Background:

The word "Tajikistan" is a compound of -istan meaning "place of" and tajik, a form with uncertain etymology. The most logical interpretation posits it as the designator used by medieval infidel Turks to refer to the Muslims (Arabs and Iranians) of Central Asia. With the departure of the Arabs, especially after the Mongol invasion, the Iranians of the region became the sole holders of the designation. Another interpretation posits the Persian merchant class as the true Tajiks. Present-day Tajiks relate the name to the Persian word taj (crown). In their interpretation, Tajik refers to royalty or a people of royal standing. The Tajik flag (see below) illustrates this latter interpretation.

At the turn of the 20^th century, the region that today is called Tajikistan was called Eastern Bukhara. It was a backward area of the Emirate of Bukhara, a mountainous region, ruled by the Turkish governors of the Amir of Bukhara. In 1920, the Red Army ousted the Amir, who fled to Afghanistan. His people, the Tajiks, were assigned a new rulership chosen from among the leaders of the newly-formed republic of Uzbekistan. In 1924, recognized as a people, the Tajiks were given their own republic with its capital at Stalinabad (the Soviet name for Dushanbe). In 1929, the republic was awarded Union status.

The Tajiks gained their independence from the Soviet Union on September 9, 1991. Celebrating this day has become a tradition in the republic. Since 1991, there have been three government changes and a five-year civil war between the pro-democracy forces and those who intend to set up an Islamic government in Tajikistan and, indeed, in Muslim Central Asia.

In 1997, the rival factions signed a peace agreement which, when it went into action in 2000, divided the authority in the republic among several competing warlords. The survival of the republic depends on the alliances that the factions create among themselves and the funds that are contributed by foreign powers for the reconstruction of the devastated economy of Tajikistan. Otherwise, the food and energy shortages will grow worse and the long list for housing will become even longer.

Geography

Located in the center of Asia with an area of 55,300 sm (143,100 sk), Tajikistan borders China to the east, Afghanistan to the south, Uzbekistan to the west and northwest, and Kyrgyzstan to the northeast. The country is divided into four distinct regions.

To the northwest is Leninabad, centered on Khujand, the republic’s industrial hub, and until recently, its political hub as well. Khatlan, in the south, is gradually replacing Leninabad as Tajikistan's political center. Khatlan is composed of the two major, relatively independent, regions of Kulab and Qurqanteppe. The third or Central district is composed of Hissar, Dushanbe, and Gharategin. The fourth, Gorno-Badakhshan, is centered on the town of Khorog in the east southeast. The Islamic movement in Tajikistan is supported by Gorno-Badakhshan and Gharategin with nominal assistance from Hissar and Qurqanteppe.

About 93% of Tajikistan is mountainous, at least 10,000 feet (3,048 meters) above sea level. Most settlements are located in three valleys–Ferghana, shared with the Uzbeks; Hissar; and Vakhsh, shared with the Kyrgyz. Most of the settlements are at the height of about 3,000 feet (1,000 meters). Rivers, taking source in the Turkistan, Zarafshan, and Hissar Alai ranges, create favorable ground for agriculture, especially cotton. Some peaks in Gorno-Badakhshan reach 23,000 feet (7,010 meters). Wild flowers abound in the valleys. Marco Polo sheep, yak, and snow leopard are found in the higher elevations.

Climate

Tajikistan's climate is varied depending on elevation. The average temperature in winter ranges between 36 F ( or 2 C) in the valleys and -4 F (or -20 C) in the highlands. In the summer the average readings are 86 F (or 30 C) in the valleys and 32 F (or 0 C) in the highlands.

Tourism

Tajikistan has some of the most wonderful and memorable tourist spots. The Varzob Valley near Dushanbe is the first place to which visitors are taken. Hardy western mountaineers and travelers, however, are attracted by the Pamirs, especially its Peak Lenina, Peak Kommunisma, and Peak Korzhenevskaya in Eastern Badakhshan. In alpine mountaineering, rock climbing, walking, and fishing no place can compete with Tajikistan. Sadly, Tajikistan's tourism suffered a great deal during the Tajik civil war. In fact, most of the major places of interest continue to be out of reach. Museums, parks, and exclusive galleries compensate by introducing the visitor to the various arts developed by Tajiks since their ancestors chose these regions to settle in many centuries ago.

