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Invasion from the South

South Africa’s involvement in Nigeria’s new mobile phone services is only the most high-profile example of one African giant’s inroads into the other’s economy.

By MUYIWA AKINTUNDE Dated: July 2001

In a high-income Nigerian home, the fixtures are never complete without a satellite TV system. And since Nigerian love soccer with a passion, the favourite channel in such places is Supersport. Next in ranking, particularly among the youth, is the all-music station, Channel O. And in the evening when they relax in the living room with the electrical systems powered by their own generating sets, Nigerians cherish supersoaps such as Egoli. From South Africa, M-Net and Supersport beam programmes reflecting their own cultural essence to Nigeria. What is Nigeria airing in return? About four years ago, a Nigerian TV station, AIT, followed the example of MBI to launch a satellite channel but the experience instead launched that station into a financial mess that almost led to its liquidation. Even while it lasted, the stations beamed third-rate local programmes and outdated foreign shows to some parts of the world where the signals come rather faintly.

This month, South Africa – along with neighbouring Zimbabwe – will continue its dominance of the Nigerian lifestyle and economy when GSM phone services are finally rolled out in the country that thinks of itself as the African giant. In the bidding conducted early this year in Abuja, the Nigerian capital city, South Africa’s MTN and Econet Wireless, owned largely by Zimbabweans, beat three other competitors to the three licences on sale for $285 million each. MTN is targeting an 18 million-subscriber base, three times more than its share of the South African teledensity. Between MTN and Econet Wireless, equipment worth well over $600 million has been shipped into Nigeria.

Both Southern African companies are leading the drive to enlist Nigerians in the worldwide league of 475 million GSM subscribers. MTN, which wholly owns Cameroon’s Camtel-Mobile, hopes to provide jobs for 1,000 Nigerians in its first year of operation. It is investing $1 billion in the Nigerian project. With its expansion programme beyond its own base kicked off in April 1998, MTN plans to set up shop all over the continent. After only two months of commercial service, MTN Uganda attracted about 15,000 subscribers. Recalled Dr Edmund Katiti, CEO of Prime Telecentres, Kampala: “The demand for telephony in the country was so huge that when they came into Uganda, they had underestimated the market, almost immediately they had to increase their capacity.

” Today, the ratio of phone usage in Uganda is one of the highest in the world. MTN has successfully operated in South Africa, Uganda, Swaziland, Rwanda and Cameroon to truly live up to its catchphrase: “The African Connection.” CIL, owned by Dr Mike Adenuga Jr, and the only 100 per cent local firm in the GSM bidding, was edged out. It missed the boat after winning the GSM ticket by failing to pay $285 million fee on schedule. The National Communications Commission (NCC), which conducted the bidding, concluded that CIL failed to meet its payment obligations to Chase Manhattan Bank, New York, despite earlier advice from CIL that the payment of the relevant fees had been effected. CIL claimed it was denied a guarantee by NCC, which awarded it a disputed frequency.

The public telecom corporation, Nitel, is the only Nigerian company that will run GSM services in Nigeria. It won the licence without lifting a finger, having been offered one ahead of the public sale. Although CIL did not help matters by its failure to live according to the rules, some Nigerians are wondering how their government chose to leave a key area like telecoms in the hands of foreigners – and, for that matter, the country’s biggest challenger in the continent. Martins Osigwe, a Nigerian lawyer, says the government has a responsibility to encourage indigenous companies rather than frustrate them. South Africa marches on. Thanks to the ‘Rainbow Nation,’ Nigeria Airways, which at present has no aircraft in the air, rides on the wings of South African Airlines on the money-spinning Lagos-New York route, following a code-sharing agreement that enables the two national airlines to operate three weekly Johannesburg-Lagos-New York flights.

The move is strategic, aimed at giving SAA, which operates at lease 687 domestic flights weekly, a footing in its bid to have a stake in a privatised Nigeria Airways. It has also confirmed the position of SAA, which beat off a number of airlines to seal the pact, as the continent’s flagship airline. The airline contributed a great deal in getting Nigeria removed from a list of countries the US government considered unsafe for airlines to fly. SAA’s executive vice president Bonang Mohale described the alliance as the first time South Africa would get crude oil from Nigeria. And Nigeria Airways spokesman Chris Aligbe said that was the first major indigenous business relationship between two major African countries. Now South Africa is foraging in the strategic defence sector in Nigeria.

