parliamentary counsel. They bring their wisdom and experience to bear to ensure that legislation is right when it comes before the House.

Mr. Chope:
The Minister has explained herself and I hope that her clarification proves to be correct. I doubt whether it is worth pressing the amendment to a Division because it is narrow-it would only substitute
the words "there is no" with the word "the". We have had a useful debate because the Minister told us the intentions behind the measure, and I am sure that if worries remain, they may be raised in another place.
I am disappointed that the Minister does not accept our point about wild animals. How could we possibly legislate to eliminate distress caused to wild animals by fireworks? How could that be policed and how would one know where the wild animals were? The suggestion is ludicrous. However, the Minister seems to be intransigent and I am conscious that amendment No. 44 is part of a group and does not lend itself easily to a vote, so I beg to ask leave to withdraw the amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Miss Melanie Johnson:
I beg to move Government amendment No. 1, in page 2, line 5 [Clause 2], leave out subsection (2).

Mr. Deputy Speaker (Sir Alan Haselhurst):
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following amendments: No. 47, in page 2, line 16, at end insert-
'Before making
regulations the Secretary of State must issue a full regulatory impact assessment setting out details of the costs and benefits and the wider economic social and environmental impact of the proposed regulations'.
No. 48, in page 2, line 18, leave out 'twelve' and insert 'six'.
No. 49, in page 2, line 25, leave out paragraph (b).

Miss Johnson:
In Committee on 30 April, an amendment was accepted as a result of a concern about the nature of the powers in the Bill. It was tabled to ensure that any regulations arising from the Bill would be subject to the affirmative resolution procedure. However, we have had more time to consider the relevance of that amendment. Government amendment No. 1 will reverse the amendment accepted in Committee and restore the Bill to its original form. I hope that the reason for that will become clear.
Clause 2(2) is technically inefficient. No orders as such will be made under the Bill but
regulations will be made under clause 2 that will be subject to the negative procedure under clause 16(3). Fireworks regulations are intended to fill gaps in safety regulations that are made under section 11 of the Consumer Protection Act 1987. Fireworks regulations address both the use and supply of fireworks. Safety regulations are already subject to the negative procedure and an additional advantage of fireworks regulations being subject to the same procedure is that an excessive bureaucratic regulatory process would be avoided by permitting a single set of regulations to be made using powers in both the Bill and the Consumer Protection Act 1987.
It is worth noting that given parliamentary concerns about powers such as those in clauses 1(2) and 14(3)- so-called Henry VIII powers-during the passage of the Fireworks Bill promoted by my hon. Friend the Member for Plymouth, Sutton (Linda Gilroy) in 1998, regulations made under those clauses, which would not be fireworks regulations made under clause 2, would be subject to the more restrictive affirmative procedure under clause 16(2), which I mentioned when we considered amendment No. 40. My Department's view is that fireworks regulations do not involve considerations of special importance that might render the affirmative procedure appropriate.
I make it clear to hon. Members that we accepted the amendment in Committee in good faith but that I was subsequently advised that it would cause much difficulty owing to a conflict with regulations made under the Consumer Protection Act 1987, which are subject to the negative procedure. That is why we wish to withdraw our acceptance of the amendment. It is important that there is full consultation on all matters and we intend that draft regulations would be produced before consideration of regulations under either the negative or affirmative procedure. However, I am advised that clause 2(2) would cause much difficulty and bureaucracy in order to achieve the same effect, which makes it highly undesirable. The Government hope that hon. Members will accept the amendment.

Mr. Robathan:
I do not doubt the Minister's good faith. Like her, I sometimes tread with trepidation in the fields of parliamentary technicalities, and therefore rely to a large extent on the advice of counsel. However, I have a question for her that goes to the heart of the matter. Clause 2(2) states:
"No order shall be made under this section unless a draft of the order has been laid before and approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament."
In other words, regulations are to be subject to negative, not affirmative, action. If that subsection is withdrawn, is it possible that, without a statutory instrument or order of any sort, a future Government might introduce under clause 2 a blanket ban on fireworks? The Bill allows the Government enormous powers, and I am concerned that they could ban whatever they like without affirmative action. I hope that the Minister will be able to reassure me on that.

Mr. Chope:
For those of us who are concerned about changes of mind by Ministers, this episode does not give us much confidence. In Committee, the Minister said:
"I am happy to accept amendment No. 2 if the Committee so desires."-[Official Report, Standing Committee C, 30 April 2003; c. 4.]
The Committee did so desire, which resulted in subsection (2) being added to the Bill. That is the very subsection that the Minister now seeks to take out through the Government amendment, for the reasons that she explained. I hope that she has suitably castigated her advisers in Committee for not having drawn her attention to the difficulties that would arise were she, in a fit of generosity, to accept the amendment, which was tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Blaby (Mr. Robathan). However, that is all in the past. I leave it to the House to judge whether it is sensible to accept the Government amendment, because it will result in there being less control over the regulation-making process than there would be if subsection (2) were retained.
I am sorry that the Minister chose not to comment on my amendments.

Miss Melanie Johnson:
That is because I would rather hear what the hon. Gentleman has to say first, and respond later.

Mr. Chope:
I accept that.
I hope that the Government will accept amendment No. 47. It is more for the Government to accept it than the promoter of the Bill, because I am sure that he would have no difficulty with it whatsoever. It would require the Secretary of State to issue a regulatory impact assessment before making regulations. One might have thought it unnecessary to legislate for that, given that it is already Government policy, but I have to report to the House my disappointment that the regulatory impact assessment that was promised for this Bill was signed by the Minister only yesterday, and I received a draft of it only the day before. I was told that the reason was that the Minister was returning from Slovenia, or possibly Slovakia-somewhere beginning with "S" in eastern Europe-on Thursday, and would not be able to sign it until then. I told the parliamentary clerk at the Department of Trade and Industry that that was not satisfactory, because it meant that we would not be able to see it before the deadline for the tabling of amendments to the Bill.
The Minister should have a go at her officials for having failed to produce by Second Reading an RIA for a private Member's Bill that the Government are supporting. The Cabinet Office Minister responsible for the regulatory impact assessment process has expressed concern about the matter. On 3 April, there was no less than a written ministerial statement by that gentleman, which said:
"A baseline for measuring the level of compliance with the Regulatory Impact Assessment is today being placed on the website . . . An exercise in December 2002 to establish a snapshot of the level of compliance provided a figure of 92 per cent. We will keep this under six monthly review and strive not only to retain this level of compliance but improve it. In addition, we recognise the need to increase the quality of RIAs and the value they add to the policy making process. We are working closely with departments to identify ways of achieving this."-[Official Report, 3 April 2003; Vol. 402, 70WS.]

