Site hosted by Angelfire.com: Build your free website today!
>> Politics :::
 

Our Anger With Hausa-Fulani --- Yohanna Madaki

Since the debacle that led to the eventual removal of the then Emir of Muri in 1986, Colonel Yohanna Madaki has not been the same. As Madaki who was then governor of the defunct Gongola State recalls, "that decision was seen as revolutionary, they could not understand why a Bajju like me, an arne should have the affront to remove a Fulani Emir who had the power of life and death." He may have also ruffled some shoulders when he earlier embarked on the tortuous historic journey to Alantika Mountains which eventually thrust the plight of the Koma, a people still living in their pristine state into national discourse. For his effrontery, Madaki got booted out of the military. He was dismissed from the Army but this was later converted to retirement by the regime of General Ibrahim Babangida.

Since then Madaki, also a lawyer has been enmeshed in the struggle for the emancipation of what he perceived as the oppressed and pauperised people of the Middle Belt from the stranglehold of the Hausa Fulani ruling class. He discusses this and other issues in this interview with TONY IYARE at a forum in Lagos, which also featured some other leaders of the political zone like Mr Isaac Shaahu, a former leader of opposition in the defunct Northern House of Assembly, Commodore Dan Suleiman, chieftain of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) and Colonel Mohammed Onuka, who both held forte as military helmsmen in old Plateau and Edo states. Excerpts:

Why are the people of the Middle Belt asking for reparation in spite of the fact that they were not confronted by the same problems of the Igbo whose human and material losses during the Civil War cannot be quantified?.

The position of the Igbo is distinct from that of the Middle Belt because it has existed as a region. The problems of the Middle Belt, has not been opened to the outside world. The only information about the area came during the time of Joseph Tarka when there was a dissenting voice that the concept of a big North will not allow the development of people with distinct identity, which the colonialists themselves conspired to suppress. The colonial masters believed that if they could not own Nigeria, at least they could own the North. Today with greater awareness, this struggle is now a reality. Whatever the people of the Middle Belt do to realise themselves is justified. At the end of the day, I don't see the Igbo succeeding in that kind of claim but specific claims by organisations and individuals may be feasible. But claims in that magnitude (6 trillion Naira) is going to be difficult to articulate. The idea of one big North cannot be sustained. It is important for people to appreciate why we are holding on to this position.

What makes the people of the Middle Belt different?

Sometimes when I talk I say it is a racial issue. If you were dropped in the Middle Belt and in Sokoto, Gusau, Kano or Katsina, you see the distinction in several ways-language, socio-cultural setting, religion, physical features and even geography. The belt maintains a stretch North of the South, South of the North and that belt cuts across even rainfall and vegetation. The reality is that it cannot be mistaken. The white men were quick to identify the distinctiveness and classified it as a non Muslim group. This awareness is not only to children but to everybody who have been able to survive the discriminations over the years.

Why was it necessary to discriminate against your people?

At the beginning, it became clear that if the people of the Middle Belt are united, they will pose a serious challenge to the Hausa-Fulani group that the British had some understanding with. The British told the Hausa-Fulani that we'll leave you as you are, we will not interfere with your culture and religion but help us to rule. And the Hausa Fulani said, help us to subjugate this people (the people of the Middle Belt) to make it conducive for us to rule. So education was denied to our people. It was a policy to deny education but because it was a necessary instrument of colonialism, people were taught to read and write in Hausa in order to make them pay for tax. Because the Middle Belt was in the hinterland, there was no cash economy. That is not to say that trade did not take place. Going to a missionary school attracted tax besides the general tax imposed on all male of 15 years and above. Besides that, if a child was allowed to go to school, his parents were tasked. You can say it was just one pound but how do you raise one pound? If that is for buying yourself for taxation on education, you have to raise money several times. Instead of preventing you from going to school, taxes were imposed. Secondly our people formed the bulk of soldiers recruited to fight for the British in the First and Second World Wars and formed a large chunk of the labour force that built the railway. The Kachia railway was built on slave labour. Every family must send a male child to build the railway. The same goes for the building of the city wall in Zaria for instance. The war largely depleted the population. I don't want to extend it to the period of slavery when the Arab slave traders invaded the hinterland. These were our lot until JS Tarka raised the banner of the people. Don't forget that a major draw back is that the people do not speak one language. The struggle is more pronounced in the Tiv area because they have a large population that speak same language and fought the war. So the Middle Belt was subdued through denial of education which is a singular vehicle of conveying social progress.

But why this divergent of opinion in the Middle Belt on how to forge ahead?