Its Denel is hoping to strike a deal with the Defence Industries Corporation (Dicon) to manufacture, supply and install defence equipment. The Nigerian company doesn’t seem to know that selling its major arms factory to South Africa, its main rival in Africa, cannot be good for Nigeria’s national interests. In the energy sector, there is a $1.3 billion joint venture project between South Africa’s energy titan Sasol Oil and Chevron Nigeria to build a gas-to-liquids plant in Escravos, in the Niger Delta. And South Africa’s Eskom, the world’s fourth largest utility, is offering a hand of friendship to the National Electric Power Authority (Nepa), its Nigerian counterpart, which generally supplies blackouts rather than electricity.

The two corporations signed a two-year $8 billion MoU last year. A subsidiary of Eskom is refurbishing the Egbin thermal power plant, near Lagos, while the Nigerian government is studying a proposal to have a similar arrangement at the Sapele power station, in the strategic Niger Delta, and at Ajaokuta thermal plant, in central Nigeria. Eskom plans to invest $1.016 billion in the African energy sector in the next five years. Its interest is in generation, distribution and transmission projects. South Africa’s investors are putting their hands in every business pie in Nigeria. In banking, Standard Bank of South Africa, through Stanbic Merchant Bank, has branches in Abuja, Lagos, Kano and Port Harcourt, while the Nigerian transport sub-sector is having to deal with Spoornet, a South African firm that is exploring the possibility of building a railway corridor from Lagos to Accra. Gilat Satellite Network is through with discussions with the Nigerian government to build a satellite network in Nigeria.

It will be patterned after the South African version, which enables access to rural telephony, broadcasting and long distance educational programmes. In November 1999, about 282.99 million linked shares of Electronic Media Network (M-Net) and Supersport International Holdings were listed on the new sports and entertainment sub-sector of the Nigerian Stock Exchange. But only a quarter of the stocks will be allowed to float on the exchange, free to be bought and sold by Nigerian stockbrokers on behalf of their clients. That marked the first cross-border listing of shares on the Nigerian capital market. Recently, South Africa’s National Black Caucus struck a business relationship with Nigerian investors in tourism, mining, energy, telecommunications, information technology and e-commerce. Its other areas of interest are food production, banking and finance and office automation. At the end of its Nigerian tour four months ago, Dupree Vilakazi, president of the caucus, declared that a new era of cooperation between Nigerian and South African businessmen had been born. He believes the African continent will be the ultimate beneficiary of the new deal.

He predicts that Nigeria and South Africa will evolve into strong economic powers in Africa. The caucus visited Nigeria on the invitation of Nigeria’s Institute of Directors, which made an earlier economic trip to South Africa. Emmanuel Ijewere, the institute’s president, said it had become imperative for African states to pool resources together for intra-African cooperation to achieve desired goals, realising that the disposition of the Western nations to Africa in terms of support and investment is diminishing. The attraction in Nigeria for the South African delegation is its huge population of 120 million. As testified by Gloria Mcwama of the South African mission in Nigeria, access is guaranteed to the West African sub-region once the Nigerian market is in the bag. Bolaji Balogun, executive director of Econet Wireless Nigeria, examines Nigeria’s travails:

“South African companies have taken the view that they want to be the leading companies on the African continent. You cannot be a leader on the African continent if you have not made it in Nigeria. So while in the whole process of apartheid, South African companies had gotten very, very strong, very, very liquid, very, very profitable, they’ve only achieved well in the SADC region. They now realised that to conquer Africa you need to come and do it in Nigeria.” In response to South Africa’s investment in Nigeria as part of its mission to capture the African economy, Nigeria is doing very little. Although it ranks as South Africa’s fourth largest trading partner, behind neighbours Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Zambia, and the number one supplier of imports on the continent to South Africa, Nigeria’s exports are 90 per cent sales of crude oil. The crude oil trade between the two countries has reached 55,000 barrels a day.