12.15 pm
That was a written ministerial statement, so we did not have the chance to ask any questions. The Minister of State did not comment on why the regulatory impact assessment that should have been produced for the Fireworks Bill on 28 February had not been produced by then. I tabled a parliamentary question in March and was told that the assessment was in the process of being produced. As I said, it was only when I phoned the parliamentary clerk to the DTI on Wednesday to ask what had happened that the RIA was forthcoming.
That is why amendment No. 47 should be built into the Bill. It is difficult enough for the House to deal with Bills on which amendments can be tabled. However, it is even more difficult when the House has to deal with regulations introducing various restrictions to fireworks without any full regulatory impact assessment having been conducted-notwithstanding what the Government say about the importance of such assessments.
The person in charge of the better regulation taskforce-or is it the regulatory impacts assessment unit, I do not know-addressed a lunch of parliamentarians not long ago. In response to a question, he said that he needed our help-the help of parliamentarians-to make the system work. He advised that one way of making it work would be to embarrass Ministers when they had not complied with the requirements that had been laid down.
Let me remind the House that those requirements are contained in a document-quite a thick document, which I downloaded because it is often difficult to acquire these items in hard-copy form-called "Better Policy Making: A Guide to Regulatory Impact Assessment". It was produced in 1998 and embellished with a foreword by the Prime Minister. It worth reminding the House and embarrassing the Minister with what he said:
"In August 1998, I announced that no proposal for regulation which has an impact on businesses, charities or voluntary bodies, should be considered by Ministers without a regulatory impact assessment being carried out. I have charged the Cabinet Office to ensure departments deliver better regulation through full compliance with the regulatory impact assessment process. Where regulations or alternative measures are introduced, this should be done in a light touch way, with decisions informed by a full regulatory impact assessment, which includes details of not only the obvious costs and benefits of the proposal but also the wider economic, social and environmental impacts. New regulations should only be introduced when other alternatives have first been considered and rejected, and where the benefits justify the costs."
Hon. Members will note that some of that language is adopted in my amendment.
The document stresses the full requirements of the process by which the Government are to introduce regulatory impact assessments. It makes it clear beyond peradventure that, for a private Member's Bill supported by the Government, a regulatory impact assessment should be available on Second Reading. We have barely had one today in time for Report and Third Reading, which is not good enough.
I hope that the Minister will accept that, because of the manifest failure of her Department to comply with the requirements of the Prime Minister-and, indeed, good common sense-amendment No. 47 should be put on the statute book. I hope that she will make that concession.
I hope that the Minister will also respond to the other amendments in the group. Amendment No. 48 is modest and would ensure that, if the Government needed to legislate instantly for emergencies or other eventualities without seeking the approval of Parliament, any such legislation would apply for only six months rather than a year. That is a sensible amendment. However, the regulatory impact assessments need to be produced in better time than in the past.
Many hon. Members will not have seen the regulatory impact assessment that has been produced for this Bill because the Minister signed it only yesterday, and I am not even sure that there is a copy in the Library-as there should be. Perhaps the Minister could confirm that. The RIA identifies a concern shared by almost all hon. Members about enforcement. Many rules and regulations already exist to control the use of fireworks, but the problems our constituents face are caused by lack of enforcement.
The RIA mentions costs and the Minister, in Committee, talked about the importance of getting tough and sorting out the problems that our constituents face. That is why I was concerned to read in the RIA that the Bill is not expected to add to the burden on the police. Most of our constituents expect that the Bill will result in the police becoming hyperactive in dealing with firework abuse and anti-social behaviour. In paragraph 9.3, the RIA states:
"The Police already have a role in firework enforcement and are unlikely to have any extra duties as a result of this Bill."
That will come as a disappointment to many of us, because the Bill will not be enforced unless by the police.
The RIA also sets out some of the costs associated with the process, and it seems that most of the burden will fall on local authorities. The assessment states:
"With regard to clause 4-the use of fireworks outside of hours-it should be noted that only 35 per cent. of local authorities currently offer a full night time noise response service. Furthermore, 18 per cent. of local authorities do not have any out-of-hours noise response cover. This limitation, however, is expected to change with the proposed amendments to the 1996 Noise Act-making the application of the Act mandatory for all local authorities. There is therefore likely to be little in the way of an extra financial burden arising from the enforcement of clause 4 in the Bill."
Despite the short time I had after receiving the RIA so late, I looked at how the Government intended to amend the Noise Act 1996. The changes mentioned in the RIA are contained in clause 47 of the Anti-social Behaviour Bill. I discovered that, far from putting a duty on local authorities, clause 47 will relax their responsibilities to control noise nuisance, including the abuse of noisy fireworks, after 11 pm. That is amazing, because most issues raised in correspondence about fireworks relate the use of fireworks to antisocial behaviour. The Government are in a mess, because the regulatory impact assessment is not consistent with clause 47 of the Anti-social Behaviour Bill. I am sure that if more hon. Members had had the chance to read the RIA, they too would have become concerned, because it shows that the Government are talking tough on dealing with antisocial behaviour relating to fireworks but have hardly anything substantive with which to address the problem.

Dr. Cable:
I want to say a few words in support of amendment No. 47, which relates to the regulatory impact assessment. I confess to being something of an anorak about these assessments. There are a few of us slightly sad characters in the House-I know that the hon. Member for South Cambridgeshire (Mr. Lansley) is another-who actually read these things, and I have obviously been deprived of this particular one.
It is important to stress why regulatory impact assessments are important. There is consensus on both sides of the House-I do not think that the issue divides the Government and the Opposition-that, whichever Government are in power, there is remorseless pressure to extend regulation, and successive Governments find that pressure difficult to resist. There are all kinds of compelling reasons why regulations are introduced. One of the brakes or disciplines in the process is that, when a new regulation is introduced, it should be subjected to a proper cost-benefit analysis.
The Cabinet Office has devoted a lot of time and energy to improving the situation. I have been tabling written questions on the subject to Ministers for about five years to try to ensure that all Ministries carry out such assessments consistently. Practice is improving, and the National Audit Office suggested six months ago that there had been improvement in the way in which the Government handled the assessments, but that there were many gaps and Ministers had differential levels of performance.
This is an important issue, and I am surprised that the provision outlined in amendment No. 47 is not already written into the Bill. If it were Government legislation, I think that it probably would have been. I commend the provision on principle, although the one technical point that I guess lies behind the amendment is that the Government will claim that they have an overall regulatory impact assessment for the Bill as a whole. Since this is a framework Bill, however, that will not tell us much. Common sense suggests that it is the specific regulations that will result in particular costs and benefits, and those are the questions that we need the answers to.
I would have thought that it was very much in the present spirit of the Department of Trade and Industry-which, I know, is a liberalising Department that tries to get these things right-to agree to this proposal without difficulty, and I hope that the Minister will be able to make a concession on this amendment.

Miss Melanie Johnson:
First, I shall inform the House of the reason that the draft regulatory impact assessment was not published sooner. It had been produced, but the actual publication failed to take place due to an administrative oversight. I can only apologise to hon. Members for their not having had more chance to study it, but I understand that the hon. Member for Christchurch (Mr. Chope) received a copy following a telephone conversation with a parliamentary clerk. I appreciate that that was not the case for all hon. Members, and that the hon. Member for Twickenham (Dr. Cable) has been deprived of his anorak activity. I am sure that he is looking forward to catching up on that over the weekend.

Mr. Chope:
Will the Minister tell us where the regulatory impact assessment is now? Is it in the House of Commons Library?