History

Historically, after the breakup of the Indo-European family, the Aryan branch subdivided so that the Medes and the Pars migrated to the Iranian plateau where they created the Median and Persian Empires, respectively; the Sughd and the Hind migrated to the Aral Sea region. Subsequently, the Hind migrated southeast and occupied the northwestern regions of the Indian subcontinent. The Sughdians settled the region around Samarqand between 1,000 and 500 BC. During the reign of Darius I the Great (BC 522-486) of the Achaemenian dynasty they were incorporated into the Persian Empire. In the fourth century before Christ, the Achaemeninas lost Sughdia to Alexander the Great of Macedonia. The Arabs conquered Sughdiana in the early AD 600’s. Under Muslim rule, especially with Samanid support, Sughdiana grew to encompass Maymurgh, Qabodian, Kushaniyya, Bukhara, Kish, Nasaf, Samarqand, and Panjekent, each a virtual kingdom.

The Tajiks came into prominence as a people under the rule of the Samanids (875-999) who undermined Arab rule and, to a great degree, centralized the government of the region. They also revived the ancient urban centers of Bukhara, Samarqand, Merv, Nishapur, Herat, Balkh, Khujand, Panjekent, and Holbuq that, in turn, elevated the socio-political, economic and, necessarily, cultural dynamics of the new and progressive Samanid state. Additionally, the Samanids introduced a major program of urbanization, a new civic administration, and a revival of traditional local customs. Furthermore, the Samanids allocated resources for public education and encouraged innovation and enterprise. In short, they created a civilization that, in many respects, was unique for its time.

The Samanid revival also benefited the sciences, especially mathematics, astronomy, and medicine. Geography, historiography, and philosophy, alongside literature, cultivated the social aspects while mining, zoology, and agriculture contributed to the economy and the well-being of the State. Only a few rival the fame of al-Khwarazmi, the author of Kitab al-Mukhtasar fi Hisab al-Jabr wa al-Muqabilah in the history of medieval mathematics and the theory of numbers. Just a mention of the word "algebra" is sufficient to conjure up the milieu to which al-Biruni, Ibn-i Sina, Sijzi, and Buzjani contributed. Both al-Biruni and Ibn-i Sina were involved in the field of physics as well. The former excelled in the practical aspects of physics while the latter contributed to the theoretical dimensions of the same. The physicist par excellence of the era, however, was Muhammad Zakariyyah al-Razi, the founder of practical physics and the inventor of the special or net weight of matter. Other contributors to physics were Ibn-i Sina (acoustics), Ibn-i Haitham (optics), and al-Biruni (the completion of the efforts of al-Razi in determining special weights).

Medicine was the first of the Greek sciences to attract the attention of Muslim scientists. The history of medicine in the region, however, dates back to pre-Islamic times when, in AD 529, the Byzantine Emperor Justinian closed the Plato Academy that worked under the direction of Precleus. Seven Roman scientists, who did not have an academy in which to work, were invited by Khusrau I Anushiravan to Iran to carry out their research in the newly-founded University of Gundishapur. The forte of the researchers of the University of Gundishapur, which continued into Islamic times--until the middle of the ninth century--was medicine.

Finally, the promotion of the arts and sciences led to the institution of new centers of learning such as madrasahs built on the model of the University of Gundishapur. It also led to the creation of centers for storing and retrieving information such as the Sivan al-Hikmat in Bukhara. These were libraries that contained manuscripts spanning translations from Greek and Syriac languages on aspects of philosophy to innovative theories of contemporary scholars such as Ibn-i Sina and al-Biruni.

Two major factors contributed to the demise of the rule of the Tajiks. The rising power of the Turks, originally slaves and later commanders in the army of the Samanids, as well as the rise of the Mongols impacted the lives of the Tajiks immensely, especially the Mongols who, in 1220, overran Central Asia and devastated the region. Whether the Tajiks would have been able to weather the tide of Turkish ascendancy and recapture the glory of the Samanid days remains a matter of speculation.

During the Mongol rule (1219-1370), agricultural development and urban expansion were halted, local traditions of kingship were dismissed, and the Shari'ah was replaced by the Yasaq (the decree of Chingiz Khan). Indeed, the Yasaq was used to enforce anti-Muslim policies, discouraging the Central Asian elite from rebellion against the Chaghatai khans. Tajiks who could not tolerate the intensity of Mongol rule either migrated abroad or lived in isolation in the highlands.