The pace of development by the different peoples is different and the issues have to get to them by they experiencing this oppression. Some groups are so small for their language to disappear and their culture subverted. The Tiv language for instance is spoken widely, no Tiv child is known to have lost his language. But some of the other ethnic groups are as small as six thousand with an unwritten language, with no access to iron smelting. Survival itself was hinged on trade by hand. Trade was impaired. The development is not uniform. Some see the invasion in their culture, some do not see it. Religion has also imposed differences in the lives of the people.

How did religion impose differences in the lives of the people?

We see Christianity and Islam as countering each other. In the Middle Belt area, if one becomes a Muslim, he becomes a different person. He doesn't marry within his own group. Even the converts see their own way of life from what they know. When people do that, it brings about differences in culture and appreciation. One religion preaches obedience and dependency, the other does not.

Why is this so because differences in religion, which is also prevalent among the Yoruba does not seem to have affected their cohesiveness? Here (Middle Belt), religion has affected culture.

You know once you become a Muslim, you become a different person. You no longer appreciate your culture. The Yoruba speak one language even though in different dialects. Because of their sheer size, the culture remain strong and binding. That's why the Yoruba Muslim is different from theHausa Muslim. For instance, the Maguzawa who were the original inhabitants of Sokoto, Northern Zaria, Katsina and Kano before the Fulani came, still keep their culture. If a Maguzawa is converted to Christianity, his children are seized, his wife is taken away, he is then taken to the sharia court. They are like the red Indians of America. Today, a large population of the Yoruba, are Muslims but they have not deviated from their culture. That's why they see the celebration of Xmas and Sallah as mere festivities. The Middle Belt has abandoned the celebration of Dodo. There is variety in the culture of the Yoruba. Even the Yoruba in Diaspora share the same culture. The accent remains. The Middle Belt is not a nation. It is made up of nationalities. But all these differences are being taken care off. As technology influences society, so is the awareness. Middle Belters have accepted education but because of the deliberate policy of denying them access to key economic area, they are largely pauperised.

Has military rule not redressed that given your number? A large chunk of members of the armed forces who have dominated power have come from this region. The thinking is that they've been able to turn around the fortunes of your people through this process.

The fact is that the Middle Belt didn't join the army as a means of assertion but as a means of employment and to show manhood. For the people themselves, the coming into the army did not produce any awareness. Although Gen Yakubu Gowon became Head of State, he never saw himself as a Middle Belter because of what he got. It would be difficult if the Middle Belt were a nation. For instance the nucleus of the first 100 army of Nigeria, were people from prison. How did they get to prison? They were either taken prisoners through skirmishes of the white man or the drive for taxation. The white people had to fight pockets of groups. The army itself was not seen as an instrument for fighting its own struggle. The Hausa-Fulani took interest in the military only after the Civil War and they joined as the ruling class. The Hausa-Fulani themselves had made the mistake of integrating the people.

Why do you have groups in the Middle Belt engaging in skirmishes against each other? Why was it impossible to end the bloodbath between the Tiv and Jukun in Wukari; Jukun, Chamba and Kuteb in Takum which went on for a long time? The same with the recent disturbances involving the Bajju and Ikulu

The story of the Jukun is different. It has been an empire that extended as far as Kano. If the Jukun has been able to establish a successful empire like Danfodio did, it would have been different. The Middle Belters see himself as Bajju, Ikulu, Zar, Idoma and so on. The kind of skirmishes prevalent amongst groups in the Middle Belt also happens among the cow and town Fulani resulting in the loss of lives. The issue between Ikulu and Bajju is small but blown out of proportion by the media.

The Middle Belt appear to be in a process of self redefinition with many groups discarding their old names and taking on new identities. Why is this so?

Even this conversion and the change of their original names were part of the process of assimilation of a people to be used. The names were derogatory and represented a corruption of the people. As the people begin to keep records, they started to ask questions. This awareness was in proportion to the degree of oppression. Once you find someone who has escaped from this people, they redefine themselves. The youth begin to ask questions. One is happy that even the Hausa-Fulani seem to have begun to accept these changes

What future do you visualise for the Middle Belt?

There is need for awareness in education. When people are hungry, the survival instincts are re-inforced. When the relationship grows, religion will be relegated. The North will have to accept the Middle Belt as a distinct people. The South will also have to accept the Middle Belt as a different people. The original Hausa man is still a minority. What you have is a Fulani race whose language has disappeared and now wears a new identity. The Maguzawa who are the original Hausa are still there. As long as democracy thrives, so long wll tension from ethnic and religious differences give way. In the future, one can see the birth of a nation

How far do you think the creation of chiefdoms can go in resolving the perennial schism between the Hausa-Fulani and Middle Belt groups?