Miss Johnson:
It is indeed. Copies have been placed in the Library; it is available.
Like both the hon. Gentlemen who have just spoken, I am a firm enthusiast for regulatory impact assessments. They are an extraordinarily good thing, and we want them carried out on a wider basis. We also want them carried out more effectively in Europe, and we have been working hard to that end. It is important that, as each aspect of any implementing regulations come forward from the Bill, the detail of those regulations should be subject to a proper RIA, and that will indeed be done. I have no problem with amendment No. 47 advocating such action. The amendment is unnecessary, however, because it is already a requirement of Government procedure that such an assessment should be carried out. I am perfectly happy to accept the amendment in the spirit of the way in which it was moved, however.
On the point raised by the hon. Member for Christchurch about the police, the issue is whether the duties arising from the Bill will be more extensive than they were before. The duties do not necessarily extend police responsibilities. It is on the basis of the duties referred to that the assessment must be carried out.
12.30 pm
Amendment No. 48 refers to emergency regulations. Such regulations are not often made, but when they are it is fairly usual for them to last a year. If the hon. Gentleman thinks about the detail, he may foresee problems with a six-month period. It might, for instance, expire shortly before autumn, when the firework season will be in full swing. This is not a huge issue of principle, but I would prefer the regulations to last for a year, although we do not expect to have to use them.
If amendment No. 49 were accepted, we would not be able to alter or amend regulations. I do not think any of us want that. The whole point of regulation, as dealt with in the House, is that it can be altered to take account of some detail or change in circumstances. That is not the case with primary legislation.

Mr. Robathan:
Can the Minister answer a question that I asked earlier about Government amendment No. 1? If the draft order were not subject to the affirmative procedure, would the Government have power to impose an outright ban?

Miss Johnson:
I can give the hon. Gentleman a categorical assurance that his anxieties are misplaced.
Question put and agreed to.
Amendments made: No. 1, in page 2, line 5, leave out subsection (2).
No. 47, in page 2, line 16, at end insert-

'Before making fireworks regulations the Secretary of State must issue a full regulatory impact assessment setting out details of the costs and benefits and the wider economic social and environmental impact of the proposed regulations'.-
[Miss Melanie Johnson.]
Clause 3


Prohibition of Supply Etc. to Young Persons

Mr. Chope: I beg to move amendment No. 7, in page 2, line 39, leave out 'an age so specified' and insert
'the age of 18 years'.

Mr. Deputy Speaker:
With this we may take amendment No. 9, in page 2, line 42, leave out 'an age so specified' and insert
'the age of 18 years'.
I thank the Minister for accepting amendment No. 47. Amendments Nos. 7 and 9 are intended to introduce more clarity and precision. Clause 3 refers to "young persons". Does that mean people aged 16, 18, 21 or 25? I regard anyone over 50 but under 60 as young. Why does the Bill not give a precise definition-people aged 18, for instance? That is not asking very much.
On Second Reading, the hon. Member for Hamilton, South (Mr. Tynan) said:
"Clause 3 would ban sales to minors. The intention is that the current minimum age of 18 should be retained."-[Official Report, 28 February 2003; Vol. 400, c. 482.]
The amendments would ensure that the promoter's intention was enshrined in law, clearly and unambiguously.

Miss Melanie Johnson:
I understand why the hon. Gentleman has tabled the amendment but certain category 1 fireworks are currently available to 16-year-olds: party poppers, Christmas crackers and throw downs. The amendment would mean that regulations implementing the Bill limited all fireworks to 18-year-olds. I think that those are the sort of fireworks that people commonly have and that they are generally regarded as pretty risk free and pretty harmless. In the spirit of the hon. Gentleman's earlier comments about category 1 fireworks, I hope that we will not be over-prescriptive. It is for that reason that specifying a single age may be a problem. Therefore, I hope that he will withdraw the amendment.

Mr. Chope:
The purpose of my amendment was not to specify ages under 18. What I was concerned about was that the power could be used to prohibit those aged 18 or over from buying fireworks. If the Minister is prepared to give an assurance that there is no intention to introduce restrictions for people who are over 18 but who are still described as young people, I will have no problem.

Miss Johnson:
I have twin daughters who are still, just about, 18. It is unlikely that the Government will wish to extend the prohibition to those aged over 18. It is just those under 18 who are the issue.

Mr. Chope:
In the light of what the Minister said, I beg to ask leave to withdraw the amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Clause 4

Prohibition of Supply Etc. in Certain Circumstances


Mr. Chope:
I beg to move amendment No. 52, in page 3, line 4, leave out from 'from' to 'using' in line 5.

Mr. Deputy Speaker:
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Amendment No. 53, in page 3, line 7, leave out from 'from' to 'using' in line 8.
Amendment No. 64, in page 3, line 16, at end insert-

'( ) Fireworks regulations may not prohibit the supply of fireworks for private use on residential premises.'.
Amendment No. 67, in page 3, line 16, at end insert-

'( ) Firework regulations may not prohibit the supply of fireworks in such a way as to interfere with the celebration of major religious and national festivals.'.
Amendment No. 55, in clause 5, page 3, line 44, at end add-

'( ) Nothing in this section shall apply to-

(a) any person whose trade or business is the professional organisation or professional operation of firework displays;

(b) any person whose trade or business, or part of whose trade or business, is the supply of fireworks or assemblies, for the purposes of supplying them in accordance with the provisions of these Regulations;

(c) any local authority for the purposes of a firework display;

(d) any person for use, in the course of a trade or business of his, for special effects purposes in the theatre, on film or on television;

(e) any local authority, enforcement officer or other body, where that authority or body:

(i) has enforcement powers, conferred by or under enactment, applying to the firework or assembly in question; and

(ii) before it purchases the goods, informs the supplier that the purchase is to be made for the purposes of ascertaining whether any provision made by or under any enactment and relating to the safety of the goods has been contravened in relation to those goods;

(f) any department of the Government of the United Kingdom for the purposes of a firework display put on by that department for use by that department at a national public celebration or a national commemorative event or for use by that department for research or investigations purposes;

(g) any person who:

(i) is in business as a supplier of goods designed and intended for use in conjunction with fireworks or assemblies; and

(ii) intends to use the firework or assembly in question solely for the purposes of testing those goods to ensure that, when used in conjunction with fireworks or assemblies of the same type, they will perform their intended function or comply with any provision made by or under any enactment and relating to the safety of those goods; or

(h) any establishment of the naval, military or air forces of the Crown for the purposes of a firework display or for use at a national public celebration or a national commemorative event.'.
Amendment No. 60, in page 4, line 30, leave out clause 7.
Amendment No. 61, in clause 7, page 5, line 13, at end add-

'( ) Nothing in this section shall apply to-

(a) any person whose trade or business is the professional organisation or professional operation of firework displays;

(b) any person whose trade or business, or part of whose trade or business, is the supply of fireworks or assemblies, for the purpose of supplying them in accordance with the provisions of these Regulations;

(c) any local authority for the purposes of a firework display;

(d) any person for use, in the course of a trade or business of his, for special effects purposes in the theatre, on film or on television;

(e) any local authority, enforcement officer or other body, where that authority or body:

(i) has enforcement powers, conferred by or under enactment, applying to the firework or assembly in question; and

(ii) before it purchases the goods, informs the supplier that the purchase is to be made for the purposes of ascertaining whether any provision made by or under any enactment and relating to the safety of the goods has been contravened in relation to those goods;

(f) any department of the Government of the United Kingdom for the purposes of a firework display put on by that department for use by that department at a national public celebration or a national commemorative event or for use by that department for research or investigations purposes;

(g) any person who:

(i) is in business as a supplier of goods designed and intended for use in conjunction with fireworks or assemblies; and

(ii) intends to use the firework or assembly in question solely for the purposes of testing those goods to ensure that, when used in conjunction with fireworks or assemblies of the same type, they will perform their intended function or comply with any provision made by or under any enactment and relating to the safety of those goods; or

(h) any establishment of the naval, military or air forces of the Crown for the purposes of a firework display or for use at a national public celebration or a national commemorative event.'.