Between January and November last year, total trade between the two states was valued at R1.8 billion (about $235 million), compared to R730 million in 1998. This is thanks to the efforts of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-national Commission (BNC) launched in October 1999. BNC’s main focus is to promote two-way trade between the two countries. Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Thabo Mbeki are committed to their Millennium Africa Renaissance Plan. Four months ago, South Africa’s deputy president Dr Jacob Zuma led a high-level business delegation to Abuja for the third session of the BNC. The three-day affair produced six bilateral treaties, bringing to 12 the number of such deals signed by both continental powers. Nigeria’s vice president Alhaji Atiku Abubakar co-chairs the BNC along with Zuma. Says Abubakar: “We have great confidence that our strategic partnership has taken an irreversible foothold.” But will this engender the integration of regional economies, with Nigeria leading the west and South Africa the south of Africa? Zuma sees that prospect, but introduces a caveat. “If we are to succeed in meeting Africa’s challenges, it is important that we develop a culture among ourselves of respecting the commitments that we make.”

There are fears, however, that the deal may suffer reverses as the years roll by. A working paper from the South African team to the third BNC forum warned: “While South Africa’s geographical proximity to the Nigerian market, appropriate technology and competitive pricing of high-quality goods and services would seem to favour trade relations between the two countries, fear of fraud, corruption and commercial scams has so far been one of the major factors inhibiting increased trade.” The big problem here is xenophobia in South Africa as a result of the long isolation of South Africans under the apartheid regime and the hurdles the black government has had to scale in redistributing wealth. The contrasts between the two countries’ economies may also work against the integration. Nigeria runs a cash-and-carry economy that is import-dependent with virtually no exports to balance the books. Nigerians have abandoned the productive sector and embraced the service sector, with every citizen running his own portfolio company. Nigeria’s manufacturing sector is in its death throes with capacity utilisation at less than 20 per cent, and shrinking. Fruit juices, pharmaceuticals and processed food from South Africa flood the Nigerian market. Compare with South Africa: Manufacturing accounts for 30 per cent of GDP with no less than 90 per cent capacity utilisation.

The government’s strategy is to support the local industrial base with the aim of reducing imports, providing jobs and promoting industrial growth. With its policy of free enterprise, South Africa’s economy is the most diverse and most sophisticated in the continent. Despite its better-forgotten racist past, which stunted its socio-economic growth, the country’s GDP remains unrivalled in Africa. This is helped by its broad-based economy, once heavily dependent on its mining sector but now diversified to include manufacturing. Nigeria remains an oil-driven economy. South Africa is advanced in vehicle manufacturing. Starting with Ford, which established its first assembly plant in Pretoria in 1960, the home government pursued an aggressive policy of using local parts in vehicle assembly. Now vehicle manufacturers have switched their attention to low-cost import parts to increase the percentage value represented by local content.

The ultimate result is a drastic reduction in the cost of vehicles. To engender a bilateral flow of investment, the Nigerian-South African Chamber of Commerce was founded. Located in Lagos, it holds a monthly breakfast forum where Nigerian entrepreneurs receive briefings on investment opportunities in South Africa. Last month, Karel Pienaar and David Black of MTN Nigeria made an update presentation on ‘The Global Systems for Mobile Telecommunications (GSM) Industry in Nigeria – Journey So Far.’ The relationship between Nigeria and South Africa over the years made Nigeria shoulder the responsibility for ending the apartheid nightmare. Nigeria served as the house of exile for South African freedom fighters, including Thabo Mbeki, who resided at the sky-hugging 1004 flats at Victoria Island, Lagos. President Obasanjo, as co-chairman of the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group, visited Nelson Mandela in jail, and that relationship was nurtured in the years that followed.

Both countries recorded a low diplomatic moment in November 1995 when the dictatorship of General Sani Abacha murdered Ken Saro-Wiwa, the world famous environmental rights campaigner, and his eight Ogoni compatriots over the crisis in that oil-bearing community. Mandela led the campaign to excommunicate Nigeria from the Commonwealth fraternity. But when Abacha suddenly died three years later and the succeeding military regime committed itself to a return to democracy, the frosty relationship thawed. The bond grew stronger with the coming of the Obasanjo civilian government. Now Mbeki is developing on that warm liaison.

Apartheid is dead in South Africa and military rule that was Nigeria’s albatross is also dead. Both countries can now look ahead to an economic renaissance for the continent championed by both regional powers.

First published in Africa Today, UK-based monthly magazine, July 2001

 


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