The fortunes of the Tajiks declined when the Golden Horde was dissolved and its constituent tribes joined the Oguz Turks who had settled in Transoxiana as early as the 10th century. Rather than settling on the fringes of the urban areas as they had on the Qipchak plain, the new invaders wrested the Tajiks' farms and became farmers. Leaving their cultural centers of Samarqand and Bukhara, the Tajiks continued to take refuge in the highlands in the south. Thus, during the Shaibanid, Astarkhanid, and Manghit rule, Tajik cultural domination declined to the point that in 1920 the Tajiki language was discontinued as the official language of the Emirate of Bukhara.

The Uzbeks, however, were not the only intruders. Russians, after Amir Muzaffar's defeat in 1868, dominated both the Turks and the Tajiks. Indeed, the Turks served as governors and tax collectors for the Russians. In 1924, the Soviets divided the Tajik population between the Autonomous Republic of Turkistan and the People's Republic of Bukhara. The Tajiks, however, continued their struggle to gain independence. In 1924, Stalinabad became the capital of Tajikistan.

Between 1929, when Tajikistan SSR, centered on Stalinabad, came into existence, and 1970, Tajikistan underwent intensive Sovietization, which by necessity accompanied the type of education compatible with carrying out collectivization and industrialization. As was the case in the other republics of the Soviet Union, the individuals with nationalistic tendencies were purged.

The building of the new socialist republic began in earnest in the early 1930’s. In the early stages, a casual observer would not perceive the change immediately. Much of the ancient Emirate of Bukhara continued to resist change. Besides, many peasants preferred the plow to the tractor and many others advocated a return to the old ways. Their numbers, however, were decreasing, as were the numbers of their donkeys, mules, and carts that carried the fruits of their labor to the town and city markets.

By the early 1930's, there was no question in anyone's mind that Tajikistan was on the way to becoming a modern republic with a growing industrial base in the north and a burgeoning agricultural enterprise in the south. The record of production of devoted Tajik workers, driven by ideology, confirms this view. The record includes 2,200 units of labor and 19 Machine Tractor Stations (MTS) with 1,284 tractors. It also indicates that annual cotton production expanded from 38,000 tons (1928) to 50,000 tons (1932). In fact, at the level of the Soviet Union, Tajikistan became the sole source of daraznakh cotton. Opening a combinat for shahibafi in Stalinabad rewarded the Tajiks’ hard work. The combinat created more work and more jobs; with the addition of the Termez-Stalinabad railroad, it also boosted commerce.

The combination of ideology and hard work paid off. The net income of the inhabitants rose from 65 million sums [soom] to 112 million sums within a short time. These concrete gains were further rewarded by Moscow with the granting of independence from Uzbekistan in 1929. Furthermore, with assistance from the Center, Tajikistan entered an actual production phase, i.e., it could produce fuel, foodstuffs, textiles, and construction materials. The construction of a major brick factory in the city of Stalinabad in 1932 was the Tajiks' first taste of partial economic independence. They had built, and, therefore, owned, the republic's first construction materials center.

During the 1930's, Tajikistan underwent a profound transformation. It gradually changed, from a collection of medieval cities, rural towns, and qishlaqs (villages) into a republic with a considerable industrial and agricultural economy. The people, too, changed from a predominantly rural mind-set to a more urban mind-set. Many left their ancestral lands in the qishlaqs for jobs in the towns and cities. The Tajik government that orchestrated the change had also created the means by which to build the infrastructure required to accommodate the plant workers.

The growing needs of agriculture required the generation of more and more electric power. In the south, the Varzob Hydroelectric Station and a series of lesser stations at the rayon level were completed and went into operation. This also allowed, in 1937, for the planning of the first mechanized textile factory (kombinat-i bafandegi-i dushanbe) to be built in the city of Stalinabad. In addition, by 1938, another 45 Machine Tractor Stations, with 3,217 more tractors, were added to the work force. With the development of the Vakhsh Valley, and the institution of several more kolkhozes and sovkhozes, rural Tajikistan was transformed into an agro-industrial republic, leaving only traces of its feudal past.

A growing nation is always in need of upgrading its agro-industrial base, and Tajikistan was no exception. As foreseen in the 1927 all-Union plan for the region, it was necessary that it slowly move from a light industry region to a more heavy-industry-oriented complex. As a result, more hydroelectric stations dotted the Varzob River and the Kuhistan region in the south. More importantly, the entire region became an exclusive cotton production center equipped with its own small textile and local industries. Additionally, by 1942, 51 Machine Tractor Stations with 3,844 tractors were added to the work force.