Mr. Chope:
Some of the amendments are in the names of my hon. Friends, so I will not speak at length on those, but amendments Nos. 52 and 53 concentrate on the mischief of misuse rather than supply. I think that our constituents are concerned about the misuse of fireworks. There are already controls over supply under existing regulations. As the Minister said earlier, there are controls over safety. The big lacuna in the law and in the regulation-making power at the moment is in relation to the use of fireworks. That is why I seek in amendments Nos. 52 and 53 to cut out all the other guff and concentrate on misuse.

Mr. Tynan:
The hon. Gentleman should be aware that the Police Federation has recently suggested that we should change the law in order to ensure that possession of fireworks is an offence, so that it could be dealt with. I ask him to withdraw the amendment. The issue of supplying, purchasing and possessing fireworks is very important and should be left in the Bill.

Mr. Chope:
It is interesting that the hon. Gentleman raises the issue of possession. Is someone who has fireworks in his possession going to be arrested by the police and charged with possessing fireworks? Surely the biggest problem is when the fireworks are used. There are already restrictions on the use of fireworks in the street. If we are talking about giving powers to the police to deal with people who are just possessing fireworks, are we not going unnecessarily far?

Mr. Tynan:
The hon. Gentleman should accept, and I hope that he will, that minors often have fireworks in their possession and the police are powerless to deal with that situation. Sometimes, the minors are responsible for antisocial behaviour. On that basis and in those circumstances, it is vital that we give them the power to deal, if necessary, with the issue of possession and supply.

Mr. Chope:
I understand the hon. Gentleman's point, but I am not sure that the Bill will deal with the situation that he described. As I understand it, one of the big concerns is that it is not possible to introduce a fixed-penalty notice for anyone under the age of 18. The hon. Gentleman refers to young people and there are already restrictions on the supply of fireworks to them. Will the police be given powers to seize the fireworks in their possession?
The issue is similar to that of children or young people carrying drink in public places. I believe that the European Court of Human Rights has said that the police can seize cans of drink in the possession of young people only if the young people are consuming the drink or have started to do so. Will we be able to enforce a requirement that young people are not allowed to carry fireworks in a public place? Should they be subject to all these regulations if they have fireworks in their possession? That is my concern. I would like us to address the problem of misuse-and not just supply and possession-much more effectively.

Mr. Tynan
rose-

Mr. Chope:
The hon. Gentleman is itching to intervene again, but I want to make a final point. I hope that he is as alarmed as I am by what is said in the regulatory impact assessment about nothing in the Bill placing an extra burden on the police or causing them any more hassle. He seems to be under the illusion that the Bill will enable the police to be proactive in dealing with the hooliganism and antisocial behaviour associated with the use of fireworks in public places.

Mr. Tynan:
I might not be explaining my position properly but, in the real world, individuals under the age of 18 sometimes obtain a supply of fireworks or purchase them from rogue dealers so that they are in possession of fireworks. Is it not a good idea for the police to have the opportunity to deal with that issue? In those circumstances, the hon. Gentleman should realise that it is in the best interests of the individual, as well as the population in general, for the police-I am sure that they would use their powers in a limited fashion-to be able to deal with the problem of minors having possession of fireworks.

Mr. Chope:
We are both keen on achieving the same objective, namely reducing to a minimum the misuse of fireworks. I have heard what the hon. Gentleman said, and I shall listen with interest to the Minister's remarks. The hon. Gentleman has been persuaded by some of my arguments and, in the spirit of the debate, I may well yet be persuaded by his.

Mr. Leigh:
I wish to speak to amendments Nos. 64 and 67, which are in my name. Amendment No. 64 deals with the supply of fireworks for private use, and we have already made progress on that matter. The Bill's promoter has already said that he does not want it to apply to class 1 and 2 fireworks. Class 4 fireworks are only to be used by explosive factories; they are not sold to the public. Class 3 fireworks have a safety distance of 25 m and they are used in displays. As a result of the assurances by the Bill's promoter that he does not want it to apply to class 1 and 2 fireworks and that he would be happy for an amendment to be tabled in another place, my fears, which I tried to deal with in amendment No. 64, have probably been addressed.

12.45 pm
I have primarily been concerned with protecting the traditional private family firework display in people's gardens. I look forward to hearing what the Minister and the promoter say about amendment No. 64. Perhaps it is possible to obtain class 3 fireworks for a private garden display. I do not know what the legal situation is on that or what the supply situation would be. It may be that we have dealt with that issue.
The more substantial point that I want to raise relates to amendment No. 67. I do not know what the technical objection may be, but I hope that the Minister reassures me about the issues that it raises. As well as protecting the private traditional display with one's family, I want to avoid the situation in which people can let off fireworks only around 5 November. I would not approve of that. I do not say that because I am a Catholic and would object to the fact that fireworks could be used only to celebrate the gunpowder plot, but because it raises an interesting point. We live in a varied society with many religious groups and types of people. I do not understand why we should gradually move bit by bit-as we are doing as a result of a ratchet-type effect-to let off fireworks only at that time of year. There is no reason why people should not be allowed-encouraged even-to let off fireworks around new year.
We also have to recognise that there are other religious festivals, such as Hindu and Muslim festivals. A Conservative colleague came up to me in the corridor yesterday and said, "I don't know what you're doing about this Bill. The fact is I get loads of letters from people objecting to the fact that we get fireworks at all times of the year. They're used to celebrate Hindu festivals and some of my constituents don't like it." But that is the country we live in. If someone wants to celebrate a Hindu festival with fireworks, that might not be on 5 November. In the spirit of a liberal multicultural country, we should recognise people's ability to let off fireworks when they want to.
Amendment No. 67 might not be necessary. I hope that the Minister will take the opportunity to make it clear that we recognise that people in our society will want to let off fireworks at different times of the year. I am not sure that many people would want to let them off on Bastille day, but if they want to, let them. There is, after all, an ever-growing French community. If it wants to let off fireworks, why not? Why should the ever-growing American community not let off fireworks on independence day? We do not want to be more and more restrictive. We have a voluntary agreement that makes it difficult for members of the public to obtain fireworks except around the period of 5 November and the new year. If the Minister reassures me on that, I shall be very happy.