All that resistance to the creation of separate chiefdoms for these groups, have been resolved in terms of truth. The policy began by the government of Col Jafaru Isa has been improved upon by the new administration in Kaduna State. There is no ethnic group in Kaduna today that does not have its own chiefdom. When Tarka fought, they gave the Middle Belt a state. Today they have their chiefdoms, even though it took the form of war. I would not say that it's because they fought but because there has been a protracted struggle involving other people. Usually when there's war between the Hausa-Fulani and these groups, it spills to the city of Kaduna and the federal government itself will be concerned. It is just like the Palestinians and the Israelis. A lot of progress is being made. Some may look at it and say, what are you doing? Even the Emir of Zaria did not start as first class chief. He started as a third class chief. The chief of Kagoro is a first class chief.

How do you see the Middle Belt developing in this scenario?

There has been a tremendous progress. It was from a position of knowing nothing to fast development. From the process of imposing taxation, on people going to school, to our having Middle Belt universities. When the country almost went into disarray, it was the Middle Belt and the Midwest that facilitated the country remaining one today. Development will come. The human being is created in such a way that change is continous. One of the reasons for sacking Gowon was that he was not yielding to pressure. The Middle Belt struggle has yielded dividend. Their role in the military led to the split of the North that many thought was impossible. The struggle has done a lot. Isaac Boroh was sentenced to death only to have a stadium named after him. You cannot kill the struggle of a people.

You are one of the advocates of a National Conference. In what way will adequate representation of your people be guaranteed at such a forum?

I don't want to use the word equal representation but proportional representation. In whatever way you do it, let people feel that they are part of it. What a National Conference is to resolve is the issue of sharing the national cake. These issues have to be pieced together. The Middle Belt has made tremendous progress. From a position where there was no information about the people to a situation where they are now foisted on national discourse. The Hausa-Fulani has a reason to fight because they see themselves loosing the grip of power. But at the end of the day, Nigeria will be a nation where religion will be thing of the mind. That period is coming.

Don't you think you will need a media organ for the propagation of the feelings and aspirations of your people? Are you thinking of establishing a newspaper with a bias for the Middle Belt?

We are already discussing a proposal for the establishment of a media organ to articulate our views. The same resistance that was in the case of education have been experienced in this area. For the person who dominates, the less informed the person he dominates, the better for him. More important is the readership. The reading habit has not been sufficiently cultivated. A person who has not eaten cannot afford 70 Naira to buy newspaper. He does not produce, so he does not advertise. When I established the Weekly Scope, they asked me why when we had the New Nigerian. The Standard set up by the government of Joseph Gomwalk was killed by the Federal Government under General Ibrahim Babangida. I want to assure you that not too long from now, there will be a voice. It is the low readership that is not forcing the allocation of resources to that area. (Isaac Shaahu interjects) In those days of the United Middle Belt Congress UMBC, copies of its organ, the Icharegh were usually sold out because its focus was the struggle of the people. So if we set up a newspaper in that mould, it will attract readership.

Why do you think there's so much ignorance in the South about the Middle Belt?

The South has to cure itself of the ignorance and wrong perception that every one from the North is Hausa-Fulani. For instance during the Civil War, the strategy of Biafra led by Odumegwu Ojukwu in attacking areas like Shendam, Makurdi, Panshin, Gboko and so on was wrong. If Ojukwu who was in Kano understood the Middle Belt politics, he would not have attacked those areas. He was so blinded by the fact that he and Gowon were classmates at Sandurst. If Ojukwu had reached out to the Middle Belt, I was controlling a battalion in Zaria, I would have removed the Emir of Zaria. There was an event in Kaduna which Dr Alex Ekwueme was to feature originally. But his name had to be dropped for Ojukwu because people were no longer comfortable with Ekwueme's views at the Constitutional Conference set up by the government of General Sani Abacha. But Ojukwu came there and was drumming support for Abacha saying if anybody touched the general there would be trouble. Ojukwu was even in London on behalf of Abacha.

The removal of the then Emir of Muri in 1986 led to your sack from the Army. This was later converted to retirement by the regime of General Ibrahim Babangida. On a hindsight if you are faced with a similar situation, will you still remove the Emir?.

I would have sacked the Emir of Muri several times more. It's the council of chiefs that actually removed the Emir. I addressed the council of chiefs about the wrong doings of the Emir and they approved his removal as Emir of Muri which was ratified by me as governor.

 


Copyrights©2004. All rights reserved. GleanerNews.com
Please, forward all enquiries to the
webmaster@gleanernews.com