The 1940's saw a deep gap within Tajikistan between the socialists and the Wahhabi Muslims. Entire regions, like Tavil Darra, Gharm, and the lower Vakhsh, all the way to Qurqanteppe, chose to respect their ancient traditions of land management and the Islamic way of life. Like the Amish in the United States, they stayed clear of all technological developments, continuing their existence as if the Soviet Union did not exist. They instituted their own schools, hired their own teachers, and organized their society with the help of their muysapeds (elders) and ishans (religious personages).

Ignoring this militant minority, the Soviet Union, which had entered World War II, continued its projects. To meet the nation's need for grain, cotton, fruits, and vegetables, it expedited the completion of the Hissar Canal, which was completed in 1940. To safeguard against mass protest in the face of difficulty, it also allowed moderate improvement in the lives of selected groups of Tajiks, especially those who had been allowed to participate in the work force and who contributed to the building of socialism. Many members of this population were Sovietized Muslims. Additionally, in the early 1940's, while the War raged on, 233,000 houses, many schools, health centers, and recreation areas were built and given to deserving families. Furthermore, to eliminate joblessness, in 1942, the kombinat-i bafandegi-i dushanbe and a new cement factory were put into operation.

The 1940's saw two entrenched ideologies in Tajikistan. Socialism, the dominant ideology, had the upper hand. Able to provide food stuffs, shelter, jobs, and security, it won many of those, who had wavered, to its cause. According to Soviet sources, by this time socialism was fully established in the farthest qishlaqs of the Kuhistan. To a degree, this claim can be justified by the speedy process of urbanization required to accommodate the large number of villagers who came to the cities in search of work in the factories.

Just the number of buildings created for the institutions of higher education, including Tajikistan State University in the Name of Lenin, which was completed in 1948, further attest to that. Access to knowledge, however, remained limited. Rather than meeting future Tajik needs by training Tajiks who would occupy some of the positions thus far held by European Soviets, more and more factories and low-level jobs were created. These included the Tricotazh factory and the Armiture (armatura) factory named after S. Arjanikidze, in Dushanbe. Additionally, six new Machine Tractor Stations were added, increasing the number of tractors from 3,884 in 1940 to 4,111 in 1950. Skilled workers needed in cotton processing factories in Qurqanteppe and Kulab were brought in from elsewhere in Russia or from the European parts of the Soviet Union.

The other entrenched ideology in Tajikistan of the 1940's was Islam in its Sunni, Wahhabi, form. As mentioned, these nonconformist Muslims chose the rather inaccessible river valleys of the upper Vakhsh for settlement and virtually cut themselves off from mainstream Tajik life. Were it not for the war, they would have continued their seclusive existence for a much longer period. But, as fate would have it, Soviet authorities needed assistance for the war effort from all the inhabitants of the Union, including the extremist Muslims. Not so much in Gharm and Tavil Darra, but in major cities and towns of the republic, maktabs opened, some mosques were rehabilitated, and four directorates for overseeing the affairs of the Muslims were established in Ufa, Tashkent, Baku, and Makhach-Kala. In exchange, the Muslim clergy allowed Muslim women to work in the cotton fields, Muslim men to undertake behind the front activities, and Muslim youth to participate in the War in whatever capacity they were assigned.

In the early 1950's, improvement of aspects of industry, including mining, fuel, textile, foodstuffs, and building materials remained a constant. Further improvements in lifestyle, both materially and psychologically, were also given a great deal of attention. This latter was given precedence because of the difficulties that had arisen as a result of the war efforts discussed above. In order to accommodate war returnees, in the south, the building of two new cotton processing factories in Qurqanteppe and Shahrtuz was completed and the textile factory in Dushanbe became partially operational. In fact, more institutions and workshops were established and many existing institutions were updated for the same purpose. These new projects, especially those dealing with agriculture, required an upgrading of the facilities that produced electric energy. To meet this need, a third hydroelectric station was built on the Varzob River, and a number of lesser stations, down river, became operational.

During the latter years of the 1950's, perhaps the most profitable contribution of the decade, i.e., the recovery of marshlands for agriculture, was completed. As a result, large tracts of marshland around Qurqanteppe, Kulab (lower Vakhsh), and Dushanbe (Varzob) were recovered and cultivated. Then, the focus of further development was shifted to the upper Vakhsh, where it remained until the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Among the achievements of this phase of Soviet development in southern Tajikistan are the completion of the Sharsharah and the foundation of the Sarband hydroelectric stations (both on the upper Vakhsh).