Mr. Tynan:
The issue is important. In my constituency it is simple to purchase fireworks all year round. That is the fact of the matter and I am sure that it happens in many constituencies. However, when I formulated the ideas behind the Bill I was conscious that we should not disadvantage other multicultural groups. As a member of one of them, I recognise their value. I spoke to Hindu people about what could be done. That is why we suggest a two-tier licensing system that will give those who want to celebrate major religious or national festivals the opportunity to buy fireworks. I raised the matter on Second Reading; I recognise the fact that we live in a multicultural society, and the Bill takes account of the points that have been made. I ask the hon. Member for Christchurch (Mr. Chope) to withdraw his amendment.

Miss Melanie Johnson:
Amendments Nos. 52 and 53 would remove the prohibition on the supply of
fireworks, and limit prohibition simply to the use of fireworks, and my hon. Friend the Member for Hamilton, South (Mr. Tynan) has explained why that is not desirable. There are occasions on which the prohibition on supply is crucial, and we may want to consider prohibiting supply at certain times of day, in certain places or in certain circumstances. The amendments would therefore take a retrograde step because we would lose some of our ability to control the supply of fireworks. Conservative Members agree with us about the importance of that control, so I hope that they will not feel the need to press the amendments.
Amendment No. 55 is too prescriptive. However, it was tabled before our discussions earlier this morning, and I hope that Conservative Members will recognise that the flexibility in the Bill is necessary so that we can consider who should be excepted from certain of the prohibitions imposed by any regulations made under the Bill.
I turn now to amendment No. 60 on the licensing of suppliers. Many people, including consumers, enforcement officers, firework companies and many hon. Members feel that licensing is a suitable way further to control the availability of fireworks entering the market. The provisions are important because the Bill will allow local authorities to refuse and revoke licences to retailers who have previously breached conditions such as those relating to storage or supply to children.

Mr. Baron:
As I said, I fully support the Bill and, in particular, the idea of proper licensing and control of the sale of fireworks to the public, but may I tease out of the Minister any suggestions that the Government may have for addressing the issue that licensing will not solve all the problems? One could stockpile fireworks, for example. Although the Bill is helpful, and I support it, I would be grateful for a little clarification from the Minister.

Miss Johnson:
We are considering the issue carefully to make sure that the provisions are effective but not overly bureaucratic or burdensome for retailers. Where possible, we are trying to link them with revision of the regulations on the manufacture and storage of explosives, which obviously relate to the hon. Gentleman's point about storage. Those regulations are currently under review by the Health and Safety Executive, so there will be an opportunity to tackle that.
Amendment No. 61 is very similar to amendment No. 55, so I need say nothing further on that. Turning to amendment No. 64, I think that the hon. Member for Gainsborough (Mr. Leigh) accepts that things have changed since he tabled the amendment. It would remove our ability to create a watershed for residential use, and we would all regret that. In any event, the hon. Gentleman indicated that he would not press the amendment, and I hope that he will not.
Amendment No. 67 is rather vague and, therefore, unhelpful. It may be difficult to define "interference". We entirely share the hon. Gentleman's aspiration that the buying and selling of fireworks is not confined to the period around 5 November.
The amendment is not necessary because under clause 2(4) the Secretary of State is required to consult organisations and other people considered to have interests and to be affected by the Bill. Additionally, the Government are obliged in the regulatory impact assessment to consult extensively members of particular minorities when drawing up regulations, and we shall obviously ensure that all sections of the community are represented. I hope that that reassures the hon. Member for Gainsborough, whose concerns are similar to ours.

Mr. Chope:
In the light of the Minister's explanation, I beg to ask leave to withdraw the amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Clause 5

Prohibition of Supply Etc. of Certain Fireworks


Amendment made: No. 66, in page 3, line 28, at end insert-

'( ) Subsections (1) and (2) shall not apply to class I and class II fireworks.'.-
[Miss Melanie Johnson.]

Clause 6

Public Fireworks Displays

Mr. Chope: I beg to move amendment No. 56, in page 4, line 3 [Clause 6], at end insert-

'( ) advanced notification of the time and place of the display has been given to the owners or recipients of land adjoining the site of the display'.

Mr. Deputy Speaker:
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following amendments:
No. 57, in page 4, line 9, leave out paragraph (c).
No. 58, in page 4, line 29, at end insert-

'( ) Nothing in this section shall apply to a display from which the public are excluded notwithstanding that it may be witnessed by the public.'.
No. 59, in page 4, line 29, at end insert-

'( ) Nothing in this section shall apply to a display which does not include the use of fireworks under category 4 of the British Standard Specification relating to fireworks published on 30 November 1988 (BS 7114) or any British Standard Specification replacing it.'.

Mr. Chope:
These amendments deal with the issue of public displays. My hon. Friends may think that amendment No. 56 is far too regulatory and restrictive, as it requires that advance notification of the time and place of a display be given to the owners or occupiers of land adjoining the site of the display. The amendment uses the word "recipients" instead of "occupiers", but I am sure that that is a typo.
A big mischief results from the anti-social use of fireworks when, for example, people let them off without thinking about their neighbours-that is even more true when there is a large, organised display. If they knew that fireworks were going to be let off, dog owners such as myself could put their dog inside and people who have a horse or pony, as my daughter has, could take appropriate precautions. Obviously, it is difficult to take such precautions if one does not know that an event is taking place. In our village, somebody's horse eventually died, I think, from injuries caused by problems with fireworks. Those problems could easily
have been overcome if the person organising the firework display had thought of notifying their neighbours. That is the thinking behind the amendment.
Turning briefly to amendment No. 58, the Bill does not cover displays that are not public. However, I am concerned that that may be interpreted as covering displays that may be witnessed by the public. Lots of members of the public, for example, may not be inside the enclosure. That is a nightmare for people organising fireworks displays, as they need income from paying visitors to pay for the fireworks. However, people sometimes find vantage points nearby and enjoy the whole event for free. If the public witness an essentially private fireworks display, that should not fall foul of the regulations.
Amendment No.59 would restrict the application of the clause to fireworks displays that use fireworks under category 4, which we recognise as big public displays. Again, it is a reasonable measure to clarify, define and limit the application of the clause.

Miss Melanie Johnson:
The hon. Gentleman may have corrected the word "recipients", but it still appears in amendment No. 56, and he and I would agree that its meaning is unclear.

Mr. Chope:
I raised the matter when I saw the amendments in draft on blue paper. The Clerk assured me that there had been a typographical error and that the word "recipients" would be replaced by the word "occupiers". I am sorry that that does not seem to have materialised on today's Order Paper.

Miss Johnson:
I am not sure where that leaves us for the purpose of the debate, although I understand the hon. Gentleman's point. I accept the good intention underlying the amendment, but such a measure would be difficult to operate and potentially ineffectual. The owners of adjoining land in highly populated areas such as London could mean the owners of properties immediately around the perimeter of the display, but neighbours living just a few meters away or at the other end of a small road might be left out. It is difficult to see how the measure would be helpful to all those who might be affected, particularly because, as the hon. Gentleman acknowledged, public displays tend to be large and significant, and can be viewed from quite a wide surrounding area.
I do not believe that the intention is to inform all residents within a defined perimeter, which would be difficult anyway, because of the cost to the operators. Fireworks displays generally are heavily subsidised. There is usually a promoter, who puts a substantial amount in. The proposed measure could oblige the organisers to notify thousands of residents. That might kill off public displays, which we all agree are in general a good thing. In the light of my reservations, I hope the hon. Gentleman will not press the amendments.