Regarding society at large, the latter part of the 1950's was a watershed in the building of socialism. In spite of the war, over the past decades, much of the infrastructure required by the agricultural sector--Machine Tractor Stations, tractors, factories, and hydroelectric stations--had all been built and were operational. With a few major land reclamation programs, and the integration of small kolkhozes into larger units, management, too, had improved. For a while, therefore, the intellectual power of the State was unified and focused on the resolution of the problems that impeded the rapid rise of socialism. This included an assault on religions and, in the case of Tajikistan, a reversal of the pro-Islamic policies dictated by World War II.

The Tajikistan of the early 1960's saw the fruition of the efforts expended in the development of the lower Vakhsh region, especially in light industry. The automotive industry responded to the immediate needs of engineers, managers, and farmers. Alongside that, a gigantic hydroelectric station with a capacity of 2.7 million kilowatts of energy appeared on the Vakhsh River. Further automation led to the expansion of irrigation and to the introduction of the brigade system on some 13,615 hectares of land. Manpower was boosted to its limits. The resulting agricultural surpluses raised the Tajiks' purchasing power, benefiting the economy, as well as the government. In fact, agricultural surplus and new commodities, such as furniture made in Dushanbe, formed the basis of an inter-republic trade between Tajikistan and her neighbors.

The actual era of prosperity, however, is the latter part of the 1960's. At this time, the production of automotive tools, electricity, and foodstuffs boosted both light industry and trade; naturally, it also improved the lifestyle of the individual Tajik tremendously. Labor input and output increased twofold. Over one hundred new factories, plants, and workshops were added to those already in existence. These included the hydroelectric factory on the Vakhsh, the "Pamir" refrigerator plant, the Hissar Hydro-zal, and the inauguration of mining in Anzab. Furthermore, the production of cotton, milk, meat, and grain increased manifold, and 54,000 hectares of new land was reclaimed. Additionally, a major contribution of the decade, the largest irrigation system in the Kuhistan, i.e., the Yavan-Abkik Irrigation System, was completed. This project brought very large tracts of land into cultivation. The other major contribution of the decade was the kombinat-i bafandegi-i dushanbe, which had become fully operational some time earlier; in 1966, it was included among the textile production outlets of the USSR.

At the Union level, the march toward socialism continued with an overhaul of the educational system of the republic to reflect the rapid changes in the social life of the people. At the level of the individual, a quarter of the people received new housing, salaries were automatically raised, and life conditions, in general, improved in a meaningful and substantial manner.

The major contribution of the late 1960's and early 1970's was the establishment of the Regional Productions Complex in Tajikistan (RPCT). The largest productions center in Central Asia, RPCT was also one of ten such major production centers in the former Soviet Union. These complexes were located mostly in the eastern parts of the former USSR where natural resources were abundant. The complex was especially mentioned in the proceedings of the twenty-fifth meeting of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Covering over 34,000 square kilometers, the complex was limited to the north by the Leninabad oblast' and by the Hissar mountain range; to the west by the Republic of Uzbekistan and the Babataq range; to the east by Gorno-Badakhshan (Badakhshan-i Kuhi) and the Hazrat-i Shah range; and to the south by Afghanistan; and the Panj and Amu Rivers.

The RPCT served as a framework for future progress in the Kuhistan region for the Soviet Union and, in a general way, for Tajikistan as well. It was mandated, following the directive of the 1971 meeting of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, that the following three units, the Narak Hydroelectric Station, the Yavan Electrochemical Station, and the Tajikistan Aluminum Plant, were approved as the cornerstone of a major complex with the potential of realizing the dreams of the original planners, i.e., the integration of agriculture and industry in a harmonious manner, while, at the same time, controlling the main body of Tajikistan's economy.

Required by the rapid development of the Soviet Union as a whole, and the demographic projections of the time, especially for Central Asia, the complex was a virtual necessity. It was built in phases.

Phase one concentrated on an upgrading of the existing factories, plants, communication systems, irrigation canals, and water reservoirs. For example, a good portion of the area, especially in the Vakhsh Valley and the Hissar region, had already been developed in the early years of the socialist movement. The task at hand, therefore, was to modernize the factories and mechanize the agricultural sectors that fed them. This included the completion of the three Narak Hydroelectric Stations, the first unit of the Tajikistan Aluminum Plant, the mining operation in Anzab, the Termez-Dushanbe railroad--a must for the smooth operation of the needs of the RPCT--and the gas distribution center of the city of Dushanbe. All these units went into operation at about the same time.

The utilization of much of the unused land had started during the era of the first five-year plan in connection with the Vakhsh irrigation system, itself originally created for the production of mahinnakh cotton. Now, other related industries like oil extraction and textile production were added to make the operation more efficient and, more importantly, to utilize the by-products that otherwise would be discarded as waste. Additionally, still in phase one, it was decided to add a number of new factories and plants that complemented those upgraded and refurbished and that were most urgently needed. Phase one, in other words, made southern Tajikistan self-sufficient and allowed the further implementation of the plan for the creation of the complex.

Phase two comprised the addition of major stations, reservoirs, and land reclamation schemes that would go beyond republic self-sufficiency and into the realm of exporting energy and other commodities to the neighboring rayons and republics nationwide. Part of the revenue generated by the complex was to be devoted to improving Tajik education, economy, and other aspects leading to complete self-sufficiency and independence. In the long run, the post-World-War-II boom led to an era of stagnation not only for Tajikistan but for the whole of the Soviet Union. And, as is well known, the stagnation eventually led to the dissolution of the Soviet Union and, soon after, to the emergence of the independent Republic of Tajikistan in 1991.

In 1992, the growing Muslim discontent against communist rule erupted into a bloody civil war in the south. The war, which resulted in 40,000 casualties, over 50,000 refugees, and 500,000 displaced people, ended after the UN intervened and after the Opposition members were allowed to participate in the governance of the republic.

The most recent history of Tajikistan consists of assassinations, perennial hostage taking, border conflicts, typhoid and plague epidemics, and food, water and fuel shortages. Nevertheless, in spite of clan wars, regional insurrections, and drug trafficking, the Tajiks have convened six rounds of talks under the auspices of the UN, achieving a semblance of unity.               

Culture

Tajik culture places a great deal of emphasis on music, especially the shashmaqam system, which is normally played on a dutar. The hafiz (singer) of the shashmaqam is held in great esteem in all formal gatherings. Similarly, Tajiks respect their learned figures of the past. They place a great deal of importance on Ibn-i Sina, Rudaki, and Firdowsi. Following this tradition, they also treat their elderly, whom they refer to as muysaped (white haired), with great respect. It should be added that esteem for the aged is not due to a particular social standing, but for the experience that they have accumulated over their lifetime.

Food plays a central role in the lives of the Tajiks, both within the home and outside. Within the home, food brings all the family members together. It also provides the subject for conversation at the table. The most experienced cook is the one who can prepare the best Aash (rhyms with Macintosh). The dish, made with rice, carrots, and meat is cooked over open fire for close to five hours.

Outside the house, tea is enjoyed in a chaikhana (teahouse). The chaikhana is the place when men of all ages gather and discuss issues that are important in their lives. Even when they have had their fill of tea, they turn their empty cup upside down in front of them, indicating that they do not wish to be asked to have more tea, and continue their discussion.

The Tajiks also enjoy a game that they have borrowed from their Turkish neighbors. The game is called buzkashi (dragging the goat). In the game, which is played on horseback by very strong opponents, involves the carcass of a goat. The objective of the winner is to drag the carcass throughout the course of the game and throw it in the spot indicated as goal. The champion gains the respect of the people (cf., the hafiz), as well as all the prizes pledged by the organizers of the game.

Natural resources

In addition to cotton, fruits and nuts, Tajikistan’s natural resources include hydropower, petroleum, uranium, mercury, brown coal, lead, zinc, antimony, tungsten, silver, and gold.

Environment

From an ecological point of view, Tajikistan is not a safe place. Imported pesticides are handled without proper ecological expertise. As is well known, such handling of hazardous materials results in degradation of the land and decimation of animals and people. There are also threats of desertification of pastures, loss of water resources, appearance of new viruses and diseases, and appearance of mutations among people and animals. Radioactive and urban waste, especially those accumulating near large cities and in unauthorized places in the countryside are distressing. Many mining enterprises contaminate the drinking water. Storage of waste ore produced by nonferrous metals extraction plants in the river deltas, is yet another source of water contamination during floods. This is not to mention a cement plant that is built at the mouth of the Varzob valley. The plant continuously pollutes the air the capital city.

Natural hazards

The major natural hazards in Tajikistan are earthquakes and floods. The floods are particularly damaging in that they contaminate the water source.

People