Mr. Chope:
Has the Minister given the House an assurance that the clause as drafted would not impact in the way that I fear, in relation to displays witnessed by the public from outside?

Miss Johnson:
The definition of a public display is set out in subsection (5), which clearly states that a
fireworks display is one attended by the public or a section of the public, thereby precluding private fireworks displays on private land. If members of the public choose to watch their neighbours' garden display, that is an instance of "free riding", but we could not classify it as a public display.

Mr. Chope:
I thank the Minister for that clarification. In the light of her comments, I shall seek leave to withdraw my amendment No. 56, but with this caveat: the Minister's Department is involved in public information, and it would be useful for the Department to encourage people who are organising public fireworks displays, particularly outside the usual season for fireworks and in rural areas, to notify their neighbours as a matter of good neighbourliness, to avoid some of the problems that have occurred in the past.
Given the particular difficulties with my amendment, which has been printed differently from the way that I had intended, I beg to ask leave to withdraw the amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Clause 9

Prohibition of Importation Etc. of Fireworks

Mr. Leigh: I beg to move amendment No. 65, in page 5, line 33, leave out Clause 9.

Mr. Leigh:
First, I am grateful to the Minister for accepting amendment No. 66, so that category 1 and 2 fireworks will no longer effectively be dealt with by the Bill. That is good progress.
This is a probing amendment that seeks to determine why clause 9 is necessary. I accept that some extremely unpleasant and unsafe fireworks are being manufactured around the world, which we may not want here, but why cannot the Minister use powers provided elsewhere in the Bill and in earlier regulations to deal with such products? Why is it necessary to have a separate clause on imports? The Minister may be able to give a good reason.
The Minister will also want to explain how the clause impacts on Europe and the single market. I am sure that the clause does not apply to imports from the EU. Bearing in mind what the Minister has said, there will probably be agreement throughout Europe on a decibel limit of about 120, so imports will presumably be on that basis. I am sure that the Minister will assure the House that clause 9 in no way militates against the free exchange of fireworks across the EU, which adds to competition and creates choice in a free market-all the things that we are in favour of.

Mr. Robathan:
The clause is of immense importance and I shall be interested to hear what the Minister has to say. Many of the problems that are associated with fireworks are the result of some rather dodgy importers. My hon. Friends have improved the Bill and made some good points, but I would not wish to see the amendment carried.

Mr. Chope:
I shall be interested to hear what the Minister has to say about the single market and on the
issue of personal imports that was mentioned earlier. Is it envisaged that there should be restrictions on personal imports of fireworks? If people go to Calais or Boulogne and buy a case of fireworks, or fill up the back of their white van with fireworks instead of with booze, will they be restricted by the clause?
My understanding of the thinking behind the clause was that something needed to be done to control the situation between the point where fireworks were imported, for example, Felixtowe docks, and the place where they were stored. If that is the mischief that needs to be addressed in regulations, I question whether prohibiting the import itself, or putting conditions upon the importer, is necessarily the right way to proceed. I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say.

Mr. Tynan:
I am concerned about removing the clause from the Bill because it serves a useful purpose. The industry is concerned about fireworks that, having been imported, do not go to a licensed storage place. The drivers therefore have no need to register that they are driving to a storage place and sometimes drive to a lay-by and split their load between perhaps 12 rogue retailers, who then sell the fireworks indiscriminately over three months. I think that the clause is essential if we are to deal with the rogue retailer who sells fireworks indiscriminately to anyone who will buy them, and with problems such as those that arose in my constituency over Christmas and new year, when category 4 fireworks were imported by the white van people, who were distributing and selling them in pubs.
My concern is not about imports from Europe, as most imports-some 95 per cent.-come from China. On Second Reading, I pointed out that an application form for an import licence is a simple A4 document that is very easy to fill in and to submit to the Department of Trade and Industry. If somebody has £25,000 to spare, they can send a banker's draft to China and ask for a lorry load of fireworks, and there is no need to determine whether proper storage and licensed premises will be used. If the Minister uses the powers wisely, the clause will assist in eliminating many problems concerning antisocial use of fireworks.
I hope that the amendment will not be pressed and that hon. Members will accept the difficulties that currently exist with regard to importation.

Mr. Baron:
I rise briefly to speak in support of clause 9, which I think is a very important aspect of the Bill.
I was recently contacted by constituents about an unfortunate accident that occurred because of a poorly manufactured firework from the far east. Fortunately, there was no fatality, but an injury was caused. Any attempt to tighten up the situation to ensure that imported fireworks are of a certain standard is to be welcomed, as is any attempt to combat the illegal importation of fireworks and related problems of inadequate storage and supervision.
I welcome the clause, notwithstanding the fact that, as ever, it is an open-ended and enabling provision and I am not quite sure what will result. Overall, I think that it should remain in the Bill and it will certainly receive my support.

Miss Melanie Johnson:
There is no single market in respect of fireworks and fireworks control, so the question of the single market is not an issue, as hon. Members have suggested.
Importation prohibition is required if there is an intention to minimise the availability of banned fireworks and thus to ensure that the British public are not the victims of the white van sales described by my hon. Friend the Member for Hamilton, South (Mr. Tynan). In most cases, the products sold in such circumstances are unsafe.
Furthermore, I believe that the amendment would lead to a peculiar situation in which fireworks banned under the Bill and the Fireworks (Safety) Regulations 1997 would be manufactured and stored in a country that prohibits them. That seems a very paradoxical outcome and I am sure that it is not intended.
I request and hope that the amendment will be withdrawn.

Mr. Leigh:
This was a probing amendment and I think that we have had a reasonable debate. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Clause 10

Training Courses

Mr. Chope: I beg to move amendment No. 63, in page 6, line 10, leave out clause 10.
The amendment was inspired by the receipt late on Wednesday of the regulatory impact assessment on the Bill. The clause introduces a lot of regulation, requirements about training and so on. We probably know from our constituency postbags that some of these requirements impinge disproportionately on small businesses and shopkeepers-on the small business person, rather than the large multiple. If a butcher, for example, has to go on a training course, he has to find somebody else to run his shop. A little café in Highcliffe in my constituency recently obtained a licence to sell alcohol with meals, and the proprietor is required to go on a training course. He needs no training in something like that-he is a fit and proper person for the task. The requirement to go on a training course means that he will have to close his café or get someone in in his stead.
My instinct that there is no evidence of a problem that needs to be addressed, particularly in the case of organised displays, was confirmed when I read paragraph 5.4 of the regulatory impact assessment, which states in respect of training of display operators:
"There is no clear evidence of major incidence of death or serious injury caused by the use of fireworks by display operators. We do know that there have been occasional serious accidents in the past. But in the cases for which the Health and Safety Executive . . . have recent accident reports, there is still little clear evidence that the injuries sustained by members of the public were as a direct result of incompetence or the unprofessional use of fireworks."
The assessment proceeds to point out that although there has been a sharp increase in the number of injuries from fireworks in general terms, the number of injuries sustained at firework displays has remained fairly static, dropping in 2000 to 119, from the 1998 figure of 132. In 2001, the figure rose a little.
The important point is that we do not duplicate legislation. The regulatory impact assessment states that event organisers and display operators already have duties

"under the Health and Safety at Work Act 1974 to ensure, so far as is reasonably practicable, the safety of members of the public, as well as their and others' employees. These duties would . . . require"-
regardless of anything in the Bill-

"operators to carry out a full site assessment; ensure that the equipment they use is suitable for the purpose; and ensure that they and their staff are competent and properly trained."
The assessment also states:
"The Health and Safety Executive . . . believes that the fireworks display industry has a generally very good safety record."
Those are very important arguments for leaving things as they are and not introducing the very convoluted regulation contained in clause 10.
We are almost getting into a mindset whereby we think that we should introduce a requirement for training, tests and so on through back-door regulation. We sometimes lose sight of the big picture, and the big picture in fireworks is that general safety would be improved if more people went to organised firework displays, rather than choosing to run them in their own gardens. Yet I suspect that if unamended, clause 10 would impose unnecessary and counter-productive burdens on those who are contemplating organising firework displays, add to their costs and encourage much smaller, unofficial firework displays. If the Minister has signed up to the regulatory impact assessment, why will she not carry through the logic of it and accept that we would be better off without clause 10?

Mr. Leigh:
I very much hope that when the Minister sums up, she will make it absolutely clear to the House that she does not intend to insist on introducing regulations to require training. As my hon. Friend the Member for Christchurch (Mr. Chope) said, some people make it their business to provide public fireworks displays-incidentally, it is quite commonly retired or practising vicars who enjoy doing it; I do not know why. They are very responsible people. There is no evidence whatever that they are causing death or injury to themselves or anyone else. As my hon. Friend said, the Government's own regulatory impact assessment says in paragraph 5.4:
"There is no clear evidence of major incidence of death or serious injury".
Training takes up people's time, and it is not necessary. When my hon. Friend and I were discussing the Bill in the past two days, we both felt that it was important to drive this point home, and that we really did want an assurance from the Minister that she would not regulate to require training. If the hon. Lady will give us that assurance now, we shall be satisfied.

Miss Johnson:
Training is very important in some of these contexts. We would be neglecting our responsibilities in the House if we did not support the provision of training courses. The elimination of the entire clause, as proposed in the amendment, would leave no provision in the Bill to ensure safe and professional practice in the fireworks display industry. Displays do of course provide a safe way for people to watch and enjoy fireworks, but one reason why that is so is that people are highly trained and qualified to run such displays.

Mr. Chope:
So what is the purpose of the Health and Safety at Work, etc. Act 1974?

Miss Johnson:
That is a very general question to which I cannot respond in like terms.
We would not wish to leave the supply of professional fireworks to those with little knowledge of their product. With products to whose supply and use a number of risks are attached, it is important that the Government should be able to ensure that the aims that we all agree are important under clause 2(1) and (3) are upheld and strengthened. An officially organised training course would ensure high standards while excluding the novice from such enterprises.
I cannot comment on the relationship of this Bill with the Health and Safety at Work, etc. Act because that is a large piece of legislation. I am happy to undertake to write to him, but I think it is very important that we provide for training. That training helps to ensure that people who handle the equivalent of explosives and set up displays and use or supply the product are appropriately qualified.

Mr. Leigh:
Of course people who run displays must be properly trained and do their job; no one is denying that. But the Minister is not suggesting, is she, that there is any lack of training at the moment? Is she saying that there are cowboys, not properly trained, who are moving around the country causing death or injury to people? If she is saying that, that entirely contradicts her own regulatory impact assessment. The training is taking place. It works. All that we want to hear from the Minister today is that she will not impose a set of new regulations requiring new training, which is plainly not necessary.

Miss Johnson:
Of course plenty of training is being done and some of that works well, and there are some highly professional people setting up displays; no one would question that. However, it would be a rash person who would assert that every such person had done everything that should be done, and had been properly trained. There are always cowboys out there.
If the hon. Gentleman is seeking my assurance that we are not thinking of some radically bureaucratic system to impose on all those dealing with fireworks training of a very different character from that envisaged at present, I am sure that I can give him that assurance. However, the amendment would delete the clause full stop, and many hon. Members, including myself, find that unacceptable.

Mr. Chope:
I am disappointed in the Minister's response. I read from the regulatory impact assessment-if the hon. Lady she had not read it before, I hope that she was listening-and paragraph 5.5 makes it clear:
"Event organisers and display operators have duties under the Health and Safety at Work Act 1974".
It also says that duties under the existing law
"require operators to carry out a full site assessment; ensure that the equipment they use is suitable for the purpose; and ensure that they and their staff are competent and properly trained."
If operators' staff are not competent or properly trained, the operators are in breach of existing legislation-the Health and Safety at Work, etc. Act 1974. The more the House tries to duplicate general legislation such as that Act, the more we undermine the responsibility we believe people should take for organising effective health and safety at work.
The issue is close to my heart because I served on the Health and Safety Commission for so long. The Health and Safety and Work, etc. Act 1974 has stood the test of time, but it will not continue to stand the test of time if people who operate within its bounds are told that there must be duplication to comply with a fresh lot of regulations.

Mr. Robathan:
I raised training courses on Second Reading. I am worried that people might be compelled to go on training courses that are frankly unnecessary, so what my hon. Friend says is broadly right.

Mr. Chope:
I am grateful for the endorsement of my hon. Friend and the official Opposition. What he and I have said is in line with what my hon. Friend the Member for Castle Point (Bob Spink) said on Second Reading:
"We want more professional displays-we do not want to raise barriers to them-and I am not aware that there is a major problem with the safety of professional displays."-[Official Report, 28 February 2003; Vol. 400, c. 485.]
That is our position and it is why I shall press the amendment to a Division.
Question put, That the amendment be made:-
The House divided: Ayes 9, Noes 78.

Division No. 231

[1:27 pm

AYES

Baron, John
(Billericay)
Field, Mark
(Cities of London & Westminster)
Forth, rh Eric
Grayling, Chris
Mercer, Patrick
Murrison, Dr. Andrew
Robathan, Andrew
Robertson, Hugh
(Faversham & M-Kent)
Walter, Robert
Tellers for the Ayes:

Mr. Christopher Chope and
Mr. Edward Leigh

NOES

Adams, Irene
(Paisley N)
Allan, Richard
Allen, Graham
Anderson, rh Donald
(Swansea E)
Anderson, Janet
(Rossendale & Darwen)
Austin, John
Bailey, Adrian
Barnes, Harry
Barrett, John
Best, Harold
Betts, Clive
Blears, Ms Hazel
Blizzard, Bob
Bradley, rh Keith
(Withington)
Cable, Dr. Vincent
Cairns, David
Cawsey, Ian
(Brigg)
Chapman, Ben
(Wirral S)
Chapman, Sir Sydney
(Chipping Barnet)
Clarke, Tony
(Northampton S)
Connarty, Michael
Cormack, Sir Patrick
Cranston, Ross
Crausby, David
Cunningham, Jim
(Coventry S)
Davey, Valerie
(Bristol W)
Dobbin, Jim
(Heywood)
Dobson, rh Frank
Dowd, Jim
(Lewisham W)
Fitzpatrick, Jim
Gale, Roger
(N Thanet)
Gapes, Mike
(Ilford S)
Gardiner, Barry
Gerrard, Neil
Gilroy, Linda
Griffiths, Jane
(Reading E)
Griffiths, Win
(Bridgend)
Hall, Patrick
(Bedford)
Harris, Dr. Evan
(Oxford W & Abingdon)
Harris, Tom
(Glasgow Cathcart)
Holmes, Paul
Hood, Jimmy
(Clydesdale)
Iddon, Dr. Brian
Irranca-Davies, Huw
Jackson, Glenda
(Hampstead & Highgate)
Johnson, Miss Melanie
(Welwyn Hatfield)
Keetch, Paul
Ladyman, Dr. Stephen
Levitt, Tom
(High Peak)
Linton, Martin
McIsaac, Shona
McKechin, Ann
McNulty, Tony
McWalter, Tony
McWilliam, John
Mallaber, Judy
Moffatt, Laura
Norris, Dan
(Wansdyke)
Palmer, Dr. Nick
Prosser, Gwyn
Quin, rh Joyce
Robertson, Angus
(Moray)
Ryan, Joan
(Enfield N)
Sheridan, Jim
Spellar, rh John
Stewart, Ian
(Eccles)
Sutcliffe, Gerry
Taylor, Matthew
(Truro)
Thomas, Gareth
(Clwyd W)
Touhig, Don
(Islwyn)
Truswell, Paul
Tynan, Bill
(Hamilton S)
Vis, Dr. Rudi
Ward, Claire
Watson, Tom
(W Bromwich E)
Weir, Michael
White, Brian
Wright, Anthony D.
(Gt Yarmouth)
Tellers for the Noes:

Mr. Stephen McCabe and
Mr. Andrew Dismore
Question accordingly negatived.

Mr. Deputy Speaker: Before we proceed, may I remind the Tellers that the correct procedure is that, on reaching the Table, they should bow again to the Chair.

Clause 12

Enforcement

Mr. Chope: I beg to move amendment No. 62, in page 8, line 15 [Clause 12], leave out subsection (3).

Mr. Deputy Speaker:
With this, it will be convenient to take Government amendment No. 2.

Mr. Chope:
This is a probing amendment, because this is the first chance that any hon. Member has had to find out what subsection (3) is about and why the Minister wants to keep it in the Bill. That is why I tabled the amendment and I look forward to hearing her response.

Miss Melanie Johnson:
I believe that I can help the hon. Gentleman considerably. The amendment would
remove the limit on the disclosure of information under the fireworks regulations. The limit makes sense. It is imposed under the Enterprise Act 2002 and it means that only relevant parties will have access to certain information gained in relation to activities carried out under the Fireworks Bill and the subsequent regulations. It could be commercially damaging if anybody was able to demand that information be disclosed to him or her, and that is why the limitation is in place.

Mr. Chope:
I thought that I would be easily satisfied, but the Minister is introducing a secrecy clause to prevent people from gaining access to information.

Miss Johnson:
Obviously, freedom of information legislation covers various aspects of disclosure, but the limit refers to information that might be commercially damaging, as I mentioned.

Mr. Chope:
Can the Minister assure the House that the limit will used only to withhold information that would be commercially damaging?

Miss Johnson:
I believe that that is its principal purpose. I am not sure that I can give the hon. Gentleman a cast-iron guarantee, but I can give him as close to it as I can get that it is my belief that the limit covers only commercial information. I am happy to write to the hon. Gentleman further on the issue, if that would be helpful.

Mr. Chope:
Indeed, it would, and I am grateful to the Minister for that response. I hope that the letter she sends me will make it clear that the limit will be restricted to commercial considerations. The Minister has an amendment in the same group-

Mr. Deputy Speaker:
Order. The hon. Gentleman must advise me whether he wishes to withdraw his amendment, before I invite the Minister to put her amendment formally.

Mr. Chope:
I thought that that Minister had not yet introduced her amendment.

Mr. Deputy Speaker:
That was done as part of her earlier contribution. The amendment has yet to be made formally. I need to know first whether the hon. Gentleman intends to proceed with his amendment.

Mr. Chope:
No, I beg to ask leave to withdraw the amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Schedule
Repeals and Revocation


Amendment made: No. 2, in page 10, line 15 [Schedule], at end insert-
'Road Traffic Act 1974 (c. 50) Section 18.'.
-
[Miss Melanie Johnson.]
Order for Third Reading read.

1.42 pm
Mr. Tynan: I beg to move, That the Bill be now read the Third time.
I wish to thank everyone for the consensual nature of the debate on Report. When I saw that the debate was to take place on Friday 13 June, I was deeply concerned that yet another Fireworks Bill would not get through Third Reading. I wish to thank everyone who attended and participated in the debate. It seemed like a long time between Second and Third Readings, but circumstances dictated the delay.
The safe passage of a meaningful Bill on the misuse of fireworks is long overdue. It is essential to have a proper debate on issues that are important not only to Members of Parliament but to the electorate in general. The choice is between passing the Bill and achieving a proper fireworks regime, or allowing continual misuse and abuse of fireworks. I am delighted that we have reached Third Reading, and I hope that the Bill will overcome this hurdle, too.
This is an enabling Bill. Concerns have been expressed about the draconian provisions that could be introduced, but I believe that the guarantee of consultation with all interested parties is a sufficient
safeguard. The Bill cedes only suitable powers to the Government and serves to approach the issues comprehensively.
A number of recent events have shown that the fireworks issue remains topical. A professional footballer was recently sentenced to 100 hours of community service and ordered to pay compensation for disfiguring a teenager with an illegal firework. More disturbing events have occurred in Liverpool. Firefighters were called to a fire in a toy warehouse in Walton. The fire then spread to a neighbouring warehouse that was being used to store fireworks illegally. The roof was removed by the resulting blast, forcing firefighters to retire to a safe distance before they could eventually tackle the blaze. Even more disturbingly, those responsible for the illegal storage have not yet been traced.
I have promised to be brief, because I understand that other Bills are awaiting safe passage through the House. I shall conclude my Third Reading speech on that note. This is not a killjoy Bill. It is a serious attempt to deal with the serious concerns of our constituents and of Members of the House. I trust that all hon. Members will support the Bill and I commend it to the House.

1.45 pm
Mr. Robathan: I am glad to have heard what the hon. Gentleman said, and I congratulate him again on introducing the Bill. I am delighted that it is going from this House with a fair wind. We have always said that we supported the spirit of the Bill, although, if I am honest, we remain concerned about the Henry VIII provisions. No one likes giving the Government-and, perhaps more to the point, future Governments way down the line-powers that will not come back to the House, and they are indeed draconian powers.
The discussion that we have had today, to which my hon. Friends the Members for Christchurch and for Gainsborough (Mr. Leigh) have contributed, has been helpful. Some of the amendments that have been accepted were also helpful. The problem with private Members' Bills is that they sometimes do not have all the support that they might, although the present Bill has of course been supported by the Government. I wish the Bill well, and look forward to its successful passage through the House of Lords.



Go to Parliament Page

Go to top of Page

Go to Menu Page

Go to Next Parliament Page